"T)H 


V 


ALEXANDER  FARNESE,  PRINCE  OF  PARMA. 
From  a  scarce  Engraving  liy  Wierix. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 
UNITED   NETHERLANDS 

FROM    THE    DEATH    OF    WILLIAM    THE    SILENT 
TO     THE    TWELVE    YEARS'     TRUCE— 1009 


BY 
JOHN  LOTHROP  MOTLEY,  D.C.L.,  LL.D. 

COKKESPONDING    MEMBER   OK   THE   INSTITUTE  OK   KKANXE,   ETC. 

IN    TWO    VOLUMES— VOL.   I 
1.W4— S9 


WITH    PORTRAITS 


HARPER    &    BROTHERS     PUBLISHERS 
NEW    YORK     AND     LONDON 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
•■  and  sixty,  by 

John  Lothrop  Motley, 

lu  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  Distiict  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


Copyright,  1888,  by  Elizabeth  Cabot  Vernon  Harcourt,  Mary  Lothrop  SheridaN; 
SosAN  Margaret  Stackpole  Mildmay. 


HISTORY   OF    THE 
UNITED    NETHERLANDS 

BOOKS    I-II 


BOOK  I. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAOB 

Murder  of  Orange — Extension  of  Protestantism — Vast  Power  of  Spain — Re- 
ligious Origin  of  the  Revolt — Disposal  of  the  Sovereignty — Courage  of  the 
Estates  of  Holland — Children  of  William  the  Silent — Provisional  Council  of 
State — Firm  Attitude  of  Holland  and  Zeeland — Weakness  of  Flanders — Pall 
of  Ghent — Adroitness  of  Alexander  Farnese 1 


CHAPTER  II. 

Relations  of  the  Republic  to  France — Queen  Elizabeth's  Severity  towards 
Catholics  and  Calvinists — Relative  Positions  of  England  and  France — 
Timidity  of  Germany — Apathy  of  Protestant  Germany — Indignation  of  the 
Netherlanders — Henry  III.  of  France — The  King  and  his  Minions — Henry 
of  Guise — Henry  of  Navarre — Power  of  France — Embassy  of  tlie  States 
to  France — Ignominious  Position  of  the  Envoys — Views  of  the  French 
Huguenots — Efforts  to  procure  Annexation — Success  of  Des  Pruneaux 25 


CHAPTER  III. 

Policy  of  England — Schemes  of  the  Pretender  of  Portugal — Hesitation  of  the 
French  Court — Secret  Wishes  of  France — Contradictory  Views  as  to  the 
Opinions  of  Netherlanders — Their  Love  for  England  and  Elizabeth — Prom- 
inent Statesmen  of  the  Provinces — Roger  Williams  the  Welshman — Views 
of  Walsingham,  Burghley,  and  the  Queen — An  Embassy  to  Holland  decided 
upon — Davison  at  the  Hague — Cautious  and  Secret  Measures  of  Burghley 
— Consequent  Dissatisfaction  of  Walsingham — English  and  Dutch  Suspicion 
of  France — Increasing  Aflfection  of  Holland  for  England 6^ 


CHAPTER   IV. 

PA9E 

teception  of  the  Dutch  Envoys  at  the  Louvre — Ignominious  Result  of  the 
Embassy — Secret  Influences  at  work — Bargaining  between  the  French 
and  Spanish  Courts — Claims  of  Catharine  de'  Medici  upon  Portugal — 
Letters  of  Henry  and  Catharine — Secret  Proposal  by  France  to  invade 
England — States'  Mission  to  Henry  of  Navarre — Subsidies  of  Philip  to 
Guise — Treaty  of  Joinville — Philip's  Share  in  the  League  denied  by 
Parma — Phihp  in  reality  its  Chief — Manifesto  of  the  League — Attitude  of 
Henry  III.  and  of  Navarre — The  League  demands  a  Royal  Decree — 
Designs  of  France  and  Spain  against  England — Secret  Interview  of  Men- 
doza  and  ViUeroy — Complaints  of  English  Persecution — Edict  of  Nemours 
— Excommuoication  of  Navarre  and  his  Reply 94 


CHAPTER  V. 

Position  and  Character  of  Fameso — Preparations  for  Antwerp  Siege — Its 
Characteristics — Foresight  of  William  the  Silent — Sainte  Aldegonde,  the 
Burgomaster — Anarchy  in  Antwerp — Character  of  Sainte  Aldegonde — 
Admiral  Treslong — Justinua  de  Nassau — Hohenlo — Opposition  to  the  Plan 
of  Orange — Lief  kenshoek — Head-Quarters  of  Parma  at  Kalloo — Difficulty 
of  supplying  the  City — Results  of  not  piercing  the  Dykes — Prehminaries 
of  the  Siege — Successes  of  the  Spaniards — Energy  of  Farnese  with  Sword 
and  Pen — His  Correspondence  with  the  Antwerpers — Progress  of  the 
Bridge — Impoverished  Condition  of  Parma — Patriots  attempt  Bois-le-Duc 
— Their  Misconduct — Failure  of  the  Enterprise — The  Scheldt  Bridge  com- 
pleted— Description  of  the  Structure — Position  of  Alexander  and  his  Army 
— La  Motte  attempts  in  vain  Ostend — Patriots  gain  Liefkenshoek — Pro- 
jects of  Gianibelli — Alarm  on  the  Bridge — The  Fire-Ships — The  Explosion 
— Its  Results — Death  of  the  Viscount  of  Ghent — Perpetual  Anxiety  of 
Farnese — Impoverished  State  of  the  Spaniards — Intended  Attack  on  the 
Kowenstyn — Second  Attack  on  the  Kowenstyn — A  Landing  effected — A. 
sharp  Combat — The  Dyke  pierced — Rally  of  the  Spaniards — Parma  comes 
to  the  Rescue — Fierce  Struggle  on  the  Dyke — The  Spainards  successful 
— Premature  Triumph  at  Antwerp — Defeat  of  the  Patriots — The  Ship 
'War's  End' — Despair  of  the  Citizens — Sainte  Aldegonde  Discouraged — 
His  critical  Position — His  Negotiations  with  the  Enemy — Correspondence 
with  Richardot — Commotion  in  the  City — Interview  of  Marnix  with  Parma 
— Suspicious  Conduct  of  Marnix — Deputation  to  the  Prince — Oration  of 
Marnix — Private  Views  of  Parma — Capitulation  of  Antwerp — Mistakes  of 
Marnix — Philip  on  the  Religious  Question — Triumphal  Entrance  of  Alex- 
ander— Rebuilding  of  the  Citadel — Gratification  of  Philip — Note  on  Sainte 
Aldegonde 134 


CHAPTER  VI. 


PASK 


Policy  of  England — Diplomatic  Coquetry — Dutch  Envoys  in  England — Con- 
ference of  Ortel  and  Walsingham — Interview  with  Leicester — Private 
Audience  of  the  Queen — Letters  of  the  States'-General — 111  Effects  of 
Gilpin's  Despatch — Close  Bargaining  of  the  Queen  and  States — Guarantees 
required  by  England — England's  comparative  "Weakness — The  English 
characterized — Paul  llentzner — The  Envoys  in  London — Their  Characters 
— Olden-Barneveld  described — Reception  at  Greenwich — Speech  of  Menin 
— Reply  of  the  Queen — Memorial  of  the  Envoys — Discussions  with  the 
Ministers — Second  Speech  of  the  Queen — Third  Speech  of  the  Queen — Sir 
John  Norris  sent  to  Holland — Parsimony  of  Elizabeth — Energy  of  Davison 
— Protracted  Negotiations — Friendly  Sentiments  of  Count  Maurice — Let- 
ters from  him  and  Louisa  de  Coligny — Davison  vexed  by  the  Queen's 
Caprice — Dissatisfaction  of  Leicester — His  vehement  Complaints — The 
Queen's  Avarice — Perplexity  of  Davison — Manifesto  of  Elizabeth — Sir 
Philip  Sidney — His  Arrival  at  Flushing 285 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Earl  of  Leicester — His  Triumphal  Entrance  into  Holland — English  Spies 
about  him — Importance  of  Holland  to  England — Spanish  Schemes  for 
invading  England — Letter  of  the  Grand  Commander — Perilous  Position 
of  England — True  Nature  of  the  Contest — Wealth  and  Strength  of  the 
Provinces — Power  of  the  Dutch  and  English  People — Affection  of  the 
Hollanders  for  the  Queen — Secret  Purposes  of  Leicester — Wretched  Con- 
dition of  English  Troops — The  Nassaus  and  Hohenlo — The  Earl's  Opinion 
of  them — Clerk  and  Killigrew — Interview  with  the  States — Government- 
General  offered  to  the  Earl — Discussions  on  the  Subject — The  Earl  accepts 
the  Office — His  Ambition  and  Mistakes — His  Installation  at  the  Hague — 
Intimations  of  the  Queen's  Displeasure — Deprecatory  Letters  of  Leicester — 
Davison's  Mission  to  England — Queen's  Anger  and  Jealousy — Her  Angry 
Letters  to  the  Earl  and  the  States — Arrival  of  Davison — Stormy  Interview 
with  the  Queen — The  second  one  is  calmer — Queen's  Wrath  somewhat 
mitigated — Mission  of  Ileneage  to  the  States — Shirley  sent  to  England  by 
tlie  PJarl — His  Interview  with  Ehzabeth — Leicester's  Letters  to  his  Friends 
— Paltry  Conduct  of  the  Earl  to  Davison — He  excuses  himself  at  Davison's 
Expense — His  Letter  to  Burghley — Effect  of  the  Queen's  Letters  to  the 
States — Suspicion  and  Discontent  in  Holland — States  excuse  their  Con- 
duct to  the  Queen — Leicester  discredited  in  Holland — Evil  Consequences 
to  Holland  and  England — Magic  Effect  of  a  Letter  from  Leicester — The 
Queen  appeased — Her  Letters  to  the  States  and  the  Earl — She  permits 
the  jrantcd  Authority — Unhappy  Results    of  the    Queen's   Course — Her 


PAOH 

variable  Moods — She  attempts  to  deceive  'Walsingham — Her  Injustice 
to  Honeage — His  Perplexity  and  Distre"s — Ilumiliating  Position  of  Lei- 
cester— His  melancholy  Letters  to  the  Queen — Ho  receives  a  little  Con- 
solation— And  writes  more  cheerfully — The  Queen  is  more  benignant — 
The  States  less  contented  than  the  Earl — His  Quarrels  with  them  begin. . .   365 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

Forlorn  Condition  of  Flanders — Parma's  secret  Negotiations  with  the  Queen 
— Grafigni  and  Bodman — Their  Dealings  with  English  Counsellors — 
Duplicity  of  Farnese — Secret  Offers  of  the  English  Peace-Party — Letters 
and  Intrigues  of  De  Loo — Drake's  Victories  and  their  Effect — Parma's 
Perplexity  and  Anxiety — He  is  relieved  by  the  News  from  England — 
Queen's  secret  Letters  to  Parma — His  Letters  and  Instructions  to  Bodman 
— Bodman's  secret  Transactions  at  Greenwich — Walsingham  detects  and 
exposes  the  Plot — The  Intriguers  baffled — Queen's  Letter  to  Parma  and 
his  to  the  King — Unlucky  Results  of  the  Peace-Intrigues — Unhandsome 
Treatment  of  Leicester — Indignation  of  the  Earl  and  Walsingham — Secret 
Letter  of  Parma  to  Philip — Invasion  of  England  recommended — Details  of 
tlie  Project ,-, 4{ 


BOOK  11. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


PACE 


Military  Plans  in  the  Netherlands — The  Elector  and  Electorate  of  Cologne — 
Martin  Schenk — His  Career  before  serving  the  States — Franeker  Univer- 
sity founded — Parma  attempts  Grave — Battle  on  the  Meuse — Success  and 
Vainglory  of  Leicester — St.  George's  Day  triumphantly  kept  at  Utrecht — 
Parma  not  so  much  appalled  as  it  was  thouglit — He  besieges  and  reduces 
Grave — And  is  Master  of  the  Meuse — Leicester's  Rage  at  the  Surrender  of 
Grave — His  Revenge — Parma  on  the  Rhine — He  besieges  and  assaults 
Neusz — Horrible  Fate  of  the  Garrison  and  City — Which  Leicester  was  un- 
able to  reheve — Axel  surprised  by  Maurice  and  Sidney — The  Zeeland 
Regiment  given  to  Sidney — Condition  of  the  Irish  and  English  Troops 
— Leicester  takes  the  Field — He  reduces  Doesburg — He  lays  siege  to 
Zutphen — Which  Parma  prepares  to  relieve — The  English  intercept 
the  Convoy — Battle  of  Warnsfeld — Sir  Philip  Sidney  wounded — Results 
of  the  Encounter — Death  of  Sidney  at  ^.rnheim — Gallantry  of  Edward 
Stanley 1 


CHAPTER   X. 

Should  Elizabeth  accept  the  Sovereignty? — The  Effects  of  her  Anger — 
Quarrels  between  the  Earl  and  States — the  Earl's  three  Counsellors — 
Leicester's  Finance-Chamber — Discontent  of  the  Mercantile  Classes — Paul 
Buys  and  the  Opposition — Keen  Insight  of  Paul  Buys — Truchsess  becomes 
a  Spy  upon  him — Intrigues  of  Buys  with  Denmark — His  Imprisonment — 
The  Earl's  Unpopularity — His  Quarrels  with  the  States — And  with  the 
Norrises — ^His  Counsellors  Wilkes  and  Clerk — Letter  from  the  Queen  to 
Leicester — A  Supper-Party  at  Hohenlo's — A  drunken  Quarrel — Hohenlo's 
Assault  upon  Edward  Norris — 111  Eflects  of  the  Riot 6i 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Drake  m  the  Netherlands — Good  Results  of  his  Visit — The  Babington  Con- 
spiracy— Leicester  decides  to  visit  England — Exchange  of  parting  Com- 
pliments    100 


CHAPTER  XII. 

PAcn 

Ill-timed  Interregnum  in  the  Provinces — Firranesa  of  the  English  and  Dutch 

People — Factions  during  Leicester's  Government — Democratic  Theories  of 
the  Leicestrians — Suspicions  as  to  the  Earl's  Designs — Extreme  Views  of 
the  Calvinists — Political  Ambition  of  the  Church — Antagonism  of  the 
Church  and  States — The  States  inclined  to  Tolerance — Desolation  of  tlie 
Obedient  Provinces — Pauperism  and  Famine — Prosperity  of  the  Republic 
—The  Year  of  Expectation Ill 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Bameveld's  Influence  in  the  Provinces — Unpopularity  of  Leicester — Intrigues 
of  liis  Servants — Gossip  of  his  Secretary — Its  mischievous  Effects — The 
Quarrel  of  Norris  and  Hollock — The  Earl's  Participation  in  the  Affair — 
His  increased  Anunosity  to  Norris — Seizure  of  Deventer — Stanley  appointed 
its  Governor — Yorlc  and  Stanley — Leicester's  secret  Instructions — Wilkes 
remonstrates  with  Stanley — Stanley's  Insolence  and  Equivocation — Painful 
Rumours  as  to  him  and  York — Duplicity  of  York — Stanley's  Banquet  at 
Deventer — He  surrenders  the  City  to  Taasis — Terms  of  the  Bargain — Feeble 
Defence  of  Stanley's  Conduct — Subsequent  Fate  of  Stanley  and  York — 
Betrayal  of  Gelder  to  Parma — These  Treasons  cast  Odium  on  the  English 
— Miserable  Plight  of  the  English  Troops — Honesty  and  Energy  of  Wilkes 
— Indignant  Discussion  in  the  Assembly 136 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

Leicester  in  England — Trial  of  the  Queen  of  Scots — Fearful  Perplexity  at  the 
English  Court — Infatuation  and  Obstinacy  of  the  Queen — Netherland  En- 
voys in  England — Queen's  bitter  Invective  against  them — Amazement 
of  the  Envoys — They  consult  with  her  chief  Councillors — Remarks  of 
Burghley  and  Davison — Fourth  of  February  Letter  from  the  States — Its 
severe  Language  towards  Leicester — Painful  position  of  the  Envoys  at 
Court — Queen's  Parsimony  towards  Leicester o . .   189 


CHAPTER    XV. 

Buckhurst  sent  to  the  Netherlands — Alarmmg  state  of  Affairs  on  his  Arrivd 
— His  Efforts  to  concUiate — Democratic  Tlieories  of  Wilkes — Sophistry  of 
the  Argument — Dispute  between  Wilkes  and  Barneveld — Religious  Toler- 
ance by  the  States — Their  Constitutional  Theory — Deveuter's  bad  Counsels 


PAOB 

to  Leicester— Their  pernicious  Eflfect— Real  and  supposed  riots  agninst 
Hohenlo— rMutual  Suspicion  and  Distrust — Buckhurst  seeks  to  restore  good 
Feeling — The  Queen  angry  and  vindictive — She  censures  Buckhurst'a 
Course — Leicester's  Wrath  at  Hohenlo's  Charges  of  a  Plot  by  the  Earl  to 
murder  him — Buckhurst's  Eloquent  Appeals  to  the  Queen — Her  perplexing 
and  contradictory  Orders — Despair  of  Wilkes — Leicester  announces  his 
Return — His  Instructions — Letter  to  Junius — Barneveld  denounces  him 
in  the  States 216 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

Situation  of  Sluys— Its  Dutch  and  English  Garrison — Williams  writes  from 
Sluys  to  the  Queen — Jealousy  between  the  Earl  and  States — Schemes  to 
relieve  Sluys — Which  are  feeble  and  unsuccessful — ^The  Town  Capitulates 
— Parma  enters — Leicester  enraged — The  Queen  angry  with  the  Anti- 
Leicestrians — Norris,  Wilkes,  and  Buckhurst  punished — Drake  sails  for 
Spain — His  Exploits  at  Cadiz  and  Lisbon — He  is  rebuked  by  Elizabeth. . .  260 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Secret  Treaty  between  Queen  and  Parma — Excitement  and  Alarm  in  the 
States — Religious  Persecution  in  England — Queen's  Sincerity  toward 
Spain — Language  and  Letters  of  Parma — Negotiations  of  De  Loo — En- 
glish Commissioners  appointed — Parma's  affectionate  Letter  to  the  Queen 
— Philip  at  his  Writing-Table — His  Plots  with  Parma  against  England^ 
Parma's  secret  Letters  to  the  King — Philip's  Letters  to  Parma — Wonderful 
Duplicity  of  Philip — His  sanguine  Views  as  to  England — He  is  reluctant  to 
hear  of  the  Obstacles — and  imagines  Parma  in  England — But  Alexander's 
Difficulties  are  great — He  denounces  Philip's  wild  Schemes — Waisingham 
aware  of  the  Spanish  Plot — which  the  States  well  understand — Leicester's 
groat  Unpopularity — The  Queen  warned  against  Treating — Leicester's 
Schemes  against  Barneveld — Leicestrian  Conspiracy  at  Leyden — The  Plot 
to  seize  the  City  discovered — Three  Ringleaders  sentenced  to  Death — Civil 
War  in  France— Victory  gained  by  Navarre,  and  one  by  Guise — Queen  re- 
calls Leicester — Who  retires  on  ill  Terms  with  the  States — Queen  warned 
as  to  Spanish  designs — Results  of  Leicester's  Admioistratioa 286 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

Prophecies  as  to  the  Tear  1588^Distracted  Condition  of  the  Dutch  Republic 
— Willoughby  reluctantly  takes  Command — English  Commissioners  come 
to  Ostend — Secretary  Gamier  and  Robert  Cecil — Cecil  accompanies  Dale  to 


Ghent — And  finds  the  Desolation  complete — Interview  of  Dale  and  Cecil 
with  Parma — His  fervent  Expressions  in  favor  of  Peace — Cecil  makes  a 
Tour  in  Flanders — And  sees  much  that  is  remarkable — Interviews  of  Dr. 
Rogers  with  Parma — Wonderful  Harangues  of  the  Envoy — Extraordinary 
Amenity  of  Alexander — With  which  Rogers  is  much  touched — The  Queea 
not  pleased  with  her  Envoy — Credulity  of  the  EngUsh  Commissioners — 
Ceremonious  Meeting  of  all  the  Envoys — Consummate  Art  in  wasting 
Time — Long  Disputes  about  Commissions — The  Spanish  Commissions 
meant  to  deceive — Disputes  about  Cessation  of  Arms — Spanish  Duplicity 
and  Procrastination — Pedantry  and  Credulity  of  Dr.  Dale — The  Papal  BuU 
and  Dr.  Allen's  Pamphlet — Dale  sent  to  ask  Explanations — Parma  denies 
all  Knowledge  of  either — Croft  believes  to  the  last  in  Alexander — 
Dangerous  Discord  in  North  Holland — Leicester's  Resignation  arrives — 
Enmity  of  Willoughby  and  Maurice — Willoughby's  dark  Picture  of  AfiFairs 
— Hatred  between  States  and  Leicestrians — Maurice's  Answer  to  the 
Queen's  Charges — End  of  Sonoy's  Rebellion — Philip  foments  the  Civil 
War  in  France — League's  Threats  and  Plots  against  Henry — Mucio  arrives 
in  Paris — He  is  received  with  Enthusiasm — The  King  flies,  and  Spain 
triumphs  in  Paris — States  expostulate  with  the  Queen — English  Statesmen 
still  deceived — Deputies  from  Netherland  Churches — hold  Conference  with 
the  Queen — and  present  long  Memorials — More  Conversations  with  the 
Queen — National  Spirit  of  England  and  Holland — Dissatisfaction  with 
Queen's  Course — Bitter  Complaints  of  Lord  Howard — Want  of  Preparation 
in  Army  and  Navy — Sanguine  Statements  of  Leicester — Activity  of  Parma 
— ^The  Painful  Suspense  continues 353 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

PhiUp  Second  in  his  Cabinet — His  System  of  Work  and  Deception — His  vast 
but  vague  Schemes  of  Conquest — The  Armada  sails — Description  of  the 
Fleet — The  Junction  with  Parma  unprovided  for — The  Gale  off  Finisterre 
—Exploits  of  David  Gwynn — First  Engagement  in  the  Enghsh  Channel — 
Considerable  Losses  of  the  Spaniards — General  Engagement  near  Portland 
—Superior  Seamanship  of  the  Enghsh — Both  Fleets  off  Calais — A  Night 
of  Anxiety — Project  of  Howard  and  Winter — Impatience  of  the  Spaniards 
— Fu-e-Ships  sent  against  the  Armada — A  great  Galeasse  disabled — At- 
tacked and  captured  by  English  Boats — General  Engagement  of  both 
Fleets — Loss  of  several  Spanish  Ships — Armada  flies,  followed  by  the  Eng- 
lish— Enghsh  insufficiently  provided — are  obhged  to  relinquish  the  Chase 
— A  great  Storm  disperses  the  Armada — Great  Energy  of  Parma — made 
fruitless  by  Phihp's  Dulness — England  readier  at  Sea  than  on  Shore — The 
Lieutenant-General's  Complaints — His  Quarrels  witli  Norris  and  Williams 
— Harsh  Statements  as  to  the  Ensrlish  Troops — Want  of  Organization  in 
England — Royal  Parsimony  and  Delay — Quarrels  of  English  Admirals — 


PAOB 

England's  narrow  Escape  from  great  Peril — Various  Rumours  as  to  the 
Armada's  Fate — Philip  for  a  long  time  in  Doubt — He  beheves  himself 
victorious — is  tranquil  when  undeceived 458 


CHAPTER   XX. 

Alexander  besieges  Bergen-op-Zoom — Pallavicini's  Attempt  to  seduce  Parma 
— Alexander's  Fury — He  is  forced  to  raise  the  Siege  of  Bergen — Gertruy- 
denberg  betrayed  to  Parma — Indignation  of  the  States — Exploits  of  Schenk 
— His  Attack  on  Nymegen — He  is  defeated  and  drowned — English-Dutch 
Expedition  to  Spain — Its  meagre  Results — Death  of  Guise  and  of  the 
Queen- Mother — Combinations  after  the  Murder  of  Henry  III. — ^Tandem  fit 
Surculus  Arbor. 537 


PUBLISHER'S     NOTE 

It  was  in  1860  that  Motley*  gave  to  the  public  the  first  two 
volumes  of  The  United  Netherlands.  The  field  represented  in 
this  significant  and  enduring  work  he  had  harvested  very 
naturally  and  logically  after  the  completion  of  his  great 
History  of  the  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  published  in  1856. 

A  glimpse  of  Motley's  scholarly  methods  and  indefatigable 
power  of  research  is  afforded  in  a  letter  from  Nice,  in  Decem- 
ber, 1857,  when  he  was  engrossed  in  the  preparation  of  The 
United  Netherlands. 

In  that  month  he  wrote  to  his  mother:  "I  can  occupy  my- 
self for  a  long  time  with  several  hundredweight  of  books, 
which  I  have  brought  with  me,  and  which  I  nmst  devour  and 
turn  into  chyle  before  I  can  do  much  in  the  way  of  writing. 
My  time  in  London  was  not  lost  for  a  single  day,  and  I  have 
now  two  persons  employed  there  in  copying  for  me,  according 
to  my  mapping  out  when  personally  in  the  State  Paper  Office 
and  British  Museum.  I  was  also  hard  at  work  in  the  Archives 
in  Paris  during  the  few  weeks  that  we  were  there.  I  have, 
however,  much  to  do  in  the  subterranean  way  in  Brussels, 

^  John  Lothrop  Motley,  historian  and  diplomatist,  was  horn  in  Dorchester, 
Mass.,  April  15,  1S14,  graduated  from  Harvard  in  1831,  studied  in  Ger- 
many, was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  Boston,  wrote  two  historical  novels, 
and  began  his  profound  study  of  Dutch  history  in  1S51.  Five  years  later 
his  History  of  the  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic  was  published,  which  was 
followed  by  The  United  Netherlands,  and  in  1874  by  his  John  of  Barneveld. 
He  was  Minister  to  Austria  (1861-67),  and  Minister  to  Great  Britain 
(1869-70).  He  died  May  29,  1877.  His  Correspondence,  edited  by  George 
William  Curtis,  is  a  work  of  peculiar  interest  on  account  of  the  personal 
and  literary  associations  and  the  historical  side-lights  shown  in  its  pages. 


XVlll  PUBLISHERS      NOTE. 

The  Hague,  London,  and  Paris.  I  do  not  write  at  all  as  yet, 
but  am  diving  deep  and  staying  under  very  long,  but  hoping 
not  to  come 'up  too  dry.  My  task  is  a  very  large  and  hard 
one.  My  canvas  is  very  broad,  and  the  massing  and  the  com- 
position of  the  picture  will  give  me  more  trouble  than  the 
more  compact  one  which  I  have  already  painted." 

Nearly  a  year  later,  in  November,  1858,  the  evolution  of 
The  United  Netherlands  is  sketched  in  a  letter  from  Rome. 

"I  have  a  very  good  room  for  my  study,"  he  wrote,  "and  I 
am  hard  at  work.  I  began  my  first  volume  about  a  fortnight 
ago  and  hope  to  have  it  done  by  April.  My  task  is,  however, 
rather  a  difficult  one,  more  so,  I  think,  than  in  my  former  book. 
I  have  to  spread  myself  over  a  wide  surface,  for  after  the  death 
of  William  the  Silent  the  history  of  the  provinces  becomes 
for  a  time  swallowed  in  the  general  current  of  European 
history.  I  do  not  mean  by  that  that  it  loses  its  importance. 
On  the  contrary,  the  Netherlands  question  becomes  the  great 
question  of  Christendom.  Netherlands  history  is  for  a  time 
the  only  European  history.  France,  England,  Spain,  and 
Holland  being  all  mingled  into  one  great  conflicting  mass,  it  is 
difficult  to  say  who  are  friends  and  who  are  enemies,  except  as 
the  dividing  line  is  drawn  according  to  religious  opinion.  I  am 
obliged,  therefore,  in  order  to  carry  out  my  intention,  to  go 
more  fully  into  English  and  French  contemporaneous  history 
than  I  did  in  the  other  book.  This  obliges  me  to  take  much 
greater  care,  because  I  come  very  often  upon  fields  which 
have  been  more  trodden  before  than  the  historical  soil  of  the 
Netherlands.  I  have,  however,  made  very  extensive  collec- 
tions of  MSS.  in  England,  Holland,  and  France,  and  whatever 
may  be  the  success  of  the  merits  of  the  volumes  when  done, 
I  am  sure  I  shall  have  plenty  of  solid  work  in  them,  and  from 
original  and  substantial  materials." 

Other  references  from  time  to  time  show  the  zeal  of  the 
scholar  and  the  absorption  of  the  artist.  At  last  the  first 
two   volumes  were   completed.     Murray,  the   London  pub- 


PUBLISHERS      NOTE.  XIX 

lisher,  who,  unlike  Harper  &  Brothers  in  the  United  States, 
had  been  unwilHng  to  accept  the  History  of  the  Rise  of  the 
D'uich  Republic,  had  acknowledged  his  mistake,  and  asked 
to  publish  The  United  Netherlands.  His  offer  was  accepted. 
Since  Motley  was  living  abroad  all  this  time,  his  Letters 
naturally  dwell  more  at  length  upon  the  English  edition  than 
the  American  publication  by  Harper  &  Brothers. 

In  November,  1860,  he  wrote  from  London:  ''You  will  be 
pleased  to  hear  that  Mr.  Murray  had  his  annual  trade  sale 
dinner  last  Thursday  (15th).  This  is  given  by  him  in  the 
City  to  the  principal  London  booksellers,  and  after  a  three- 
o'clock  dinner  he  offers  them  his  new  publications.  You  will 
be  glad  to  know  that  my  volumes  quite  took  the  lead,  and  that 
he  disposed  at  once  of  about  three  thousand  copies.  As  he 
only  intended  to  publish  two  thousand,  you  ma}''  suppose 
that  he  was  agreeably  disappointed.  He  has  now  increased 
his  edition  to  four  thousand,  and  expects  to  sell  the  whole. 
After  that  he  will  sell  a  smaller  and  cheaper  edition.  The 
work  is,  however,  not  yet  published,  nor  will  it  be  for  several 
weeks.  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  that  you  are  pleased  with 
the  opening  pages." 

The  following  March  found  him  at  work  again  in  the  State 
Paper  Office  in  London,  reading  hard  in  the  old  MSS.  for  the 
third  and  fourth  volumes  of  the  Netherlands. 

"I  am  delighted  to  find  that  the  success  of  the  United 
Netherlands  gives  you  and  my  father  so  much  pleasure,"  he 
wrote  in  March,  1861.  "It  is  by  far  the  pleasantest  reward 
for  the  hard  work  I  have  gone  through  to  think  that  the  result 
has  given  you  both  so  much  satisfaction.  Not  that  I  grudge 
the  work,  for,  to  say  the  truth,  I  could  not  exist  without 
hard  labor,  and  if  I  were  compelled  to  be  idle  for  the  rest 
of  my  days,  I  should  esteem  it  the  severest  affliction  pos- 
sible. 

"My  deepest  regret  is  that  my  work  should  be  for  the  present 
on  the  wrong  side  of  the  Atlantic.  .  .  . 


XX  publisher's    note. 

"I  received  a  line  from  Tom,  showing  that  the  book  was 
selling  very  well  [in  the  United  States]  considering  the  times." 

In  August,  1861,  Motley  was  notified  of  his  appointment  as 
Minister  to  Austria,  and  his  new  responsibilities,  rendered 
doubly  acute  by  the  strain  of  those  years  of  war,  interrupted 
the  course  of  his  literary  work.  But  in  October,  1864,  he 
wrote  from  Vienna:  ''I  have  been  able  to  do  a  good  spell 
of  work  on  my  History.  Volume  III.  is  done,  and  part  of 
Volume  IV."  Then  he  added,  with  an  outbreak  of  the 
patriotic  feeling  which  characterized  all  his  correspondence: 
"It  seems  almost  like  sacrilege  for  an  American  to  write  on 
any  other  subject  than  that  of  our  own  great  struggle." 

It  was  not  until  the  close  of  1866  that  the  United  Netherlands 
was  finished.  Early  in  January,  1867,  Motley  wrote  from 
Vienna  to  the  Duchess  of  Argyll:  "I  have  been,  during  the 
last  few  weeks,  obliged  to  give  every  moment  not  taken  up 
with  official  duties  to  finishing  off  my  two  concluding  volumes 
of  the  United  Netherlands.  These  are  now  in  Mr.  Murray's 
hands,  and  the  labor  of  many  years  is  brought  to  an  end — 1 
say  it  with  a  mingled  feeling  of  sadness  and  relief." 

In  March  he  wrote  to  Dr.  Holmes  that  these  concluding 
volumes  were  "passing  rapidly  through  the  press." 

The  reception  given  to  the  completed  History  of  the  United 
Netherlands,  and  the  permanence  of  the  high  place  awarded  to 
Motley's  achievement,  form  an  honored  part  of  literary  history. 
It  is  in  recognition  of  the  enduring  interest  and  distinctive 
value  of  Motley's  work  that  his  publishers,  who  first  placed 
his  histories  before  American  readers,  have  prepared  this  com- 
plete popular  edition,  in  two  volumes,  the  only  authorized 
presentation  of  his  great  history. 


PREFACE. 


The  indulgence  with  which  the  History  of  the  Rise 
of  the  Dutch  Republic  was  received  has  encouraged  me 
to  prosecute  my  task  with  renewed  industry. 

A  single  word  seems  necessary  to  explain  the  some- 
what increased  proportions  which  the  present  work 
has  assumed  over  the  original  design.  The  intimate 
connection  which  was  formed  between  the  Kingdom 
of  England  and  the  Republic  of  Holland,  immediately 
after  the  death  of  William  the  Silent,  rendered  the 
history  and  the  fate  of  the  two  commonwealths  for 
a  season  almost  identical.  The  years  of  anxiety  and 
suspense  during  which  the  great  Spanish  project  for 
subjugating  England  and  reconquering  the  Nether- 
lands, by  the  same  invasion,  was  slowly  matured,  were 
of  deepest  import  for  the  future  destiny  of  those  two 
countries  and  for  the  cause  of  national  liberty.  The 
deep-laid  conspiracy  of  Spain  and  Rome  against 
human  rights  deserves  to  be  patiently  examined,  for 
it  is  one  of  the  great  lessons  of  history.  The  crisis 
was  long  and  doubtful,  and  the  health — perhaps  the 
existence— of  England  and  Holland,  and,  with  them, 
of  a  great  part  of  Christendom,  was  on  the  issue. 

History  has  few  so  fruitful  examples  of  the  dangers 
which   come  from  superstition  and   despotism,  and  the 


Xxii  PREFACE. 

blessings  which  flow  from  the  maintenance  of  religious 
and  political  freedom,  as  those  aftbrded  by  the  struggle 
between  England  and  Holland  on  the  one  side,  and 
Spain  and  Rome  on  the  other,  during  the  epoch  which  I 
have  attempted  to  describe.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  I 
have  thought  it  necessary  to  reveal,  as  minutely  as  pos- 
sible, the  secret  details  of  this  conspiracy  of  king  and 
priest  against  the  people,  and  to  show  how  it  was 
baffled  at  last  by  the  strong  self-helping  energy  of  two 
free  nations  combined. 

The  period  occupied  by  these  two  volumes  is 
therefore  a  short  one,  when  counted  by  years,  for  it 
begins  in  1584  and  ends  with  the  commencement  of 
1590.  When  estimated  by  the  significance  of  events 
and  their  results  for  future  ages,  it  will  perhaps  be 
deemed  worthy  of  the  close  examination  which  it 
has  received.  With  the  year  1588  the  crisis  was 
past;  England  was  safe,  and  the  new  Dutch  com- 
monwealth was  thoroughly  organized.  It  is  my 
design,  in  two  additional  volumes,  which,  with  the 
two  now  published,  will  complete  the  present  work, 
to  carry  the  history  of  the  Republic  down  to  the 
Synod  of  Dort.  After  this  epoch  the  Thirty  Years' 
War  broke  out  in  Germany ;  and  it  is  my  wish,  at 
a  future  day,  to  retrace  the  history  of  that  eventful 
struggle,  and  to  combine  with  it  the  civil  and  mili- 
tary events  in  Holland,  down  to  the  epoch  when  the 
Thirty  Years'  War  and  the  Eighty  Years'  War  of  the 
Netherlands  were  both  brought  to  a  close  by  the  Peace 
of  Westphalia. 

The  materials  for  the  volumes  now  offered  to  the 
pubUc  were  so  abundant  that  it  was  almost  impossible 


PREFACE.  XXlll 

to  condense  them  into  smaller  compass  without  doing 
injustice  to  the  subject.  It  was  desirable  to  throw 
full  light  on  these  prominent  points  of  the  history, 
while  the  law  of  historical  perspective  will  allow 
long  stretches  of  shadow  in  the  succeeding  portions, 
in  which  less  important  objects  may  be  more  slightly 
indicated.  That  I  may  not  be  thought  capable  of 
abusing  the  reader's  confidence  by  inventing  conversa- 
tions, speeches,  or  letters,  I  would  take  this  oppor- 
tunity of  stating — although  I  have  repeated  the  remark 
in  the  foot-notes — that  no  personage  in  these  pages  is 
made  to  write  or  speak  any  words  save  those  which,  on 
the  best  historical  evidence,  he  is  known  to  have  writ- 
ten or  spoken. 

A  brief  allusion  to  my  sources  of  information 
will  not  seem  superfluous.  I  have  carefully  studied 
all  the  leading  contemporary  chronicles  and  pamphlets 
of  Holland,  Flanders,  Spain,  France,  Germany,  and 
England ;  but,  as  the  authorities  are  always  indicated 
in  the  notes,  it  is  unnecessary  to  give  a  list  of  them 
here.  But  by  far  my  most  valuable  materials  are 
entirely  unpublished  ones. 

The  archives  of  England  are  especially  rich  for 
the  history  of  the  sixteenth  century  ;  and  it  will  be 
seen,  in  the  course  of  the  narrative,  how  largely  I 
have  drawn  from  those  mines  of  historical  wealth, 
the  State  Paper  Office  and  the  MS.  department  of 
the  British  Museum.  Although  both  these  great 
national  depositories  are  in  admirable  order,  it  is  to 
be  regretted  that  they  are  not  all  embraced  in  one 
collection,  as  much  troul51e  might  then  be  spared 
to    the    historical    student,    who    is    now    obUged    to 


XXIV  PREFACE. 

pass  frequently  from  the  one  place  to  the  other,  in 
order  to  find  diflerent  portions  of  the  same  corre- 
spondence. 

From  the  royal  archives  of  Holland  I  have  obtained 
many  most  important,  entirely  unpublished  docu- 
ments, by  the  aid  of  which  I  have  endeavoured  to 
verify,  to  illustrate,  or  sometimes  to  correct,  the 
recitals  of  the  elder  national  chroniclers ;  and  I  have 
derived  the  greatest  profit  from  the  invaluable  series 
of  Archives  and  Correspondence  of  the  Orange- 
Nassau  Family,  given  to  the  world  by  M.  Groen  van 
Prinsterer.  I  desire  to  renew  to  that  distinguished 
gentleman,  and  to  that  eminent  scholar  M.  Bakhuy- 
zen  van  den  Brink,  the  expression  of  my  gratitude 
for  their  constant  kindness  and  advice  during  my 
residence  at  the  Hague.  Nothing  can  exceed  the 
courtesy  which  has  been  extended  to  me  in  Holland, 
and  I  am  deeply  grateful  for  the  indulgence  with  which 
my  eiforts  to  illustrate  the  history  of  the  country 
have  been  received  where  that  history  is  best 
known. 

I  have  also  been  much  aided  by  the  study  of  a  por- 
tion of  the  Archives  of  Simancas,  the  originals  of  which 
are  in  the  Archives  de  1' Empire  in  Paris,  and  which 
were  most  liberally  laid  before  me  through  the  kindness 
of  M.  le  Comte  de  La  Borde. 

I  have,  further,  enjoyed  an  inestimable  advantage 
in  the  perusal  of  the  whole  correspondence  between 
Philip  II.,  his  ministers,  and  governors,  relating  to 
the  aiTairs  of  the  Netherlands,  from  the  epoch  at 
which  this  work  commences  down  to  that  monarch's 
death.       Copies    of     this    correspondence    have    been 


PREFACE.  XXV 

carefully  made  from  the  originals  at  Simancas  by 
order  of  the  Belgian  Government,  under  the  super- 
intendence of  the  eminent  archivist  M.  Gachard, 
who  has  already  published  a  synopsis  or  abridgment 
of  a  portion  of  it  in  a  French  translation.  The 
translation  and  abridgment  of  so  large  a  mass  of 
papers,  however,  must  necessarily  occupy  many  years, 
and  it  may  be  long,  therefore,  before  the  whole  of 
the  correspondence — and  particularly  that  portion  of 
it  relating  to  the  epoch  occupied  by  these  volumes — ■ 
sees  the  light.  It  was,  therefore,  of  the  greatest 
importance  for  me  to  see  the  documents  themselves 
unabridged  and  untranslated.  This  privilege  has 
been  accorded  me,  and  I  desire  to  express  my  thanks 
to  his  Excellency  M.  van  de  Weyer,  the  distin- 
guished representative  of  Belgium  at  the  English 
Court,  to  whose  friendly  offices  I  am  mainly  indebted 
for  the  satisfaction  of  my  wishes  in  this  respect. 
A  letter  from  him  to  his  Excellency  M.  Rogier, 
Minister  of  the  Interior  in  Belgium — who  likewise 
took  the  most  courteous  interest  in  promoting  my 
views — obtained  for  me  the  permission  thoroughly 
to  study  this  correspondence ;  and  I  passed  several 
months  in  Brussels,  occupied  with  reading  the  whole 
of  it  from  the  year  1584  to  the  end  of  the  reign  of 
Philip  II. 

I  was  thus  saved  a  long  visit  to  the  Archives  of  Si- 
mancas, for  it  would  be  impossible  conscientiously  to 
write  the  history  of  the  epoch  without  a  thorough  exam- 
ination of  the  correspondence  of  the  King  and  his  min- 
isters. I  venture  to  hope,  therefore — whatever  judg- 
ment may  be   passed   upon   my  own  labours — that  this 


XXvi  PREFACE. 

work  may  be  thought  to  possess  an  intrinsic  value ;  for 
the  various  materials  of  which  it  is  composed  are  ori- 
ginal, and — so  far  as  I  am  aware — have  not  been  made 
use  of  by  any  historical  writer. 

I  would  take  this  opportunity  to  repeat  my  thanks  to 
M.  Gachard,  Archivist  of  the  kingdom  of  Belgium,  for 
the  uniform  courtesy  and  kindness  which  I  have  received 
at  his  hands,  and  to  bear  my  testimony  to  the  skill  and 
critical  accuracy  with  which  he  has  illustrated  so  many 
passages  of  Belgian  and  Spanish  history. 


31,  Hertford-Street,  May-Faie, 
November  llth,  1860. 


HISTORY    OF    THE 
UNITED    NETHERLANDS 

BOOK    I 


^:k 


BIRDSE\E   MEW   OF   THE    SIEGE   OF   ANTW  ERP -{rn  m  «n  o/,/  Pn„/ ) 


THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

Murder  of  Orange  —  Extension  of  Protestantism  —  Vast  Power  of  Spain  — 
Religious  Origin  of  the  Revolt  —  Disposal  of  the  Sovereignty  —  Courage  of 
the  Estates  of  Holland — Children  of  WOliara  the  Silent  —  Provisional 
Council  of  State  —  Firm  attitude  of  Holland  and  Zeeland  —  Weakness  of 
Flanders  —  Fall  of  Ghent  —  Adroitness  of  Alexander  Famese. 

William  the  Silent,  Prince  of  Orange,  had  been  murdered 
on  the  10th  of  July,  1584.  It  is  difficult  to  imagine  a  more 
universal  disaster  than  the  one  thus  brought  about  by  the 
hand  of  a  single  obscure  fanatic.  For  nearly  twenty  years 
the  character  of  the  Prince  had  been  expanding  steadily  as 
the  difficulties  of  his  situation  increased.  Habit,  necessity, 
and  the  natural  gifts  of  the  man,  had  combined  to  invest  him 
at  last  with  an  authority  which  seemed  more  than  human. 
There  was  such  general  confidence  in  his  sagacity,  courage, 
and  purity,  that  the  nation  had  come  to  think  with  his  brain 
and  to  act  with  his  hand.  It  was  natural  that,  for  an  in- 
stant, there  should  be  a  feeling  as  of  absolute  and  helpless 
paralysis. 

Whatever  his  technical  attributes  in  the  polity  of  the 
Netherlands — and  it  would  be  difficult  to  define  them  with, 
perfect  accuracy — there  is  no  doubt  that  he  stood  there,  the 
head  of  a  commonwealtn,  in  an  attitude  such  as  had  been 
maintained  by  but  few  of  the  kings,  or  chiefs,  or  high  priests 
of  history.  Assassination,  a  regular  and  almost  indispensable 
portion  of  the  working  machinery  of  Philip's  government, 
had  produced,  in  this  instance,  after  repeated  disappoint- 
ments, the  result  at  lust  wliicli  liad  been  so  anxiously  desired. 

VOL.  J. — B 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  1 


The  ban  of  the  Poj^e  and  the  offered  gold  of  the  King  had 
accomplished  a  victory  greater  than  any  yet  achieved  by 
the  armies  of  Spain,  brilliant  as  had  been  their  triumphs  on 
the  blood-stained  soil  of  the  Netherlands, 

Had  that  "exceeding  proud,  neat,  and  spruce"^  Doctor  of 
Laws,  William  Parry,  who  had  been  busying  himself  at  about 
the  same  time  with  his  memorable  project  against  the  Queen 
of  England,  proved  as  successful  as  Balthazar  Gerard,  the  fate 
of  Christendom  would  have  been  still  darker.  Fortunately, 
that  member  of  Parliament  had  made  the  discovery  in  time — ■ 
not  for  himself,  but  for  Elizabeth — that  the  "  Lord  was  better 
pleased  with  adverbs  than  nouns  ;"^  the  well-known  result 
being  that  the  traitor  was  hanged  and  the  Sovereign  saved. 

^-^et  such  was  the  condition  of  Europe  at  that  day.  A 
small,  dull,  elderly,  imperfectly-educated,  patient,  plodding 
invalid,  with  white  hair  and  protruding  under-jaw,  and  dreary 
visage,  was  sitting  day  after  day,  seldom  speaking,  never 
smiling,  seven  or  eight  hours  out  of  every  twenty-four,  at  a 
writing  table  covered  with  heaps  of  interminable  despatches, 
in  a  cabinet  far  away  beyond  the  seas  and  mountains,  in  the 
very  heart  of  Spain.  A  clerk  or  two,  noiselessly  opening  and 
shutting  the  door,  from  time  to  time,  fetching  fresh  bundles 
of  letters  and  taking  away  others — all  written  and  composed 
by  secretaries  or  high  functionaries — and  all  to  be  scrawled 
over  in  the  margin  by  the  diligent  old  man  in  a  big  school- 
boy's hand  and  style — if  ever  schoolboy,  even  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  could  write  so  illegibly  or  express  himself 
80  awkwardly  f  couriers  in  the  court-yard  arriving  from  or 
departing  for  the  uttermost  parts  of  earth — Asia,  Africa, 
America,  Europe — to  fetch  and  caiTy  these  interminable 
epistles  which  contained  the  irresponsible  commands  of  this 
one  individual,  and  were  freighted  with  the  doom  and  destiny 
of  countless  millions  of  the  world's  inhabitants — such  was 
the  system  of  government  against  which  the  Netherlands  had 


'    Camden's    '  Elizabeth,'    ed.    1688, 
p.  305. 

2    Camdeu,  p.  307. 


'   See   vol.    ii.  of  tliis   work   for  in 
stances. 


1584. 


MURDER   OF   THE   PRINCE   OF    ORANGE. 


protested  and  revolted.  It  was  a  system  under  which  then' 
fields  had  been  made  desolate,  their  cities  burned  and  pillaged, 
their  men  hanged,  burned,  drowned,  or  hacked  to  pieces ; 
their  women  subjected  to  every  outrage  ;  and  to  put  an  end 
to  which  they  had  been  devoting  their  treasure  and  their 
blood  for  nearly  the  length  of  one  generation.  It  was  a 
system,  too,  which,  among  other  results,  had  just  brought 
about  the  death  of  the  foremost  statesman  of  Europe,  and 
had  nearly  effected  simultaneously  the  murder  of  the  most 
eminent  sovereign  in  the  world.  The  industrious  Philip,  safe 
and  tranquil  in  the  depths  of  the  Escorial,  saying  his  prayers 
three  times  a  day  with  exemplary  regularity,  had  just  sent 
three  bullets  through  the  body  of  William  the  Silent  at  his 
dining-room  door  in  Delft.  "  Had  it  only  been  done  two 
years  earlier,"  observed  the  patient  old  man,  "much  trouble 
might  have  been  spared  me  ;  but  'tis  better  late  than  never." 
Sir  Edward  Stafford,  English  envoy  in  Paris,  wrote  to  his 
government — so  soon  as  the  news  of  the  murder  reached 
him — that,  according  to  his  information  out  of  the  Spanish 
minister's  own  house,  "  the  same  practice  that  had  been  exe- 
cuted upon  the  Prince  of  Orange,  there  were  practisers  more 
than  two  or  three  about  to  execute  upon  her  Majesty,  and 
that  within  two  months."  Without  vouching  for  the  absolute 
accuracy  of  this  intelligence,  he  implored  the  Queen  to  be 
more  upon  her  guard  than  ever.  "  For  there  is  no  doubt," 
said  the  envoy,  "  that  she  is  a  chief  mark  to  shoot  at ;  and 
seeing  that  there  were  men  cunning  enough  to  inchant  a 
man  and  to  encourage  him  to  kill  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
in  the  midst  of  Holland,  and  that  there  was  a  knave 
found  desperate  enough  to  do  it,  we  must  think  hereafter 
that  anything  may  be  done.  Therefore  God  preserve  her 
Majesty."^ 

Invisible  as  the  Grand  Lama  of  Thibet,  clothed  with  power 


'  Murdin's  'State  Papers,'  412-415. 

William  Herle,  too,  wrote  from  Hol- 
land, immediately  after  the  murder, 
warning  the  Queen  to  bo  more  than 
ever  on  her  guard.     The   seminary  at 


Dieppe,  placed  "upon  the  brim  of 
England,"  was  constantly  sending 
Scotch  and  English  assasshis  into 
their  own  countr}'.  "  'Tis  known  to 
me,"  he  said,  "  that  there  are  entered 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  I. 


as  extensive  and  absolute  as  had  ever  been  wielded  by  the 
most  imperial  Cgesar,  Philip  the  Prudent,  as  he  grew  older 
and  feebler  in  mind  and  body  seemed  to  become  more  glut- 
tonous of  work/  more  ambitious  to  extend  his  sceptre  over 
lands  which  he  had  never  seen  or  dreamed  of  seeing,  more 
fixed  in  his  determination  to  annihilate  that  monster  Pro- 
testantism, which  it  had  been  the  business  of  his  life  to 
combat,  more  eager  to  put  to  death  every  human  creature, 
whether  anointed  monarch  or  humble  artizan,  that  defended 
heresy  or  opposed  his  progress  to  universal  empire. 

If  this  enormous  power,  this  fabulous  labour,  had  been 
wielded  or  performed  with  a  beneficent  intention  ;  if  the 
man  who  seriously  regarded  himself  as  the  owner  of  a  third 
of  the  globe,  with  the  inhabitants  thereof,  had  attempted 
to  deal  with  these  extensive  estates  inherited  from  hia 
ancestors  with  the  honest  intention  of  a  thrifty  landlord, 
an  intelligent  slave-owner,  it  would  have  yet  been  possible 
for  a  little  longer  to  smile  at  the  delusion,  and  endure  the 
practice. 

But  there  was  another  old  man,  who  lived  in  another  palace 
in  another  remote  land,  who,  in  his  capacity  of  representative 
of  Saint  Peter,  claimed  to  dispose  of  all  the  kingdoms  of  the 
earth — and  had  been  willing  to  bestow  them  upon  the  man 
who  would  go  down  and  worship  him.  Philip  stood  enfeoffed, 
by  divine  decree,  of  all  America,  the  East  Indies,  the  whole 
Spanish  Peninsula,  the  better  portion  of  Italy,  the  seventeen 
Netherlands,  and  many  other  possessions  far  and  near  ;  and 
he   contemplated    annexing   to   this    extensive    property   the 


above  seven  score  lurking  Jesuits  into 
the  realm  of  late,  and  they  do  secretly 
repair  more  and  more  to  sow  infection 
and  rebellion  among  your  subjects, 
and  to  conspire  against  your  royal 
person,  whom  God  alway,  for  his 
mercy's  sake,  preserve."  (Herle  to 
the  Queen,  22nd  July,  1584,  State- 
Paper  Office  MS.)  Moreover,  another 
secret  agent  of  "Walsingham,  Stephen 
Le  Sieur,  wrote  shortly  afterwards 
from  Antwerp,  that  the  Prince  of 
Orange  had  been  warned   by  persons 


resident  in  Cologne  of  the  attempt 
about  to  be  made  upon  his  life,  but 
had  unfortunately  not  heeded  the  ad- 
monition. The  same  persons  who  had 
furnished  that  information  now  wrote 
to  apprise  Le  Sieur  that  there  was  a 
similar  plot  on  foot  against  the  Queen. 
(Le  Sieur  to  "Walsingham,  7  th  Sep- 
tember, 1584,  State-Paper  Office  MS.) 

*  Longlee  au  Roi  de  France,  apud 
Groen  van  Prinsterer,  '  Archives  et 
Correspondence  de  la  Maison  d'Orang€ 
Nassau,  deuxieme  aerie,'  torn.  i.  p.  29. 


1584  EXTENSION   OF   PROTESTANTISM.  5 

kingdoms  of  France,  of  England,  and  Ireland.  The  Holy 
League,  maintained  by  the  sword  of  Guise,  the  pope's  ban, 
Spanish  ducats,  Italian  condottieri,  and  German  mercenaries, 
was  to  exterminate  heresy  and  establish  the  Spanish  dominion 
in  France.  The  same  machinery,  aided  by  the  pistol  or 
poniard  of  the  assassin,  was  to  substitute  for  English  pro- 
testantism and  England's  queen  the  Roman  Catholic  religion 
and  a  foreign  sovereign.  "  The  holy  league,"  said  Dujjlessis- 
Mornay,  one  of  the  noblest  characters  of  the  age,  "has 
destined  us  all  to  the  same  sacrifice.  The  ambition  of  the 
Spaniard,  which  has  overleaped  so  many  lands  and  seas,  thinks 
nothing  inaccessible.'" 

The  Netherland  revolt  had  therefore  assumed  world-wide 
proportions.  Had  it  been  merely  the  rebellion  of  pro- 
vinces against  a  sovereign,  the  importance  of  the  struggle 
would  have  been  more  local  and  temporary.  But  the  period 
was  one  in  which  the  geograjjhical  land-marks  of  countries 
were  almost  removed.  The  dividing-line  ran  through  every 
state,  city,  and  almost  every  family.  There  was  a  country 
which  believed  in  the  absolute  power  of  the  church  to  dictate 
the  relations  between  man  and  his  Maker,  and  to  utterly 
exterminate  all  who  disputed  that  position.  There  was 
another  country  which  protested  against  that  doctrine,  and 
claimed,  theoretically  or  practically,  a  liberty  of  conscience. 
The  territory  of  these  countries  was  mapped  out  by  no  visible 
lines,  but  the  inhabitants  of  each,  whether  resident  in  France, 
Germany,  England,  or  Flanders,  recognised  a  relationship 
which  took  its  root  in  deeper  differences  than  those  of  race  or 
language.  It  was  not  entirely  a  question  of  doctrine  or 
dogma.  A  large  portion  of  the  world  had  become  tired  of 
the  antiquated  delusion  of  a  papal  supremacy  over  every 
land,  and  had  recorded  its  determination,  once  for  all,  to  have 
done  with  it.  The  transition  to  freedom  of  conscience  became 
a  necessary  step,  sooner  or  later  to  be  taken.  To  establish 
the  principle  of  toleration  for  all  religions  was  an  inevitable 
consequence  of  the  Dutch  revolt ;  although  thus  far,  perhaps 
*  'Memoirea  ut  Correspondeuce  de  Duplessia-Mornay, '  Paris,  1824,  iii.  27 


6  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDa  Chap.  L 

only  one  conspicuous  man  in  advance  of  his  age  had  boldly 
announced  that  doctrine  and  had  died  in  its  defence.  But  a 
great  true  thought  never  dies — though  long  buried  in  the 
earth — and  the  day  was  to  come,  after  long  years,  when  the 
seed  was  to  ripen  into  a  harvest  of  civil  and  religious  eman- 
cipation, and  when  the  very  word  toleration  was  to  sound 
like  an  insult  and  an  absurdity. 

A  vast  responsibility  rested  upon  ihe  head  of  a  monarch, 
placed  as  Philip  II.  found  himself,  at  this  great  dividing 
point  in  modern  history.  To  judge  him,  or  any  man  in  such 
a  position,  simply  from  his  own  point  of  view,  is  weak  and 
illogical.  History  judges  the  man  according  to  its  point  of 
view.  It  condemns  or  applauds  the  point  of  view  itself  The 
point  of  view  of  a  malefactor  is  not  to  excuse  robbery  and 
murder.  Nor  is  the  spirit  of  the  age  to  be  jileaded  in  defence 
of  the  evil-doer  at  a  time  when  mortals  were  divided  into 
almost  equal  troops.  The  age  of  Philip  II.  was  also  the  age  of 
William  of  Orange  and  his  four  brethren,  of  Sainte  Aldegonde, 
of  Olden-Barneveldt,  of  Duplessis-Mornay,  La  Noue,  Coligny, 
of  Luther,  Melancthon,  and  Calvin,  Walsingham,  Sidney, 
Raleigh,  Queen  Elizabeth,  of  Michael  Montaigne,  and  William 
Shakspeare.  It  was  not  an  age  of  blindness,  but  of  glorious 
light.  If  the  man  whom  the  Maker  of  the  Universe  had 
permitted  to  be  born  to  such  boundless  functions,  chose  to 
jjut  out  his  own  eyes  that  he  might  grope  along  his  great 
pathway  of  duty  in  perpetual  darkness,  by  his  deeds  he  must 
be  judged.  The  King  perhaps  firmly  believed  that  the 
heretics  of  the  Netherlands,  of  France,  or  of  England,  could 
escape  eternal  perdition  only  by  being  extirpated  from  the 
earth  by  fire  and  sword,  and  therefore,  perhaps,  felt  it  his 
duty  to  devote  his  life  to  their  extermination.  But  he 
believed,  still  more  firmly,  that  his  own  political  authority, 
throughout  his  dominions,  and  his  road  to  almost  universal 
empire,  lay  over  the  bodies  of  those  heretics.  Three  centuries 
have  nearly  past  since  this  memorable  epoch  ;  and  the  world 
knows  the  fate  of  the  states  which  accepted  the  dogma  which 
it  was  Philip's  life-work  to  enforce,  and  of  those  who  protested 


1584.  EXTENSIVE    POWER   OP   SPx^IN.  7 

against  the  system.  The  Spanish  and  Italian  Peninsulas  have 
had  a  diflferent  history  from  that  which  records  the  career 
of  France,  Prussia,  the  Dutch  Commonwealth,  the  British 
Empire,  the  Transatlantic  Republic. 

Yet  the  contest  between  those  Seven  meagre  Provinces  upon 
the  sand-banks  of  the  North  Sea,  and  the  great  Spanish  Empire, 
seemed  at  the  moment  with  which  we  are  now  occupied  a 
sufficiently  desperate  one.  Throw  a  glance  upon  the  map  of 
Eurojje.  Look  at  the  broad  magnificent  Spanish  Peninsula, 
stretching  across  eight  degrees  of  latitude  and  ten  of  longi- 
tude, commanding  the  Atlantic  and  the  Mediterranean,  with 
a  genial  climate,  warmed  in  winter  by  the  vast  furnace  of 
Africa,  and  protected  from  the  scorching  heats  of  summer  by 
shady  mountain  and  forest,  and  temperate  breezes  from  either 
ocean.  A  generous  southern  territory,  flowing  with  wine  and 
oil,  and  all  the  richest  gifts  of  a  bountiful  nature — splendid 
cities — the  new  and  daily  expanding  Madrid,  rich  in  the 
trophies  of  the  most  artistic  period  of  the  modern  world — 
Cadiz,  as  populous  at  that  day  as  London,  seated  by  the 
straits  where  the  ancient  and  modern  systems  of  traffic  were 
blending  like  the  mingling  of  the  two  oceans — Granada,  the 
ancient  wealthy  seat  of  the  fallen  Moors — Toledo,  Valladolid, 
and  Lisbon,  chief  city  of  the  recently-conquered  kingdom  of 
Portugal,  counting,  with  its  suburbs,  a  larger  population 
than  any  city,  excepting  Paris,  in  Europe,  the  mother  of 
distant  colonies,  and  the  capital  of  the  rapidly-developing 
traffic  with  both  the  Indies — these  were  some  of  the  treasures 
of  Spain  herself^  But  she  possessed  Sicily  also,  the  better 
portion  of  Italy,  and  important  dependencies  in  Africa,  while 
the  famous  maritime  discoveries  of  the  age  had  all  enured  to 
her  aggrandizement.  The  world  seemed  suddenly  to  have 
expanded  its  wings  from  East  to  West,  only  to  bear  the  for- 
tunate Spanish  Empire  to  the  most  dizzy  heights  of  wealth 
and  power.  The  most  accomplished  generals,  the  most  dis- 
ciplined and  daring  infantry  the  world  has  ever  known,  the 
best-equipped  and  most  extensive  navy,  royal  and  mercantile, 

Compare  Guicciardini,  'Belgicae  Descript.'     Amst.  1660,  p.  210  seq. 


8  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  1 

of  the  age,  were  at  tlie  absolute  command  of  the  sovereign. 
Such  was  Spain. 

Turn  now  to  the  north-western  corner  of  Europe.  A 
morsel  of  territory,  attached  by  a  slight  sand-hook  to  the  con- 
tinent, and  half-submerged  by  the  stormy  waters  of  the  Ger- 
man Ocean — this  was  Holland.  A  rude  climate,  with  long, 
dark,  rigorous,  winters,  and  brief  summers,  a  territory,  the 
mere  wash  of  three  great  rivers,  which  had  fertilized  happier 
portions  of  Europe  only  to  desolate  and  overwhelm  this  less- 
favoured  land,  a  soil  so  ungrateful,  that  if  the  whole  of  its 
four  hundred  thousand  acres  of  arable  land  had  been  sowed 
with  grain,'  it  could  not  feed  the  labourers  alone,  and  a  popu- 
lation largely  estimated  at  one  million  of  souls — these  were 
the  characteristics  of  the  Province  which  already  had  begun 
to  give  its  name  to  the  new  commonwealth.  The  isles  of 
Zeeland — entangled  in  the  coils  of  deep  slow-moving  rivers, 
or  combating  the  ocean  without — and  the  ancient  episcopate 
of  Utrecht,  formed  the  only  other  Provinces  that  had  quite 
shaken  off  the  foreign  yoke.  In  Friesland,  the  important  city 
of  Groningen  was  still  held  for  the  King,  while  Bois-le-Duc, 
Zutphcn,  besides  other  places  in  Gelderland  and  North  Bra- 
bant, also  in  possession  of  the  royalists,  made  the  position  of 
those  jjrovinces  precarious. 

The  limit  of  the  Spanish  or  "  obedient "  Provinces,  on  the 
one  hand,  and  of  the  United  Provinces  on  the  other,  cannot, 
therefore,  be  briefly  and  distinctly  stated.  The  memorable 
treason — or,  as  it  was  called,  the  "reconciliation"  of  the 
Walloon  Provinces  in  the  year  1583-4 — had  placed  the  Pro- 
vinces of  Hainault,  Arthois,  Douay,  with  the  flourishing  cities 
Arras,  Valenciennes,  Lille,  Tournay,  and  others — all  Celtic 
Flanders,  in  short — in  the  grasp  of  Spain.  Cambray  was  still 
held  by  the  French  governor.  Seigneur  de  Balagny,  who  had 
taken  advantage  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou's  treachery  to  the 
States,  to  establish  himself  in  an  unrecognized  but  practical 
petty  sovereignty,  in  defiance  both  of  France  and  Spain  ; 
while  East  Flanders  and  South  Brabant  still  remained  a  dis- 

>  'Memoires  de  Jean  de  Wit,'  La  Haye,  1709-18-19. 


1584.  RKLIGlOtTS  OUtGlN  OF  THE  REVOLT.  9 

j)uted  territory,  and  the  immediate  field  of  contest.  With 
these  limitations,  it  may  be  assumed,  for  general  purposes, 
that  the  territory  of  the  United  States  was  that  of  the  modern 
Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  while  the  obedient  Provinces 
occupied  what  is  now  the  territory  of  Belgium. 

Such,  then,  were  the  combatants  in  the  great  eighty  years' 
war  for  civil  and  religious  liberty  ;  sixteen  of  which  had  now 
passed  away.  On  the  one  side,  one  of  the  most  powerful  and 
populous  world-empires  of  history,  then  in  the  zenith  of  its 
prosperity  ;  on  the  other  hand,  a  slender  group  of  cities, 
governed  by  merchants  and  artisans,  and  planted  precariously 
upon  a  meagre,  unstable  soil.  A  million  and  a  half  of  souls 
against  the  autocrat  of  a  third  part  of  the  known  world.  The 
contest  seemed  as  desperate  as  the  cause  was  certainly  sacred  ; 
but  it  had  ceased  to  be  a  local  contest.  For  the  history  which 
is  to  occupy  us  in  these  volumes  is  not  exclusively  the  history 
of  Holland.  It  is  the  story  of  the  great  combat  between 
despotism,  sacerdotal  and  regal,  and  the  spirit  of  rational 
human  liberty.  The  tragedy  opened  in  the  Netherlands,  and 
its  main  scenes  were  long  enacted  there  ;  but  as  the  ambition 
of  Spain  expanded,  and  as  the  resistance  to  the  principle 
which  she  represented  became  more  general,  other  nations 
were,  of  necessity,  involved  in  the  struggle.  There  came  to 
be  one  country,  the  citizens  of  which  were  the  Leaguers  ;  and 
another  country,  whose  inhabitants  were  Protestants.  And 
in  this  lay  the  distinction  between  freedom  and  absolutism. 
The  religious  question  swallowed  all  the  others.  There  was 
never  a  period  in  the  early  history  of  the  Dutch  revolt  when 
the  Provinces  would  not  have  returned  to  their  obedience, 
could  they  have  been  assured  of  enjoying  liberty  of  conscience 
or  religious  peace  ;  nor  was  there  ever  a  single  moment  in 
Philip  II.'s  life  in  which  he  wavered  in  his  fixed  determina- 
tion never  to  listen  to  such  a  claim.  The  quarrel  was  in 
its  nature  irreconcilable  and  eternal  as  the  warfare  between 
wrong  and  right  ;  and  the  establishment  of  a  comparative 
civil  liberty  in  Europe  and  America  was  the  result  of  the 
religious   war   of    the   sixteenth    and    seventeenth   centuries. 

Vol.  I— a 


10  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap  1. 

The  struggle  lasted  eighty  years,  but  the  prize  was  worth  the 
contest. 

The  object  of  the  war  between  the  Netherlands  and  Spain 
was  not,  therefore,  primarily,  a  rebellion  against  established 
authority  for  the  maintenance  of  civil  rights.  To  preserve 
these  rights  was  secondary.  The  first  cause  was  religion.  The 
Provinces  had  been  fighting  for  years  against  the  Inquisition, 
Had  they  not  taken  arms,  the  Inquisition  would  have  been 
established  in  the  Netherlands,  and  very  probaby  in  England, 
and  England  might  have  become  in  its  turn  a  Province  of 
tlie  Spanish  Empire. 

The  death  of  William  the  Silent  produced  a  sudden  change 
in  the  political  arrangements  of  the  liberated  Netherlands. 
During  the  year  1583,  the  United  Provinces  had  elected 
Francis,  Duke  of  Anjou,  to  be  Duke  of  Brabant  and  sove- 
reign of  the  whole  country,  under  certain  constitutional  pro- 
visions enumerated  in  articles  of  solemn  compact.  That 
compact  had  been  grossly  violated.  The  Duke  had  made  a 
treacherous  attempt  to  possess  himself  of  absolute  power  and 
to  seize  several  important  cities.  He  had  been  signally 
defeated  in  Antwerp,  and  obliged  to  leave  the  country, 
covered  with  ignominy.  The  States  had  then  consulted  Wil- 
liam of  Orange  as  to  the  course  to  be  taken  in  the  emergency. 
The  Prince  had  told  them  that  their  choice  was  triple.  They 
might  reconcile  themselves  with  Spain,  and  abandon  the 
contest  for  religious  liberty  which  they  had  so  long  been 
waging  ;  they  might  reconcile  themselves  with  Anjou,  not- 
withstanding that  he  had  so  utterly  forfeited  all  claims  to 
their  consideration  ;  or  they  might  fight  the  matter  out  with 
Spain  single-handed.  The  last  course  was,  in  his  opinion, 
the  most  eligible  one,  and  he  was  ready  to  sacrifice  his  life  to 
its  furtherance.  It  was,  however,  indispensable,  should  that 
policy  be  adopted,  that  much  larger  supplies  should  be  voted 
than  had  hitherto  been  raised,  and,  in  general,  that  a  much 
more  extensive  and  elevated  spirit  of  patriotism  should  mani- 
fest itself  than  had  hitherto  been  displayed. 

It  was,  on  the  whole,  decided  to  make  a  second  arrange- 


1584.  DISPOSAL  OF  THE  S0VP:REIGNTY.  U 

ment  with  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  Queen  Elizabeth  warmly 
urging  that  courseo  At  the  same  time,  however,  that  articles 
of  agreement  were  drawn  up  for  the  installation  of  Anjou  aa 
sovereign  of  the  United  Provinces,  the  Prince  had  himself 
consented  to  accept  the  title  of  Count  of  Holland,  under 
an  ample  constitutional  charter,  dictated  by  his  own  lips. 
Neither  Anjou  nor  Orange  lived  to  be  inaugurated  into  the 
effices  thus  bestowed  upon  them.  The  Duke  died  at  Chateau- 
Thierry  on  the  10th  June,  and  the  Prince  was  assassinated  a 
month  later  at  Delft. 

What  now  was  the  political  position  of  the  United  Provinces 
at  this  juncture  ?  The  sovereignty  which  had  been  held  by 
the  Estates,  ready  to  be  conferred  respectively  upon  Anjou 
and  Orange,  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Estates.  There 
was  no  opposition  to  this  theory.  No  more  enlarged  view  of 
the  social  compact  had  yet  been  taken.  The  people,  as  such, 
claimed  no  sovereignty.  Had  any  champion  claimed  it  for 
them  they  would  hardly  have  understood  him.  The  nation 
dealt  with  facts.  After  abjuring  Philip  in  1581 — an  act  which 
had  been  accomplished  by  the  Estates — the  same  Estates 
in  general  assembly  had  exercised  sovereign  power,  and  had 
twice  disposed  of  that  sovereign  power  by  electing  a  hereditary 
ruler.  Their  right  and  their  power  to  do  this  had  been 
disputed  by  none,  save  by  the  deposed  monarch  in  Spain. 
Having  the  sovereignty  to  dispose  of,  it  seemed  logical  that 
the  Estates  might  keep  it,  if  so  inclined.  They  did  keep  it, 
but  only  in  trust.  While  Orange  lived,  he  might  often  have 
been  elected  sovereign  of  all  the  Provinces,  could  he  have 
been  induced  to  consent.  After  his  death,  the  Estates  retained, 
ex  necessitate,  the  sovereignty ;  and  it  will  soon  be  related 
what  they  intended  to  do  with  it.  One  thing  is  very  certain, 
that  neither  Orange,  while  he  lived,  nor  the  Estates,  after  his 
death,  were  actuated  in  their  policy  by  personal  ambition. 
It  will  be  seen  that  the  first  object  of  the  Estates  was  to  dis- 
possess themselves  of  the  sovereignty  which  had  again  fallen 
into  their  hands. 

What  were  the  Estates  ?    Without,  at  the  present  moment, 


X2  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  I. 

any  farther  inquiries  into  that  constitutional  system  which 
had  been  long  consolidating  itself,  and  was  destined  to  exist 
upon  a  firmer  basis  for  centuries  longer,  it  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  observe,  that  the  great  characteristic  of  the  Nether- 
land  government  was  the  municipality.  Each  Province  con- 
tained a  large  number  of  cities,  which  were  governed  by  a 
board  of  magistrates,  varying  in  number  from  twenty  to  forty. 
This  college,  called  the  Vroedschap  (Assembly  of  Sages),  con- 
sisted of  the  most  notable  citizens,  and  was  a  self-electing 
body — a  close  corporation — the  members  being  appointed  for 
life,  from  the  citizens  at  large.  Whenever  vacancies  occurred 
from  death  or  loss  of  citizenship,  the  college  chose  new  mem- 
bers— sometimes  immediately,  sometimes  by  means  of  a 
double  or  triple  selection  of  names,  the  choice  of  one  from 
among  which  was  offered  to  the  stadtholder  of  the  province. 
This  functionary  was  appointed  by  the  Count,  as  he  was 
called,  whether  Duke  of  Bavaria  or  of  Burgundy,  Emperor, 
or  King.  After  the  abjuration  of  Philip,  the  governors  were 
appointed  by  the  Estates  of  each  Province. 

The  Sage-Men  chose  annually  a  board  of  senators,  or  sche- 
pens,  whose  functions  were  mainly  judicial ;  and  there  were 
generally  two,  and  sometimes  three,  burgomasters,  appointed 
in  the  same  way.'  This  was  the  popular  branch  of  the  Estates. 
But,  besides  this  body  of  representatives,  were  the  nobles, 
men  of  ancient  lineage  and  large  possessions,  who  had  exer- 
cised, according  to  the  general  feudal  law  of  Europe,  high, 
low,  and  intermediate  jurisdiction  upon  their  estates,  and  had 
long  been  recognized  as  an  integral  part  of  the  body  politic, 
having  the  right  to  appear,  through  delegates  of  their  order,  in 
the  provincial  and  in  the  general  assemblies. 

Regarded  as  a  machine  for  bringing  the  most  decided 
political  capacities  into  the  administration  of  public  afiairs, 
and  for  organising  the  most  practical  opposition  to  the  system 
of  rehgious  tyranny,  the  Netherland  constitution  was  a 
healthy,  and,  for  the  age,  an  enlightened  one.  The  office- 
holders, it  is  obvious,  were  not  greedy  for  the  spoils  of  office  ; 

'  Meteren,  loc.  cit. 


1584 


COtTRAGE  OF  THE  ESTATES  OF  HOLLAND. 


13 


for  it  was,  unfortunately,  often  the  case  that  their  necessary 
expenses  in  the  service  of  the  state  were  not  defrayed.  The 
people  raised  enormous  contributions  for  carrying  on  the 
war  ;  but  they  could  not  afford  to  be  extremely  generous  to 
their  faithful  servants. 

Thus  constituted  was  the  commonwealth  upon  the  death 
of  William  the  Silent.  The  gloom  produced  by  that  event 
was  tragical.  Never  in  human  history  was  a  more  poignant 
and  universal  sorrow  for  the  death  of  any  individual.  The 
despair  was,  for  a  brief  season,  absolute  ;  but  it  was  soon 
succeeded  by  more  lofty  sentiments.  It  seemed,  after  they 
had  laid  their  hero  in  the  tomb,  as  though  his  spirit  still 
hovered  above  the  nation  which  he  had  loved  so  well,  and 
was  inspiring  it  with  a  portion  of  his  own  energy  and  wisdom.' 

Even  on  the  very  day  of  the  murder,  the  Estates  of  Holland, 
then  sitting  at  Delft,  passed  a  resolution  "  to  maintain  the 
good  cause,  with  God's  help,  to  the  uttermost,  with-  loth  July, 
out  sparing  gold  or  blood."  This  decree  was  com-  iss^:. 
municated  to  Admiral  de  Warmont,  to  Count  Hohenlo,  to 
William  Lewis  of  Nassau,  and  to  other  commanders  by  land 
and  sea.     At  the  same  time,  the    sixteen   members — for   no 


'  "The  people  of  that  country," 
wrote  Walsingham,  ten  days  after  the 
death  of  Orange,  to  Davison,  "have 
hitherto  shewed  themselves  but  little 
amazed  with  the  accident.  Rather, 
the  wickedness  of  the  deed  hath  har- 
dened their  stomachs  to  hold  out  as 
long  as  they  shall  have  any  means  of 
defence."      if  j^      ^         g  p  ^^  ^^ 

22         . 

William  Herle,  also,  a  secret  and 
most  capable  emissary  of  the  English 
government,  was  visiting  the  cities  of 
Holland  and  Zeeland  at  the  time  of  the 
tragic  occurrence.  He  described,  in 
vivid  colours,  the  courageous  attitude 
maintained  by  all  persons  in  the  midst 
of  the  general  gloom.  "The  recent 
death  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,"  he 
wrote  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  "  has  crea- 
ted no  astonishment  (dismay)  at  all, 
either  of  the  people  or  magistrates,  by 
fear  or  division,  but  rather  generally 
animated  them  with  a  great  resolution 


of  courage  and  hatred  engraved  in 
them,  to  revenge  the  foulness  of  the 
fact  committed  on  the  person  of  the 
prince  by  the  tj'rant  of  Spain,  and  to 
defend  their  liberties  advisedly  against 
him  and  his  adherents  by  all  means 
that  God  has  given  them,  to  the  utter- 
most portion  of  their  substance,  and 
the  last  drop  of  their  blood."  ^  July, 
1584,  S.  P.  Office  MS.  i  Aug., 

In  the  city  of  Dort  he  was  waited 
upon  by  the  magistrates,  and  received 
by  them  with  suigular  respect,  as  the 
known,  although  secret,  representative 
of  the  Queen.  "  They  repaired  to  mo 
immediately,"  he  wrote,  "not  as  men 
condoling  their  estate,  or  craving 
courage  to  be  instilled  into  them — 
though  wanting  now  a  head — but  irri- 
tated above  measure  to  be  revenged. 
and  to  defend  all  their  heads,  so  ap- 
parently sought  for  by  the  King  of 
Spain,  in  murdering  their  head,  the 
Prince  of  Orange."     (Ibid.) 


14  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  L 

greater  number  happened  to  be  present  at  the  session — 
addressed  letters  to  their  absent  colleagues,  informing 
them  of  the  calamity  which  had  befallen  them,  summon- 
ing them  at  once  to  conference,  and  urging  an  immediate 
convocation  of  the  Estates  of  all  the  Provinces  in  General 
Assembly.  They  also  addressed  strong  letters  of  encou- 
ragement, mingled  with  manly  condolence,  upon  the 
common  affliction,  to  prominent  military  and  naval  com- 
manders and  civil  functionaries,  begging  them  to  "bear 
themselves  manfully  and  valiantly,  without  faltering  in  the 
least  on  account  of  the  great  misfortune  which  had  occurred, 
or  allowing  themselves  to  be  seduced  by  any  one  from  the 
union  of  the  States.'"  Among  these  sixteen  were  Van  Zuylen, 
Van  Nyvelt,  the  Seigneur  de  Warmont,  the  Advocate  of 
Holland,  Paul  Buys,  Joost  de  Menin,  and  John  van  Olden- 
Barneveldt.  A  noble  example  was  thus  set  at  once  to  their 
fellow  citizens  by  these  their  representatives — a  manful  step 
taken  forward  in  the  path  where  Orange  had  so  long  been 
leading. 

The  next  movement,  after  the  last  solemn  obsequies  had 
been  rendered  to  the  Prince  was  to  provide  for  the  immediate 
wants  of  his  family.  For  the  man  who  had  gone  into  the 
revolt  with  almost  royal  revenues,  left  his  estate  so  embar- 
rassed that  his  carpets,  tapestries,  household  linen — nay, 
even  his  silver  spoons,  and  the  very  clothes  of  his  wardrobe — 
were  disposed  of  at  auction  for  the  benefit  of  his  creditors.* 
He  left  eleven  children — a  son  and  daughter  by  the  first  wife, 
a  son  and  daughter  by  Anna  of  Saxony,  six  daughters  by 
Charlotte  of  Bourbon,  and  an  infant,  Frederic  Henry,  born  six 
months  before  his  death.  The  eldest  son,  Philip  William, 
had  been  a  captive  in  Spain  for  seventeen  years,  having  been 
kidnapped  from   school,  in  Leyden,  in  the   year    1567.     He 


'  'Van  Wyn  et  al.  Aanmerkingen 
op  Wagenaar,'  viii.  1-5. 

'  His  extensive  estates  were  all 
deeply  mortgaged,  and  he  left  abso- 
lutely no  ready  money.      "  Both  Buis 


to  Queen  Elizabeth,  "that  the  prince 
had  not  in  ready  money  at  his  deata 
one  hundred  guilders,  which  Avas  a 
note  of  his  popularity."  ^  July,  ,-„„ 
S.  P.  Office  MS.  1  Aug.,    ^^°°' 


and  Meetkerk  told  me,"    wrote  Herle    '  Compare  Wagenaar,  viii.  12-16. 


1584. 


CHILDREN    OF   THE   PRINCE   OP   ORANGE. 


had  already  become  so  thoroughly  Hispaniolized  under  the 
masterly  treatment  of  the  King  and  the  Jesuits,  that  even 
liis  face  had  lost  all  resemblance  to  the  type  of  his  heroic 
family,  and  had  acquired  a  sinister,  gloomy,  forbidding  ex- 
pression, most  painful  to  contemplate.  All  of  good  that  he 
had  retained  was  a  reverence  for  his  father's  name — a  senti- 
ment which  he  had  manifested  to  an  extravagant  extent  on 
a  memorable  occasion  in  Madrid,  by  throwing  out  of  window, 
and  killing  on  the  spot^  a  Spanish  ofl&cer  who  had  dared  to 
mention  the  great  Prince  with  insult. 

The  next  soe  was  Maurice,  then  seventeen  years  of  age,  a 
handsome  youth,  with  dark  blue  eyes,  well-chiselled  features, 
and  full  red  lips,  who  had  already  manifested  a  courage  and 
concentration  of  character  beyond  his  years.  The  son  of 
William  the  Silent,  the  grandson  of  Maurice  of  Saxony,  whom 
he  resembled  in  visage  and  character,  he  was  summoned  by 
every  drop  of  blood  in  his  veins  to  do  life-long  battle  with  the 
spirit  of  Spanish  absolutism,  and  he  was  already  girding 
himself  for  his  life's  work.  He  assumed  at  once  for  his 
device  a  fallen  oak,  with  a  young  sapling  springing  from 
its  root.  His  motto, — "  Tandem  fit  surculus  arbor,"  "  the 
twig  shall  yet  become  a  tree" — was  to  be  nobly  justified  by 
his  career.^ 

The  remaining  son,  then  a  six  months'  child,  was  also 
destined  to  high  fortunes,  and  to  win  an  enduring  name  in 
his  country's  history.  For  the  present  he  remained  with  his 
mother,  the  noble  Louisa  de  Coligny,  who  had  thus  seen,  at 
long  intervals,  her  father  and  two  husbands  fall  victims  to 
Ihe  Spanish  policy ;  for  it  is  as  certain  that  Philip  knew 
beforehand,  and  testified  his  approbation  of,  the  massacre  of 
St.  Bartholomew,  as  that  he  ivas  the  murderer  of  Orange. 

The  Estates  of  Holland  implored  the  widowed  Princess 
to   remain   in   their   territority,    settling  a   liberal   allowance 


'  "  The  Count  Maurice,  with  whom 
I  was,  most  gracious  Sovereign,"  said 
Herle,  "is  a  gentleman  of  the  age  of 
seventeen  years,  one  of  great  toward- 
ness,  good  presence,  and  courage, 
flaxen-haired,   endued   with  a  singular 


wit,  and  no  less  learned  for  his  time. 
He  somewhat  resembles  the  counte- 
nance and  spirit  of  his  grandfather  of 
the  mother's  side."  (Herle  to  the 
Queen,  MS.  just  cited.)  Compare 
Meteren,  xii.  214. 


16 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDa 


Chap.  L 


upon  herself  and  her  child,  and  she  fixed  her  residence  at 
Leyden.' 

But  her  position  was  most  melancholy.  Married  in  youth 
to  the  Seigneur  de  Teligny,  a  young  noble  of  distinguished 
qualities,  she  had  soon  become  both  a  widow  and  an  orphan 
in  the  dread  night  of  St.  Bartholomew.  She  had  made  her 
own  escape  to  Switzerland ;  and  ten  years  afterwards  she 
had  united  herself  in  marriage  with  the  Prince  of  Orange. 
At  the  age  of  thirty-two,  she  now  found  herself  desolate 
and  wretched  in  a  foreign  land,  where  she  had  never  felfc 
thoroughly  at  home.  The  widow  and  children  of  William 
the  Silent  were  almost  without  the  necessaries  of  life.  "  I 
hardly  know,"  wrote  the  Princess  to  her  brother-in-law.  Count 
John,  "how  the  children  and  I  are  to  maintain  ourselves 
according  to  the  honour  of  the  house.  May  God  provide  for 
us  in  his  bounty,  and  certainly  we  have  much  need  of  it."' 
Accustomed  to  the  more  luxurious  civilisation  of  France,  she 
had  been  amused  rather  than  annoyed,  when,  on  her  first 
arrival  in  Holland  for  her  nuptials,  she  found  herself  making 
the  journey  from  Rotterdam  to  Delft  in  an  open  cart  without 
springs,  instead  of  the  well-balanced  coaches  to  which  she 
had  been  used,  arriving,  as  might  have  been  expected,  "  much 
bruised  and  shaken."  Such  had  become  the  primitive  sim- 
plicity of  William  the  Silent's  household.*  But  on  his  death, 
in  embarrassed  circumstances,  it  was  still  more  straightened. 
She  had  no  cause  either  to  love  Leyden,  for,  after  the  assas- 
sination of  her  husband,  a  brutal  preacher,  Hakkius  by  name, 
had  seized  that  opportunity  for  denouncing  the  French  mar- 
riage, and  the  sumptuous  christening  of  the  infant  in  January 
as  the  deeds  which  had  provoked  the  wrath  of  God  and 
righteous  chastisement.'*  To  remain  there  in  her  widowhood, 
with  that  six  months'  child,  "  sole  pledge  of  her  dead  lord, 
her  consolation  and  only  pleasure,"'  as  she  pathetically  ex- 
pressed herself,  was  sufficiently  painful,  and  she  had  been 
inclined  to  fix  her  residence  in  Flushing,  in  the  edifice  which 


'  "Wagenaar,  'Vaderlandsche  His- 
torie,'  viii.  8  seq.  ;  Yan  Wyn  op  "Wa- 
genaar, viii.  5  seq.,  IQ  seq. 

"  Groen  v.  Priasterer,  '  Archives,'  &c. 


2  S.,  i.  98. 

^  Du  Maurier,  '  Memoires,'  182. 
*  Van  Wyn  op  Wagenaar,  viii.  19. 
'  Groe  •  V.  Prinsterer  ubi  sup. 


1584.  PROVISIONAL   COUNCIL.  17 

had  belonged  to  her  husband,  as  Marquis  of  Vere.  She  had 
been  persuaded,  however,  to  remain  in  Holland,  although 
"complaining,  at  first,  somewhat  of  the  unkindness  of  the 
people."^ 

A  small  well-formed  woman,  with  delicate  features,  exqui- 
site complexion,  and  very  beautiful  dark  eyes,  that  seemed 
in  after-years,  as  they  looked  from  beneath  her  coif,  to  be 
dim  with  unshed  tears  ;  Avith  remarkable  powers  of  mind, 
angelic  sweetness  of  disposition,  a  winning  manner,  and  a 
gentle  voice,  Louisa  de  Coligny  became  soon  dear  to  the 
rough  Hollanders,  and  was  ever  a  disinterested  and  valuable 
monitress  both  to  her  own  child  and  to  his  elder  brother 
Maurice.^ 

Very  soon  afterwards  the  States  General  established  a 
State  Council,  as  a  provisional  executive  board,  for  the  term 
of  three  months,  for  the  Provinces  of  Holland,  Zeeland, 
Utrecht,  Friesland,  and  such  jiarts  of  Flanders  and  Brabant 
as  still  remained  in  the  Union.  At  the  head  of  this  body  was 
placed  young  Maurice,  who  accepted  the  responsible  position, 
after  three  days'  deliberation.  The  young  man  had  been 
completing  his  education,  with  a  liberal  allowance  from 
Holland  and  Zeeland,  at  the  University  of  Leyden  ;  and  such 
had  been  their  tender  care  for  the  child  of  so  many  hopes, 
that  the  Estates  had  given  particular  and  solemn  warning, 
by  resolution,  to  his  governor  during  the  previous  summer,  on 
no  account  to  allow  him  to  approach  the  sea-shore,  lest  he 
should  be  kidnapped  by  the  Prince  of  Parma,  who  had  then 
some  war-vessels  cruising  on  the  coast.* 

The  salary  of  Maurice  was  now  fixed  at  thirty  thousand 


•  MS.  letter  of  Herle. 

2  "I  visited  the  Princess  of  Orange 
by  her  own  request,"  said  Herle,  a  few 
days  after  the  death  of  the  Prince, 
"and  found  her  in  a  most  dark  me- 
lancholic little  chamber.  'T  was  a 
twice  sorrowful  sight  to  behold  her 
heaviness  and  apparel  augmented  by 
the  woefulness  of  the  place ;  and  truly 
the  perplexity  was  great  that  I  found 
her  iU;  not  only  for  the  consideration 
of  things  past,  but  for  that  which  might 

VOL.  I. — C 


follow  hereafter,  her  afflictions  having 
been  great.  She  was  accompanied  by 
the  Princess  Chimay,  who  was  newly 
come  to  Delft,  and  no  less  dolorous 
in  another  degree  than  she,  but  truly 
a  virtuous  and  wise  lady,  whatsoever, 
under  correction,  hath  been  otherwise 
interpreted  of  her."  (Herle's  MS., 
before  cited.) 

^  'Resol.  Holl.,'  11th  August,  1584 
bl.  294  ;  "Wagenaar,  viii.  6. 


jg  TTTE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  I. 

florins  a  year,  while  each  of  the  councillors  was  allowed  fifteen 
hundred  annually,  out  of  which  stipend  he  was  to  support  at 
least  one  servant,  without  making  any  claim  for  travelling  or 
other  incidental  expenses.^ 

The  Council  consisted  of  three  members  from  Brabant,  two 
from  Flanders,  four  from  Holland,  three  from  Zeeland,  two 
from  Utrecht,  one  from  Mechlin,  and  three  from  Friesland — 
eighteen  in  all.  They  were  empowered  and  enjoined  to  levy 
troops  by  land  and  sea,  and  to  appoint  naval  and  military 
officers  ;  to  establish  courts  of  admiralty,  to  expend  the 
moneys  voted  by  the  States,  to  maintain  the  ancient  privileges 
of  the  country,  and  to  see  that  all  troops  in  service  of  the 
Provinces  made  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Union.  Diplomatic 
relations,  questions  of  peace  and  war,  the  treaty-making 
•power,  were  not  entrusted  to  the  Council,  without  the  know- 
ledge and  consent  of  the  States  General,  which  body  was  to 
be  convoked  twice  a  year  by  the  State  Council.^ 

Thus  the  Provinces  in  the  hour  of  danger  and  darkness 
were  true  to  themselves,  and  were  far  from  giving  way  to  a 
despondency  which  under  the  circumstances  would  not  have 
been  unnatural. 

For  the  waves  of  bitterness  were  rolling  far  and  wide 
around  them.  A  medal,  struck  in  Holland  at  this  period, 
represented  a  dismasted  hulk  reeling  through  the  tempest. 
The  motto,  "  incertum  quo  fata  ferent "  (who  knows  whither 
fate  is  sweeping  her  ?)  expressed  most  vividly  the  ship- 
wrecked condition  of  the  country.  Alexander  of  Parma, 
the  most  accomplished  general  and  one  of  the  most  adroit 
statesmen  of  the  age,  was  swift  to  take  advantage  of  the 
calamity  which  had  now  befallen  the  rebellious  Provinces. 
Had  he  been  better  provided  with  men  and  money,  the  cause 
of  the  States  might  have  seemed  hopeless.  He  addressed 
many  letters  to  the  States  General,  to  the  magistracies  of 
various  cities,  and  to  individuals,  affecting  to  consider  that 
with  the  death  of  Orange  bad  died  all  authority,  as  well  as 
all  motive  for  continuing  the  contest  with  Spain.     Hei  offered 

'   Wagenaar,  viii.  8;   Van  "Wyn  op  Wagenaar,  viii.  12.  ^  Ibid. 


1584.  FIRM   ATTITUDE    OF   HOLLAND.  19 

easy  terms  of  reconciliation  with  the  discarded  monarch — 
always  reserving,  however,  as  a  matter  of  course,  the  religious 
question — for  it  was  as  well  known  to  the  States  as  to  Parma 
that  there  was  no  hope  of  Philip  making  concessions  upon 
that  important  point. 

In  Holland  and  Zeeland  the  Prince's  blandishments  were 
of  no  avail.  His  letters  received  in  various  towns  of  those 
Provinces,  offered,  said  one  who  saw  them,  "  almost  every- 
thing they  would  have  or  demand,  even  till  they  should 
repent."^  But  the  bait  was  not  taken.  Individuals  and 
municipalities  were  alike  stanch,  remembering  well  that 
faith  was  not  to  be  kept  with  heretics.  The  example  was 
followed  by  the  Estates  of  other  Provinces,  and  all  sent  in  to 
the  General  Assembly,  soon  in  session  at  Delft,  "their 
absolute  and  irrevocable  authority  to  their  deputies  to  stand 
to  that  which  they,  the  said  States  General,  should  dispose  of 
as  to  their  persons,  goods  and  country  ;  a  resolution  and 
agreement  which  never  concurred  before  among  them,  to  this 
day,  in  what  age  or  government  soever."^ 

It  was  decreed  that  no  motion  of  agreement  "  with  the  tyrant 
of  Spain "  should  be  entertained  either  publicly  or  privately, 
"  under  pain  to  be  reputed  ill  patriots."  It  was  also  enacted 
in  the  city  of  Dort  that  any  man  that  brought  letter  or 
message  from  the  enemy  to  any  private  person  "should  be 
forthwith  hanged."  This  was  expeditious  and  business-like. 
The  same  city  likewise  took  the  lead  in  recording  its  deter- 
mination by  public  act,  and  proclaiming  it  by  sound  of 
trumpet,  "  to  live  and  die  in  the  cause  now  undertaken."^ 

In  Flanders  and  Brabant  the  sj^irit  was  less  noble.  Those 
Provinces  were  nearly  lost  already.  Bruges  seconded  Parma's 
efforts  to  induce  its  sister-city  Ghent  to  imitate  its  own  base- 
ness in  surrendering  without  a  struggle  ;  and  that  powerful, 
turbulent,  but  most  anarchical  little  commonwealth  was  but 
too  ready  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  the  tempter.  "  The  ducats 
of  Spain,  Madam,  are  trotting  about  in  such  fashion,"  wrote 
envoy  Dea  Pruneaux  to  Catharine  de'  Medici,  "  that  they  have 

»  Herle  lo»  the  Queen,  MS.  before  cited,  '  Ibid.  ^  ibij. 

c  3 


20  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  L 

vanquished  a  great  quantity  of  courages.  Your  Majesties,  too, 
must  employ  money  if  you  wish  to  advance  one  step."^  No 
man  knew  better  than  Parma  how  to  employ  such  golden 
rhetoric  to  win  back  a  wavering  rebel  to  his  loyalty,  but  he 
was  not  always  provided  with  a  sufficient  store  of  those 
practical  arguments. 

He  was,  moreover,  not  strong  in  the  field,  although  he  was 
far  superior  to  the  States  at  this  contingency.  He  had, 
besides  his  garrisons,  something  above  18,000  men.  The 
Provinces  had  hardly  3000  foot  and  2500  horse,  and  these 
were  mostly  lying  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Zutphen.^ 
Alexander  was  threatening  at  the  same  time  Ghent,  Dender- 
monde,  Mechlin,  Brussels,  and  Antwerp.  These  five  powerful 
cities  lie  in  a  narrow  circle,  at  distances  varying  from  six  miles 
to  thirty,  and  are,  as  it  were,  strung  together  upon  the  Scheldt, 
by  which  river,  or  its  tributary,  the  Senne,  they  are  all  threaded. 
It  would  have  been  impossible  for  Parma,  with  100,000  men 
at  his  back,  to  undertake  a  regular  and  simultaneous  siege  of 
these  important  places.  His  purpose  was  to  isolate  them  from 
each  other  and  from  the  rest  of  the  country,  by  obtaining  the 
control  of  the  great  river,  and  so  to  reduce  them  by  famine. 
The  scheme  was  a  masterly  one,  but  even  the  consummate 
ability  of  Farnese  would  have  proved  inadequate  to  the  under- 
taking, had  not  the  preliminary  assassination  of  Orange  made 
the  task  comparatively  easy.  Treason,  faint-heartedness, 
jealousy,  were  the  fatal  allies  that  the  Governor-General  had 
reckoned  upon,  and  with  reason,  in  the  council-rooms  of  these 
cities.  The  terms  he  offered  were  liberal.  Pardon,  permission 
for  soldiers  to  retreat  with  technical  honour,  liberty  to  choose 
between  apostacy  to  the  reformed  religion  or  exile,  with  a  period 
of  two  years  granted  to  the  conscientious  for  the  winding  up  of 
their  affairs;  these  were  the  conditions,  which  seemed  flattering, 
now  that  the  well-known  voice  which  had  so  often  silenced  the 
Flemish  palterers  and  intriguers  was  for  ever  hushed. 
17th  Aug.,  Upon  the  17th  August  Dendermonde  surren- 
1584.       dered,  and   no  lives  were   taken  save  those  of  two 

»  ^iroew  Y.  Prinsterer,  'Archives,'  &g.,  4,  '  "Wagenaar,  vUi.  13. 


1B84.  WEAKNESS  OP  FLANDERS.  21 

preachers,  one  of  whom  was  hanged,  while  the  other  was  drowned. 
Upon  the  7th  September  Vilvoorde  capitulated,  by  which  event 
the  water-communication  between  Brussels  and  Antwerp 
was  cut  off.  Ghent,  now  thoroughly  disheartened,  treated 
with  Parma  likewise  ;  and  upon  the  17th  September  made 
its  reconciliation  with  the  King.'  The  surrender  of  so  strong 
and  important  a  place  was  as  disastrous  to  the  cause  of  the 
patriots  as  it  was  disgraceful  to  the  citizens  themselves.  It 
was,  however,  the  result  of  an  intrigue  which  had  been  long 
spinning,  although  the  thread  had  been  abruptly,  and,  as 
it  was  hoped,  conclusively,  severed  several  months  before. 
During  the  early  part  of  the  year,  after  the  reconciliation  of 
Bruges  with  the  King — an  event  brought  about  by  the 
duplicity  and  adroitness  of  Prince  Chimay — the  same  ma- 
chinery had  been  diligently  and  almost  successfully  em- 
ployed to  produce  a  like  result  in  Ghent.  Champagny, 
brother  of  the  famous  Cardinal  Granvelle,  had  been  under 
arrest  for  six  years  in  that  city.  His  imprisonment  was  not 
a  strict  one  however,  and  he  avenged  himself  for  what  he 
considered  very  unjust  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  patriots, 
by  completely  abandoning  a  cause  which  he  had  once  begun 
to  favour.  A  man  of  singular  ability,  courage,  and  energy, 
distinguished  both  for  military  and  diplomatic  services,  he 
was  a  formidable  enemy  to  the  party  from  which  he  was  now 
for  ever  estranged.  As  early  as  April  of  this  year,  secret 
emissaries  of  Parma,  dealing  with  Champagny  in  his  nominal 
prison,  and  with  the  disaffected  burghers  at  large,  had  been 
on  the  point  of  effecting  an  arrangement  with  the  royal 
governor.  The  negotiation  had  been  suddenly  brought  to  a 
close  by  the  discovery  of  a  flagrant  attempt  by  Imbize,  one 
of  the  secret  adherents  of  the  King,  to  sell  the  city  of  Den- 
dermonde,  of  which  he  was  governor,  to  Parma.''  For  this 
crime  he  had  been  brought  to  Ghent  for  trial,  and  then 
publicly  beheaded.  The  incident  came  in  aid  of  the  eloquence 
of  Orange,  who,  up  to  the  latest  moment  of  his  life,  had  been 


'  Meteren,  xii.  216,  217. 
*  See  '  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic,' 
Tol.  'il  chap,  vi.,  and   the   authorities 


there  cited ;  Everhard  van  Reyd,  '  His- 
toric der  Nederlandscher  Oorlogen,' 
ed.  1650;  iii.  4.1. 


22  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  I 

moet  urgent  in  his  aj)j)eals  to  the  patriotic  hearts  of  Ghent, 
not  to  abandon  the  great  cause  of  the  union  and  of  liberty. 
William  the  Silent  knew  full  well,  that  after  the  withdrawal 
of  the  great  keystone7city  of  Ghent,  the  chasm  between  the 
Celtic-Catholic  and  the  Flemish-Calvinist  Netherlands  could 
hardly  be  bridged  again.  Orange  was  now  dead.  The  nego- 
tiations with  France,  too,  on  which  those  of  the  Ghenters 
who  still  held  true  to  the  national  cause  had  fastened  their 
hopes,  had  previously  been  brought  to  a  stand-still  by  the 
death  of  Anjou  ;  and  Champagny,  notwithstanding  the  disa.ster 
to  Imbize,  became  more  active  than  ever.  A  private  agent, 
whom  the  municipal  government  had  despatched  to  the 
French  court  for  assistance,  was  not  more  successful  than  his 
character  and  course  of  conduct  would  have  seemed  to 
warrant ;  for  during  his  residence  in  Paris,  he  had  been 
always  drunk,  and  generally  abusive.  This  was  not  good 
diplomacy,  particularly  on  the  part  of  an  agent  from  a  weak 
municipality  to  a  haughty  and  most  undecided  government. 

"  They  found  at  this  court,"  wrote  Stafford  to  Walsingham, 
"great  fault  with  his  manner  of  dealing  that  was  sent  from 
Gaunt.  He  was  scarce  sober  from  one  end  of  the  week  to 
the  other,  and  stood  so  much  on  his  tiptoes  to  have  present 
answer  within  three  days,  or  else  that  they  of  Gaunt  could 
tell  where  to  bestow  themselves.  They  sent  him  away  after  keep- 
ing him  three  weeks,  and  he  went  off  in  great  dudgeon,  swear- 
ing by  yea  and  nay  that  he  will  make  report  thereafter."  * 

Accordingly,  they  of  Ghent  did  bestow  themselves  very 
soon  thereafter  upon  the  King  of  Spain.  The  terms  were 
considered  liberal,  but  there  was,  of  course,  no  thought  of 
conceding  the  great  object  for  which  the  patriots  were  con- 
tending— religious  liberty.  The  municipal  privileges — such 
as  they  might  prove  to  be  worth  under  the  interpretation  of  a 
royal  governor  and  beneath  the  guns  of  a  citadel  filled  with 
Spanish  troops — were  to  be  guaranteed  ;  those  of  the  inha- 
bitants who  did  not  choose  to  go  to  mass  were  allowed  two 
years  to  wind   up   their  affairs  before  going  into  perpetual 

'  Stafford  to  'Walsingham,  27lii  July,  1584,  in  Murdin,  iL  pp.  412-415. 


1584.  FALL  OF  GHENT.  23 

exile,  provided  they  behaved  themselves  "without  scandal;" 
while  on  the  other  hand,  the  King's  authority  as  Count  of 
Flanders  was  to  be  fully  recognised,  and  all  the  disj^ossessed 
monks  and  abbots  to  be  restored  to  their  property.' 

Accordingly,  Charapagny  was  rewarded  for  his  exertions  by 
being  released  from  prison  and  receiving  the  appointment  of 
governor  of  the  city :  and,  after  a  very  brief  interval,  about 
one-half  of  the  j)opulation,  the  most  enterprising  of  its  mer- 
chants and  manufacturers,  the  most  industrious  of  its  artizans, 
emigrated  to  Holland  and  Zeeland.''  The  noble  city  of  Ghent 
— then  as  large  as  Paris,  thoroughly  surrounded  with  moats, 
and  fortified  with  bulwarks,  ravelins,  and  counterscarps,  con- 
structed of  earth,  during  the  previous  two  years,  at  great 
expense,  and  provided  with  bread  and  meat,  powder  and  shot, 
enough  to  last  a  year — was  ignomiuiously  surrendered.  The 
population,  already  a  very  reduced  and  slender  one  for  the 
great  extent  of  the  place  and  its  former  importance,  had 
been  estimated  at  70,000."  The  number  of  houses  was  35,000, 
so  that  as  the  inhabitants  were  soon  farther  reduced  to  one- 
half,  there  remained  but  one  individual  to  each  house.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  twenty-five  monasteries  and  convents  in  the 
town  were  repeopled — with  how  much  advantage  as  a  set-ofi" 
to  the  thousands  of  spinners  and  weavers  who  had  wandered 
away,  and  who  in  the  flourishing  days  of  Ghent  had  sent  gangs 
of  workmen  through  the  streets  "  whose  tramp  was  like  that 
of  an  army  " — may  be  sufficiently  estimated  by  the  result. 

The  fall  of  Brussels  was  deferred  till  March,  and  that  of 
Mechlin  (19th  July,  1585)  and  of  Antwerp  (19th  August, 
1585),  till  Midsummer  of  the  following  year  ;  but  loth  March, 
the  surrender  of  Ghent  foreshadowed  the  fate  of  ^^'^^• 
Flanders  and  Brabant.  Ostend  and  Sluys,  however,  were 
still  in  the  hands  of  the  patriots,  and  with  them  the  control 
of  the  whole  Flemish  coast.  The  Command  of  the  sea  was 
destined  to  remain  for  centuries  with  the  new  republic. 

'  Meteren,    xii.    217;    V.    Reyd,  iii.    I        •  Meteren,  ttbi  sup. 
47;    Le    Petit,  '  Grande   Chronique   de  '  Guicciardini,  p.  207. 

HoUande,'  ed.  1601,  xiv.  409,  500.  ] 


24  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  I. 

The  Prince  of  Parma,  thus  encouraged  by  the  great  success 
of  his  intrigues,  was  determined  to  achieve  still  greater 
triumphs  with  his  arms,  and  steadily  proceeded  with  his  large 
design  of  closing  the  Scheldt  and  bringing  about  the  fall  of 
Antwerp.  The  details  of  that  siege — one  of  the  most  brilliant 
raiUtary  operations  of  the  age  and  one  of  the  most  memorable 
in  its  results — will  be  given,  as  a  connected  whole,  in  a  subse- 
quent series  of  chapters.  For  the  present,  it  will  be  better 
for  the  reader  who  wislies  a  clear  view  of  European  politics 
at  this  epoch,  and  of  the  i)Osition  of  the  Netherlands,  to  give 
his  attention  to  the  web  of  diplomatic  negotiation  and  court- 
intrigue  which  had  been  slowly  spreading  over  the  leading 
states  of  Christendom,  and  in  which  the  fate  of  the  world  was 
involved.  If  diplomatic  adroitness  consists  mainly  in  the 
power  to  deceive,  never  were  more  adroit  dijjlomatists  than 
those  of  the  sixteenth  century.  It  would,  however,  be  absurd 
to  deny  them  a  various  range  of  abilities  ;  and  the  history  of 
no  other  age  can  show  more  subtle,  comprehensive,  inde-- 
fatigable — but,  it  must  also  be  added,  often  unscrupulous — in- 
tellects engaged  in  the  great  game  of  politics  in  which  the 
highest  interests  of  millions  were  the  stakes,  than  were  those 
of  several  leading  minds  in  England,  France,  Germany,  and 
Spain.  With  such  statesmen  the  burgher-diplomatists  of  the 
new-born  commonwealth  had  to  measure  themselves ;  and 
the  result  was  to  show  whether  or  not  they  could  hold  their 
own  in  the  cabinet  as  on  the  field. 

For  the  present,  however,  the  new  state  was  unconscious  of 
its  latent  importance.  The  new-risen  republic  remained  for 
a  season  nebulous,  and  ready  to  unsphere  itself  so  soon  as  the 
relative  attraction  of  other  great  powers  should  determine  its 
absorption.  By  the  death  of  Anjou  and  of  Orange  the  United 
Netherlands  had  become  a  sovereign  state,  an  independent 
republic  ;  but  they  stood" with  that  sovereignty  in  their  hands, 
offering  it  alternately,  not  to  the  highest  bidder,  but  to  the 
power  that  would  be  willing  to  accept  their  allegiance,  on  the 
sole  condition  of  assisting  them  in  the  maintenance  of  their 
religious  freedom. 


1584.  KELATIONa  OJ^'  TtlE  KEPUliLIC  TO  FRANCE.  25 


CHAPTER     II. 

tlelations  of  the  Republic  to  France — Queen's  Severity  towards  Catholics  and 
Calvinists  —  Relative  Positions  of  England  and  France  —  Timidity  of 
Germany  —  Apathy  of  Protestant  Germany  —  Indignation  of  the  Nether- 
landers  —  Henry  III.  of  France  —  The  King  and  his  Minions  —  Henry  of 
Guise  —  Henry  of  Navarre —  Power  of  France  —  Embassy  of  the  States  to 
France  —  Ignominious  position  of  the  Envoys  —  Views  of  the  French 
Huguenots  —  Eftbrts  to  procure  Annexation  —  Success  of  Des  Pruneaux. 

The  Prince  of  Orange  had  always  favoured  a  French  policy. 
He  had  ever  felt  a  stronger  reliance  upon  the  support  of 
France  than  upon  that  of  any  other  power.  This  was  not 
unreasonable,  and  so  long  as  he  lived,  the  tendency  of  the 
Netherlands  had  been  in  that  direction.  It  had  never  been 
the  wish  of  England  to  acquire  the  sovereignty  of  the  Pro- 
vinces. In  France  on  the  contrary,  the  Queen  Dowager, 
Catharine  de'  Medici,  had  always  coveted  that  sovereignty  for 
her  darling  Francis  of  Alengon  ;  and  the  design  had  been 
favoured,  so  far  as  any  policy  could  be  favoured,  by  the  impo- 
tent monarch  who  occupied  the  French  throne. 

The  religion  of  the  United  Netherlands  was  Calvinistic. 
There  were  also  many  Anabaptists  in  the  country.  The 
Queen  of  England  hated  Anabaptists,  Calvinists,  and  other 
sectarians,  and  banished  them  from  her  realms  on  pain  of 
imprisonment  and  confiscation  of  property.'  As  firmly  op- 
posed as  was  her  father  to  the  supremacy  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome,  she  felt  much  of  the  paternal  reluctance  to  accept  the 
spirit  of  the  Reformation.  Henry  Tudor  hanged  the  men 
who  believed  in  the  Pope,  and  burnt  alive  those  who  disbe- 
lieved in  transubstantiation,  auricular  confession,  and  the 
other  'Six  Articles.'  His  daughter,  whatever  her  secret 
religious  convictions,  was   stanch  in  her  resistance  to  Rome, 

*  Camden,  i.  48. 


26  THE    UNITKO   NKTIIKRLANDS.  Chap.  II. 

and  too  enlightened  a  monarch  not  to  see  wherein  the  great- 
ness and  glory  of  England  were  to  be  found  ;  but  she  had  no 
thought  of  tolerating  liberty  of  conscience.  All  opposed  to 
the  Church  of  England,  whether  Papists  or  Puritans,  were 
denounced  as  heretics,  and  as  such  imprisoned  or  banished. 
"  To  allow  churches  with  contrary  rites  and  ceremonies,"  said 
Elizabeth,  "were  nothing  else  but  to  sow  religion  out  of 
religion,  to  distract  good  men's  minds,  to  cherish  ftictious 
men's  humours,  to  disturb  religion  and  commonwealth,  and 
mingle  divine  and  human  things  ;  which  were  a  thing  in  deed 
evil,  in  example  worst  of  all  ;  to  our  own  subjects  hurtful^ 
and  to  themselves  to  whom  it  is  granted,  neither  greatly  com- 
modious, nor  yet  at  all  safe."'  The  words  were  addressed,  it 
is  true,  to  Papists,  but  there  is  very  little  doubt  that  Ana- 
baptists or  any  other  heretics  would  have  received  a  similar 
reply,  had  they,  too,  ventured  to  demand  the  right  of  public 
worship.  It  may  even  be  said  that  the  Romanists  in  the 
earlier  days  of  Elizabeth's  reign  fared  better  than  the  Cal- 
vinists.  The  Queen  neither  banished  nor  imprisoned  the 
Catholics.  She  did  not  enter  their  houses  to  disturb  their 
private  religious  ceremonies,  or  to  inquire  into  their  con- 
sciences. This  was  milder  treatment  than  the  burning  alive, 
burying  alive,  hanging,  and  drowning,  which  had  been  dealt 
out  to  the  English  and  the  Netherland  heretics  by  Philijj 
and  by  Mary,  but  it  was  not  the  spirit  which  William 
the  Silent  had  been  wont  to  manifest  in  his  measures  towards 
Anabaptists  and  Papists  alike.  Moreover,  the  Prince  could 
hardly  forget  that  of  the  nine  thousand  four  hundred  Catholic 
ecclesiastics  who  held  benefices  at  the  death  of  Queen  Mary, 
all  had  renounced  the  Pope  on  the  accession  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, and  acknowledged  her  as  the  head  of  the  church,  saving 
only  one  hundred  and  eighty-nine  individuals. **  In  the  hearts 
of  the  nine  thousand  two  hundred  and  eleven  others,  it  might 
be  thought  perhaps  that  some  tenderness  for  the  religion  from 
which  they  had  so  suddenly  been  converted,  might  linger, 
while  it  could  hardly  be  hoped  that  they  would  seek  to  incul- 

'  Camden,  L  32.  '  Ibid.,  i.  28. 


1584         SEVERITY  TOWARDS   CATHOLICS  AND   CALVINISTS.         27 

cate   in   the  minds  of  their   flocks  or  of  their  sovereign  any 
connivance  with  the  doctrines  of  Geneva. 

When,  at  a  later  period,  the  plotting  of  Catholics,  suborned 
by  the  Pope  and  Philip,  against  the  throne  and  person  of  the 
Queen,  made  more  rigorous  measures  necessary  ;  when  it  was 
thought  indispensable  to  execute  as  traitors  those  Roman 
seedlings — seminary  priests  and  their  disciples — who  went 
about  preaching  to  the  Queen's  subjects  the  duty  of  carrying 
out  the  bull  by  which  the  Bishop  of  Rome  had  deposed  and 
excommunicated  their  sovereign,  and  that  "it  was  a  merito- 
rious act  to  kill  such  princes  as  were  excommunicate,"^  even 
then,  the  men  who  preached  and  practised  treason  and  murder 
experienced  no  severer  treatment  than  that  which  other 
"heretics"  had  met  with  at  the  Queen's  hands.  Jesuits 
and  Popish  priests  were,  by  Act  of  Parliament,  ordered 
to  depart  the  realm  within  forty  days.'  Those  who  should 
afterwards  return  to  the  kingdom  were  to  be  held  guilty  of 
high  treason.  Students  in  the  foreign  seminaries  were  com- 
manded to  return  vrithin  six  months  and  recant,  or  be  held 
guilty  of  high  treason.  Parents  and  guardians  supplying 
money  to  such  students  abroad  were  to  incur  the  penalty  of  a 
praemunire — perpetual  exile,  namely,  with  loss  of  all  theirgoods. 

Many  seminary  priests  and  others  were  annually  executed 
in  England  under  these  laws,  throughout  the  Queen's  reign, 
but  nominally  at  least  they  were  hanged  not  as  Papists, 
but  as  traitors  ;  not  because  they  taught  transubstantiation, 
ecclesiastical  celibacy,  auricular  confession,  or  even  Papal 
supremacy,  but  because  they  taught  treason  and  murder — 
because  they  preached  the  necessity  of  killing  the  Queen. 
It  was  not  so  easy,  however,  to  defend  or  even  compre- 
hend the  banishment  and  imprisonment  of  those  who  without 
conspiring  against  the  Queen's  life  or  throne,  desired  to  see 
the  Church  of  England  reformed  according  to  the  Church 
of  Geneva.  Yet  there  is  no  doubt  that  many  sectaries 
experienced  much  inhuman  treatment  for  such  delinquency, 
both  in  the  early  and  the  later  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign.* 

'  Camden,  iii.  336.  '"'  Ibid,  iii.  309.  '  Ibid.  <  Ibid.  107,  -169. 


28  THE    UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  II. 

There  was  another  consideration,  which  had  its  due  weight 
in  this  balance,  and  that  was  the  respective  succession  to  the 
throne  in  the  two  kingdoms  of  France  and  England.  Mary 
Stuart,  the  Catholic,  the  niece  of  the  Guises,  emblem  and 
exponent  of  all  that  was  most  Roman  in  Europe,  the  sworn 
friend  of  Philip,  the  mortal  foe  to  all  heresy,  was  the  legiti- 
mate successor  to  Elizabeth.  Although  that  sovereign  had 
ever  refused  to  recognize  that  claim  ;  holding  that  to  confirm 
Mary  in  the  succession  was  to  "  lay  her  own  winding  sheet 
before  her  eyes,  yea,  to  make  her  own  grave,  while  she  liveth 
and  looketh  on  ;"'  and  although  the  unfortunate  claimant  of 
two  thrones  was  a  prisoner  in  her  enemy's  hands,  yet,  so  long 
as  she  lived,  there  was  little  security  for  Protestantism,  even 
in  Elizabeth's  lifetime,  and  less  still  in  case  of  her  sudden 
death.  On  the  other  hand,  not  only  were  the  various  politico- 
religious  forces  of  France  kept  in  equilibrium  by  their  action 
upon  each  other — so  that  it  was  reasonable  to  believe  that 
the  House  of  Valois,  however  Catholic  itself,  would  be  always 
compelled  by  the  fast-expanding  strength  of  French  Calvin- 
ism, to  observe  faithfully  a  compact  to  tolerate  the  Netherland 
churches — but,  upon  the  death  of  Henry  III.  the  crown 
would  be  legitimately  placed  upon  the  head  of  the  great 
champion  and  chief  of  the  Huguenots,  Henry  of  Navarre. 

It  was  not  unnatural,  therefore,  that  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
a  Calvinist  himself,  should  expect  more  sympathy  with  the 
Netherland  reformers  in  France  than  in  England.  A  large 
proportion  of  the  population  of  that  kingdom,  including  an 
influential  part  of  the  nobility,  was  of  the  Huguenot  persua- 
sion, and  the  religious  peace,  established  by  royal  edict,  had 
endured  so  long,  that  the  reformers  of  France  and  the  Nether- 
lands had  begun  to  believe  in  the  royal  clemency,  and  to 
confide  in  the  royal  word.  Orange  did  not  live  to  see  the 
actual  formation  of  the  Holy  League,  and  could  only  guess 
at  its  secrets. 

Moreover,  it  should  be  remembered  that  France  at  that 
day   was   a   more   formidable    state    than   England,    a   more 

'  Camden,  i.  54. 


1584.         KKLATIVE  POSITIONS  OF  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE.  29 

dangerous  enemy,  and,  as  it  was  believed,  a  more  efficient 
protector.  The  England  of  the  period,  glorious  as  it  was  for 
its  own  and  all  future  ages,  was  not  the  gieat  British  Empire 
of  to-day.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  what  would  now  be  con- 
sidered, statistically  speaking,  a  rather  petty  power.  The 
England  of  Elizabeth,  Walsingham,  Burghley,  Drake,  and 
Raleigh,  of  Spenser  and  Shakspeare,  hardly  numbered  a 
larger  population  than  now  dwells  in  its  capital  and  imme- 
diate suburbs.  It  had  neither  standing  army  nor  considerable 
royal  navy.  It  was  full  of  conspirators,  daring  and  unscru- 
pulous, loyal  to  none  save  to  Mary  of  Scotland,  Philip  of 
Spain,  and  the  Pope  of  Rome,  and  untiring  in  their  eiforts  to 
bring  about  a  general  rebellion.  With  Ireland  at  its  side, 
nominally  a  subject  province,  but  in  a  state  of  chronic  insur- 
rection— a  perpetual  hot-bed  for  Spanish  conspiracy  and 
stratagem  ;  with  Scotland  at  its  back,  a  foreign  country,  with 
half  its  population  exasperated  enemies  of  England,  and  the 
rest  but  doubtful  friends,  and  with  the  legitimate  sovereign  of 
that  country,  "  the  daughter  of  debate,  who  discord  still  did 
sow,"^  a  prisoner  in  Elizabeth's  hands,  the  central  point 
around  which  treason  was  constantly  crystallizing  itself, — it 
was  not  strange  that  with  the  known  views  of  the  Queen  on 
the  subject  of  the  reformed  Dutch  religion,  England  should 
seem  less  desirable  as  a  protector  for  the  Netherlands  than 
the  neighbouring  kingdom  of  France. 

Elizabeth  was  a  great  sovereign,  whose  genius  Orange 
always  appreciated,  in  a  comparatively  feeble  realm.  Henry 
of  Valois  was  the  contemptible  monarch  of  a  powerful  state, 
and  might  be  led  by  others  to  produce  incalculable  mischief 
or  considerable  good.  Notwithstanding  the  massacre  of  St. 
Bartholomew,  therefore,  and  the  more  recent  "French  fury" 
of  Antwerp,  Orange  had  been  willing  to  countenance  fresh 
negociations  with  France. 

Elizabeth,  too,  it  should  never  be  forgotten,  was,  if  not  over 
generous,  at  least  consistent  and  loyal  in  her  policy  towards 
the  Provinces.     She  was  not  precisely  jealous  of  France,  aa 

'  Sonnet  by  Queen  Elizabeth. 


30 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IL 


has  been  unjustly  intimated  on  distinguished  authority/  for 
she  strongly  advocated  the  renewed  offer  of  the  sovereignty 
to  Anjou,  after  his  memorable  expulsion  from  the  Provinces.^ 
At  that  period,  moreover,  not  only  her  own  love-coquetries 
with  Anjou  were  over,  but  he  was  endeavouring  with  all  his 
might,  though  in  secret,  to  make  a  match  with  the  younger 
Infanta  of  Spain;^  Elizabeth  furthered  the  negociation  with 
France,  both  publicly  and  privately.  It  will  soon  be  narrated 
how  those  negociations  prospered. 

If  then  England  were  out  of  the  question,  where,  except  in 
France,  should  the  Netherlander s,  not  deeming  themselves 
capable  of  standing  alone,  seek  for  protection  and  support  ? 

We  have  seen  the  extensive  and  almost  ubiquitous  power 
of  Spain.  Where  she  did  not  command  as  sovereign,  she  was 
almost  equally  formidable  as  an  ally.  The  Emperor  of 
Germany  was  the  nephew  and  the  brother-in-law  of  Philip, 
and  a  strict  Catholic  besides.  Little  aid  was  to  be  expected 
from  him  or  the  lands  under  his  control  for  the  cause  of  the 
Netherland  revolt.  Rudolph  hated  his  brother-in-law,  but 
lived  in  mortal  fear  of  him.  He  was  also  in  perpetual  dread 
of  the  Grand  Turk.  That  formidable  potentate,  not  then  the 
"  sick  man "  whose  precarious  condition  and  territorial  in- 
heritance cause  so  much  anxiety  in  modern  days,  was,  it 
is  true,  sufficiently  occupied  for  the  moment  in  Persia,  and 
had  been  sustaining  there  a  series  of  sanguinary  defeats.  He 
was  all  the  more  anxious  to  remain  upon  good  terms  with 
Philip,  and  had  recently  sent  him  a  complimentary  embassy, 
together  with  some  rather  choice  presents,  among  which  were 
"  four  lions,  twelve  unicorns,  and  two  horses  coloured  white, 
black,  and  blue."^     Notwithstanding  these  pacific  manifesta- 


'  'H.  Grotii  Annalium,'  v.  126,  ed. 
1658,  Amst. 

'  'Rise  of  the  Dutch  RepubUc,'  iii. 
chap,  vi.,  and  MS.  Letter  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  cited  in  note. 

3  '  Collection  de  Lettres  relatives 
aux  Negotiations  sur  le  Project  de 
Mariage  du  Due  d'Anjou  avec  une  des 
Inl'antes    d'Espagne,    et    aux   Aflfains 


traictees  de  part  et  d'autre  pour  lea 
Pays  Bas,  Cambray,  la  succession  de 
Portugal,'  &c.  Bib.  Imp.  de  France, 
Brienne  MS. 

*  De  Thou,  -Hist.  Univ.'  ix.  209 
seq. 

'  Meteren,  xiiL  233  ;  Le  Petit,  xiv. 
515. 


1584.  TIMIDITY   OF  GKRMANT.  31 

tions  towards  the  West,  however,  and  in  spite  of  the  truce 
with  the  German  Empire  which  the  Turk  had  just  renewed 
for  nine  years, — Rudolph  and  his  servants  still  trembled  at 
every  report  from  the  East. 

"He  is  much  deceived,"  wrote  Busbecq,  Rudolph's  am- 
bassador in  Paris,  "  who  doubts  that  the  Turk  has  sought  any 
thing  by  this  long  Persian  war,  but  to  protect  his  back,  and 
prepare  the  way,  after  subduing  that  enemy,  to  the  extermi- 
nation of  all  Christendom,  and  that  he  will  then,  with  all  his 
might,  wage  an  unequal  warfare  with  us,  in  which  the  exis- 
tence of  the  Empire  will  be  at  stake." ' 

The  envoy  expressed,  at  the  same  period,  however,  still 
greater  awe  of  Spain.  ''  It  is  to  no  one,"  he  wrote,  "  endowed 
with  good  judgment,  in  the  least  obscure,  that  the  Spanish 
nation,  greedy  of  empire,  will  never  be  quiet,  even  with  their 
great  power,  but  will  seek  for  the  dominion  of  the  rest  of 
Christendom.  How  much  remains  beyond  what  they  have 
already  acquired  ?  Afterwards,  there  will  soon  be  no  liberty, 
no  dignity,  for  other  princes  and  republics.  That  single 
nation  will  be  arbiter  of  all  things,  than  which  nothing  can 
be  more  miserable,  nothing  more  degrading.  It  cannot  be 
doubted  that  all  kings,  princes,  and  states,  whose  safety  or 
dignity  is  dear  to  them,  would  willingly  associate  in  arms  to 
extinguish  the  common  conflagration.  The  death  of  the 
Catholic  king  would  seem  the  great  opportunity  miscendis 
rebus." ' 

Unfortunately  neither  Busbecq's  master  nor  any  other  king 
or  prince  manifested  any  of  this  commendable  alacrity  to 
"  take  up  arms  against  the  conflagration."  Germany  was  in 
a  shiver  at  every  breeze  from  East  or  West — trembling  alike 
before  Philip  and  Amurath.  The  Papists  were  making  rapid 
progress,  the  land  being  undermined  by  the  steady  and 
stealthy  encroachments  of  the  Jesuits.  Lord  Burghley  sent 
many  copies  of  his  pamphlet,  in  Latin,  French,  and  Italian, 
against  the  Seminaries,  to  Gebhard  Truchsess  ;  and  the  de- 

*  'Buabequii     Epistolae    ad    Rudol-    )        '  Ibid.,  p.  124-126. 
phum  II.,'  Brux.,  1631,  p.  152-3. 


32  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  II. 

posed  archbishop  made  himself  busy  in  translating  that 
wholesome  production  into  German,  and  in  dispersing  it  "  all 
Germany  over."  The  work,  setting  duly  forth  "  that  the 
executions  of  priests  in  England  were  not  for  religion  but  for 
treason,"  was  "  marvellously  liked  "  in  the  Netherlands.  "  In 
uttering  the  truth,"  said  Herle,  "  'tis  likely  to  do  great  good  ;  " 
and  he  added,  that  Duke  Augustus  of  Saxony  "  did  now  see 
so  far  into  the  sect  of  Jesuits,  and  to  their  inward  mischiefs, 
as  to  become  their  open  enemy,  and  to  make  friends  against 
them  in  the  Empire."  ^ 

The  love  of  Truchsess  for  Agnes  Mansfeld  had  created 
disaster  not  only  for  himself  but  for  Germany.  The  whole 
electorate  of  Cologne  had  become  the  constant  seat  of  partisan, 
warfare,  and  the  resort  of  organised  bands  of  brigands. 
Villages  were  burned  and  rifled,  highways  infested,  cities 
threatened,  and  the  whole  country  subjected  to  perpetual 
black  mail  (brandschatzung) — fire-insurance  levied  by  the 
incendiaries  in  person — by  the  supporters  of  the  rival  bishops. 
Truchsess  had  fled  to  Delft,  where  he  had  been  countenanced 
and  supported  by  Orange.  Two  cities  still  held  for  him. 
Rheinberg  and  Neuss.  On  the  other  hand,  his  rival,  Ernest 
of  Bavaria,  supported  by  Philip  II.,  and  the  occasional  guest 
of  Alexander  of  Parma,  had  not  yet  succeeded  in  establishing 
a  strong  foothold  in  the  territory.  Two  pauper  archbishops, 
without  men  or  means  of  their  own,  were  thus  pushed  forward 
and  back,  like  puppets,  by  the  contending  highwaymen  on 
either  side  ;  while  robbery  and  murder,  under  the  name  of 
Protestantism  or  Catholicism,  were  for  a  time  the  only  motive 
or  result  of  the  contest. 

Thus  along  the  Rhine,  as  well  as  the  Maas  and  the  Scheldt, 
the  fires  of  civil  war  were  ever  burning.  Deeper  within  the 
heart  of  Germany,  there  was  more  tranquillity  ;  but  it  was 
the  tranquillity  rather  of  paralysis  than  of  health.  A  fearful 
account  was  slowly  accumulating,  which  was  evidently  to  be 
settled  only  by  one  of  the  most  horrible  wars  which  history 
has  ever  recorded.     Meantime  there  was  apathy  where  there 

'  Herle  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  22nd  July,  1584,  MS.  before  cited. 


1584.  APATHY   OF   PROTESTANT  GERMANY.  33 

should  have  been  enthusiasm  ;  parsimony  and  cowardice 
where  generous  and  combined  eflbrt  were  more  necessary 
than  ever ;  sloth  without  security.  The  Protestant  princes, 
growing  fiit  and  contented  on  the  spoils  of  the  church,  lent 
but  a  deaf  ear  to  the  moans  of  Truchsess,  forgetting  that 
their  neighbour's  blazing  roof  was  likely  soon  to  fire  their  own. 
"  They  understand  better,  proxirnus  sum  egomet  mihi,"  wrote 
Lord  Willoughby  from  Kronenburg,  "  than  they  have  learned, 
humani  nihil  a  me  alienum  puto.  These  German  princes 
continue  still  in  their  lethargy,  careless  of  the  state  of  others, 
and  dreaming  of  their  ubiquity,  and  some  of  them,  it  is 
thought,  inclining  to  be  Spanish  or  Popish  more  of  late  than 
heretofore." ' 

The  beggared  archbishop:*,  more  forlorn  than  ever  since  the 
death  of  his  great  patron,  cried  woe  from  his  resting-place 
in  Delft,  upon  Protestant  Germany.  His  tones  seemed  almost 
prophetic  of  the  thirty  years'  wrath  to  blaze  forth  in  the  next 
generation.  "  Courage  is  wanting  to  the  people  throughout 
Germany,"  he  wrote  to  William  Lewis  of  Nassau.  "  We  are 
becoming  the  laughing-stock  of  the  nations.  Make  sheep  of 
yourselves,  and  the  wolf  will  eat  you.  We  shall  find  our 
destruction  in  our  immoderate  desire  for  peace.  Spain  is 
making  a  Papistical  league  in  Germany.  Therefore  is  Asson- 
leville  despatched  thither,  and  that's  the  reason  why  our 
trash  of  priests  are  so  insolent  in  the  empire.  'Tis  astonishing 
how  they  are  triumphing  on  all  sides.  God  will  smite 
them.  Thou  dear  God  !  What  are  our  evangelists  about 
in  Germany  ?  Asleep  on  both  ears.  Dormiunt  in  utramque 
aurem.  I  doubt  they  will  be  suddenly  enough  awakened  one 
day,  and  the  cry  will  be,  '  Who'd  have  thought  it  ?  '  Then 
they  will  be  for  getting  oil  for  the  lamp,  for  shutting  the 
stable-door  when  the  steed  is  stolen,"  '^  and  so  on,  with  a  string 
of  homely  proverbs  worthy  of  Sancho  Panza,  or  landgrave 
William  of  Hesse.' 


*  Willoughby  to  Burghley,  in 
"Wright's  'Queen  Elizabeth  and  her 
Times,'  vol.  li.  275 

VOL,  I.— T) 


'^  Groen    v.    Prlnsterer,     '  Archives^ 
&c.,  i.  9. 
3  The  statesmen  of    Eiigluu'4  wer« 


34 


THE    UNITED    NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  II. 


In  truth,  one  of  the  most  painful  features  in  the  general 
aspect  of  affairs  was  the  coldness  of  the  German  Protestants 
towards  the  Netherlands.  The  enmity  between  Lutherans 
and  Calvinists  was  almost  as  fatal  as  that  between  Protestants 
and  Papists.  There  was  even  a  talk,  at  a  little  later  period, 
of  excluding  those  of  the  "reformed"  church  from  the  benefits 


too  sagacious  not  to  see  the  impor- 
tance to  Protestant  Germany  of  sus- 
taining tlie  ex-elector,  if  to  sustain 
Lim  were  possible.  But  to  this  end 
it  was  necessary  that  the  German 
princes,  whom  it  most  nearly  con- 
cerned, should  unite  in  his  support. 
Queen  Elizabeth  had  authorized  a 
subsidy  to  enable  Truchsess  to  carry 
on  the  war;  but  his  Bavarian  com- 
petitor was  backed  by  the  power  of 
Spain,  and  was  himself  of  higher  rank 
and  larger  resources. 

"  No  man,"  wrote  Walsingham  to 
DavLson,  "wishes  better  success  than 
myself  to  the  elector,  knowing  how 
greatly  it  importeth  the  common  cause 
of  religion  that  he  should  be  upholden, 
and  the  beneht  that  those  distressed 
countries,  where  you  now  are,  may  re- 
ceive by  way  of  diversion  through  his 
employment;  for  that  Spaiu,  and  his 
minister  the  Prince  of  Parma,  must 
not  see  the  Bishop  of  Liege  quail. 
Yet  when  I  consider,  uiDon  view  of 
the  report  of  the  conference  between 
you  and  the  said  elector,  how  little 
appearance  is  of  any  great  assistance 
that  we  shall  have,  and  that  the  prince- 
electors  whom  the  cause  doth  touch, 
especially  Saxony  and  Brandenburg, 
have  as  yet  no  disposition  to  deal 
therein,  as  though  the  conservation  of 
the  liberty  of  Germany  did  in  no  re- 
sped  touch  t/iem,  I  see  no  great  reason 
to  hope  that  this  enterprize  will  be 
accompanied  with  that  good  success 
that  both  I  wish  and  is  also  looked  for 
here."  (30th  Dec,  1584.  S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 

It  was  therefore  necessary,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  EngUsh  government, 
to  move  warily  in  the  matter.  For  re- 
mote allies  to  expend  their  strength 
in  sustaiuiug  the  sinking  elector,  while 
the  Protestants  nearest  him  looked 
upon  his  struggles  with  folded  arms, 
seemed  euperlluous  and   unreasonable. 


"For  it  is  hard,"  said  Walsingham, 
"  for  men  of  judgment  to  think  that 
he,  having  no  great  likelihood  of  sup- 
port thau  yet  appeareth  he  hath,  shall 
be  able  to  prevail  against  a  bishop  of 
Liege,  by  birth  more  noble  thau  him- 
self^ already  possessed  of  the  most  part 
of  the  bishopric,  who  will  not  lack  any 
assistance  that  the  Catholic  princes 
can  yield  him.  As  for  the  supports 
promised  by  the  kings  of  Denmark 
and  of  Navarre,  being  in  respect  of 
tlie  others  but  weak  and  far  distant  in 
place,  'tis  very  doubtful,  before  the 
Elector  can  take  any  profit  thereof, 
that  his  cause  may  miscarry,  unless  it 
shall  be  through  God's  goodness  up- 
holden."    (Ibid.) 

But,  in  truth,  the  Protestant  princes 
of  Germany  were  most  lukewarm  in 
the  matter,  and  the  complaints  of  poor 
Truchsess  were  founded  upon  very 
accurate  knowledge  as  to  the  senti- 
ments of  his  compatriots.  "  By  letters 
received  from  Germany,  as  well  froui 
Casimir  (elector-palatine)  as  others," 
continued  Walsingham,  "  I  do  not  find 
any  other  forwardness  in  those  that 
are  thought  the  best  affected  towards 
him  there,  than  to  wish  well  unto  him. 
But  because  that  help  which  consists 
in  well-wishing  groweth  fruitless,  un- 
less it  be  accompanied  by  effects, 
which  the  dulness  of  the  Almaine 
nature  easily  yieldeth  not  until  the 
disease  grow  desperate,  I  cannot  but 
advise  you,  for  the  Queen's  honour, 
to  induce  him  to  make  it  very  pro- 
bable unto  you,  that  the  support  now 
yielded  by  her  Majesty  is  like  to  work 
that  effect  which  he  pretendeth." 
(Ibid.) 

Otherwise  it  was  cautiously  sug- 
gested by  tlie  secretary,  that  the 
envoy  would  "do  well  to  forbear  to 
be  over-forward  in  delivering  of  the 
money." 


1584.  INDIGKATION  OF  THE  NETHERLA.NDERS.  35 

of  the  peace  of  Passau.  The  princes  had  got  the  Augsburg 
confession  and  the  abbey-lands  into  the  bargain  ;  the  peasants 
had  got  the  Augsburg  confession  without  the  abbey-lands, 
and  were  to  believe  exactly  what  their  masters  believed. 
This  was  the  German-Lutheran  sixteenth-century  idea  of 
religious  freedom.  Neither  prince  nor  peasant  stirred  in 
behalf  of  the  struggling  Christians  in  the  United  Provinces, 
battling,  year  after  year,  knee-deep  in  blood,  amid  blazing  cities 
and  inundated  fields,  breast  to  breast  with  the  yellow-jerkined 
pikemen  of  Spain  and  Italy,  with  the  axe  and  the  faggot  and 
the  rack  of  the  Holy  Inquisition  distinctly  visible  behind  them. 
Such  were  the  realities  which  occupied  the  Netherlanders 
in  those  days,  not  watery  beams  of  theological  moonshine, 
fantastical  catechism-making,  intermingled  with  scenes  of  riot 
and  wantonness,  which  drove  old  John  of  Nassau  half  frantic; 
"  with  banquetting  and  guzzling,  drinking  and  devouring, 
with  unchristian  flaunting  and  wastefulness  of  apparel,  with 
extravagant  and  wanton  dancing,  and  other  lewd  abomina- 
tions ;"  *  all  which,  the  firm  old  reformer  prophesied,  would  lead 
to  the  destruction  of  Grermany. 

For  the  mass,  slow  moving  but  apparently  irresistible,  of 
Spanish  and  papistical  absolutism  was  gradually  closing  over 
Christendom.  The  Netherlands  were  the  wedge  by  which 
alone  the  solid  bulk  could  be  riven  asunder.  It  was  the 
cause  of  German,  of  French,  of  English  liberty,  for  which  the 
Provinces  were  contending.  It  was  not  surprising  that  they 
were  bitter,  getting  nothing  in  their  hour  of  distress  from  the 
land  of  Luther  but  dogmas  and  Augsburg  catechisms  instead 
of  money  and  gunpowder,  and  seeing  German  reiters  galloping 
daily  to  reinforce  the  army  of  Parma  in  exchange  for  Sjianish 
ducats. 

Brave  old  La  None,  with  the  iron  arm,  noblest  of  Frenchmen 
and  Huguenots — who  had  just  spent  five  years  in  Spanish 
bondage,  writing  military  discourses  in  a  reeking  dungeon, 
filled  with  toads  and  vermin,  after  fighting  the  battle  of 
liberty  for  a  life-time,  and  with  his  brave  son  already  in  the 

'  Groen  v.  Priusterer,  'Archives,'  &c.,  i.  227. 


36  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  II. 

Netherlands  emulating  his  father's  valour  on  the  same  field 
—  denounced  at  a  little  later  day,  the  lukewarmness  of 
Protestant  Germany  with  whimsical  vehemence: — "I  am 
astounded,"  he  cried,  "  that  these  princes  are  not  ashamed 
of  themselves  ;  doing  nothing  while  they  see  the  oppressed 
cut  to  pieces  at  their  gates.  When  will  God  grant  me 
grace  to  place  me  among  those  who  are  doing  their  duty, 
and  afar  from  those  who  do  nothing,  and  who  ought  to 
know  that  the  cause  is  a  common  one.  If  I  am  ever  caught 
dancing  the  German  cotillon,  or  playing  the  German  flute, 
or  eating  pike  with  German  sauce,  I  hope  it  may  be  flung 
in  my  teeth." ' 

The  great  league  of  the  Pope  and  Philip  was  steadily  con- 
solidating itself,  and  there  were  but  gloomy  prospects  for  the 
counter-league  in  Germany.  There  was  no  hope  but  in 
England  and  France.  For  the  reasons  already  indicated, 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  taking  counsel  with  the  Estates,  had 
resolved  to  try  the  French  policy  once  more.  The  balance 
of  power  in  Europe,  which  no  man  in  Christendom  so  well 
understood  as  he,  was  to  be  established  by  maintaining  (he 
thought)  the  equilibrium  between  France  and  Spain.  In  the 
antagonism  of  those  two  great  realms  lay  the  only  hope  for 
Dutch  or  European  liberty.  Notwithstanding  the  treason  of 
Anjou,  therefore,  it  had  been  decided  to  renew  negociations 
with  that  Prince.  On  the  death  of  the  Duke,  the  envoys  of 
the  States  were  accordingly  instructed  to  make  the  offer  to 
King  Henry  III,  which  had  been  intended  for  his  brother. 
That  proposition  was  the  sovereignty  of  all  the  Netherlands, 
save  Holland  and  Zeeland,  under  a  constitution  maintaining 
the  reformed  religion  and  the  ancient  laws  and  privileges  of 
the  respective  provinces. 

But  the  death  of  Francis  of  Anjou  had  brought  about  a 
considerable  change  in  French  policy.  It  was  now  more 
sharply  defined  than  ever,  a  right-angled  triangle  of  almost 
mathematical  precision.  The  three  Henrys  and  their  partizans 
divided  the  realm  into  three  hostile  camps — threatening  each 

*  Groeu  v.  Priusterer,  '  Archives,'  &c.,  i.  86. 


1584.  HENRY  TIL  OF  FRANCE.  37 

other  in  simulated  peace  since  tlie  treaty  of  Fleix  (1580), 
which  had  put  an  end  to  the  "  lover's  war  "  of  the  preceding 
year, — Henry  of  Valois,  Henry  of  Guise,  and  Henry  of 
Navarre. 

Henry  III.,  last  of  the  Valois  line,  was  now  thirty-three 
years  of  age.  Less  than  king,  less  even  than  man,  he  was 
one  of  those  unfortunate  personages  who  seem  as  if  born  to 
make  the  idea  of  royalty  ridiculous,  and  to  test  the  capacity 
of  mankind  to  eat  and  drink  humiliation  as  if  it  were 
wholesome  food.  It  proved  how  deeply  engraved  in  men's 
minds  of  that  century  was  the  necessity  of  kingship,  when 
the  hardy  Netherlanders,  who  had  abjured  one  tyrant,  and  had 
been  fighting  a  generation  long  rather  than  return  to  him, 
were  now  willing  to  accept  the  sovereignty  of  a  thing  like 
Henry  of  Valois. 

He  had  not  been  born  without  natural  gifts,  such  as  Heaven 
rarely  denies  to  prince  or  peasant  ;  but  the  courage  which  he 
once  possessed  had  been  exhausted  on  the  field  of  Mon- 
contour,  his  manhood  had  been  left  behind  him  at  Venice, 
and  such  wit  as  Heaven  had  endowed  him  withal  was  now 
expended  in  darting  viperous  epigrams  at  court-ladies  whom 
he  was  only  capable  of  dishonouring  by  calumny,  and  whose 
charms  he  burned  to  outrival  in  the  estimation  of  his  minions. 
For  the  monarch  of  France  was  not  unfrequently  pleased  to 
attire  himself  like  a  woman  and  a  harlot.  With  silken 
flounces,  jewelled  stomacher,  and  painted  face,  with  pearls  of 
great  price  adorning  his  bared  neck  and  breast,  and  satin- 
slippered  feet,  of  whose  delicate  shape  and  size  he  was  justly 
vain,  it  was  his  delight  to  pass  his  days  and  nights  in  a 
ceaseless  round  of  gorgeous  festivals,  tourneys,  processions, 
masquerades,  banquets,  and  balls,  the  cost  of  which  glittering 
frivolities  caused  the  popular  burthen  and  the  popular  execra- 
tion to  grow,  from  day  to  day,  more  intolerable  and  more 
audible.  Surrounded  by  a  gang  of  "minions,"  the  most 
debauched  and  the  most  desperate  of  France,  whose  be- 
dizened dresses  exhaled  perfumes  throughout  Paris,  and  whose 
sanguinary   encounters   dyed   every   street  iu   blood,    Henry 


38  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  II. 

lived  a  life  of  what  lie  called  pleasure,  careless  of  what  might 
come  after,  for  he  was  the  last  of  his  race.  The  fortunes  of 
his  minions  rose  higher  and  higher,  as  their  crimes  rendered 
them  more  and  more  estimable  in  the  eyes  of  a  King  who 
took  a  woman's  pride  in  the  valour  of  such  champions  to  his 
weakness,  and  more  odious  to  a  people  whose  miserable 
homes  were  made  even  more  miserable,  that  the  coffers  of  a 
few  court-favourites  might  be  filled.  Now  sauntering,  full- 
dressed,  in  the  public  promenades,  with  ghastly  little  death's 
heads  strung  upon  his  sumptuous  garments,  and  fragments  of 
human  bones  dangling  among  his  orders  of  knighthood — 
playing  at  cup  and  ball  as  he  walked,  and  followed  by  a 
few  select  courtiers  who  gravely  pursued  the  same  exciting 
occupation — now  presiding  like  a  queen  of  beauty  at  a 
tournament  to  assign  the  prize  of  valour,  and  now,  by  the 
advice  of  his  mother,  going  about  the  streets  in  robes  of 
penitence,  telling  his  beads  as  he  went,  that  the  populace 
might  be  edified  by  his  piety,  and  solemnly  offering  up 
prayers  in  the  churches  that  the  blessing  of  an  heir  might  be 
vouchsafed  to  him, — Henry  of  Valois  seemed  straining  every 
nerve  in  order  to  bring  himself  and  his  great  office  into 
contempt. 

As  orthodox  as  he  was  profligate,  he  hated  the  Huguenots, 
who  sought  his  protection  and  who  could  have  saved  his 
throne,  as  cordially  as  he  loved  the  Jesuits,  who  passed  their 
lives  in  secret  plottings  against  his  authority  and  his  person, 
or  in  fierce  denunciations  from  the  Paris  pulpits  against  his 
manifold  crimes.  Next  to  an  exquisite  and  sanguinary  fop, 
he  dearly  loved  a  monk.  The  presence  of  a  friar,  he  said, 
exerted  as  agreeable  an  effect  upon  his  mind  as  the  most 
delicate  and  gentle  tickling  could  produce  upon  his  body  ;* 
and  he  was  destined  to  have  a  fuller  dose  of  that  charming 
presence  than  he  coveted. 

His  party — for  he  was  but  the  nominal  chief  of  a  faction, 
tanquam  unus  ex  nobis — was  the  party  in  possession — the 
office-holders'  party  ;  the  spoilsmen,  whose  purpose  was  to  rob 

'  De  Thou,  X.  667, 


1584. 


THE   KING  AND   ttlS   MtNlO^JS. 


39 


the  exchequer  and  to  enrich  themselves.  His  minions — for 
the  favourites  were  called  by  no  other  name — were  even 
more  hated,  because  less  despised  than  the  King.  Attired 
in  cloth  of  gold — for  silk  and  satin  were  grown  too  coarse  a 
material  for  them — with  their  little  velvet  porringer-caps 
stuck  on  the  sides  of  their  heads,  with  their  long  hair  stiff 
with  pomatum,  and  their  heads  set  inside  a  well-starched 
rutr  a  foot  wide,  "like  St.  John's  head  in  a  charger,"  as  a 
splenetic  contemporary  observed,^  with  a  nimbus  of  musk  and 
violet-powder  enveloping  them  as  they  passed  before  vulgar 
mortals,  these  rapacious  and  insolent  courtiers  were  the  im- 
personation of  extortion  and  oppression  to  the  Parisian  popu- 
lace. They  were  supposed,  not  unjustly,  to  pass  their  lives 
in  dancing,  blasphemy,  duelling,  dicing,  and  intrigue,  in 
following  the  King  about  like  hounds,  fawning  at  bis  feet, 
and  showing  their  teeth  to  all  besides  ;  and  for  virtues  such  as 
these  they  were  rewarded  by  the  highest  offices  in  church, 
camp,  and  state,  while  new  taxes  and  imposts  were  invented 
almost  daily  to  feed  their  avarice  and  supply  their  extrava- 
gance. France,  doomed  to  feel  the  beak  and  talons  of 
these  harpies  in  its  entrails,  impoverished  by  a  government 
that  robbed  her  at  home  while  it  humiliated  her  abroad, 
struggled  vainly  in  its  misery,  and  was  now  on  the  verge 
of  another  series  of  internecine  combats — civil  war  seem- 
ing the  only  alternative  to  a  voluptuous  and  licentious 
peace.^ 

"  We  all  stood  here  at  gaze,"  wrote  ambassador  Stafford  to 
Walsingham,  "  looking  for  some  great  matter  to  come  of  this 
sudden  journey  to  Lyons  ;  but,  as  far  as  men  can  find,  par- 
turmnt  monies,  for  there  hath  been  nothing  but  dancing 
and    banquet  ting    from   one    house   to   another,    bravery   in 


*   'L'Estoile,    Registre    Journal    de 
Henry  HI.,'  ei  Michaud  et  Poujoulat, 
p.  72,  .seq. 
'  "Quant  a  lenr  habit  il  excede 

Tout  leur  bien  et  tout  leur  treaor, 
Car  le,  mignon  qui  tout  coiisoinme, 
Ne  se  vest  plus  en  gentilbotnnie, 
Mais  comnie  un  prince  tie  drap  d'or  • 
£t  pour  mieuz  contenter 


Leur  jeu,  leur  pompe,  leur  bobance, 
Et  leur  trop  prodigue  depense, 
II  faut  tons  les  jours  inventer 
Nouveaux  irapots,  nouvelles  tallies, 
Qu'il  faut  du  profond  des  entrailles 
Des  pauvres  sujets  arracher, 
Qui  trainent  leurs  chetives  vies 
Sous  la  griffe  de  ces  harpies, 
Qui  avalent  tout  sans  inaclier,"  Ac. 

L  Entoile,  ubi  titfi. 


40 


THU   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.   11 


apparel,  glittering  like  the  sun."^  He  mentioned  that  the 
Duke  of  Epernon's  horse,  taking  fright  at  a  red  cloak,  had 
backed  over  a  precipice,  breaking  his  own  neck,  while  his 
master's  shoulder  merely  was  put  out  of  joint.  At  the  same 
time  the  Duke  of  Joyeuse,  coming  over  Mount  Cenis,  on 
his  return  from  Savoy,  had  broken  his  wrist.  The  people,  he 
said,  would  rather  they  had  both  broken  their  necks  "  than 
any  other  joint,  the  King  having  racked  the  nation  for  their 
sakes,  as  he  hath  done."^  Stafford  expressed  much  compas- 
sion for  the  French  in  the  plight  in  which  they  found  them- 
selves. "  Unhappy  people  ! "  he  cried,  "  to  have  such  a 
King,  who  seeketh  nothing  but  to  impoverish  them  to  enrich 
a  couple,  and  who  careth  not  what  cometh  after  his  death,  so 
that  he  may  rove  on  while  he  liveth,  and  careth  neither  for 
doing  his  own  estate  good  nor  his  neighbour's  state  harm." 
Sir  Edward  added,  however,  in  a  philosophizing  vein,  worthy 
of  Corporal  Nym,  that,  "  seeing  we  cannot  be  so  happy  as  to 
have  a  King  to  concur  with  us  to  do  us  any  good,  yet  we  are 
happy  to  have  one  that  his  humour  serveth  him  not  to  concur 
with  others  to  do  us  harm  ;  and  "tis  a  wisdom  for  us  to  follow 
these  humours,  that  we  may  keep  him  still  in  that  humour,  and 
from  hearkening  to  others  that  may  egg  him  on  to  worse." ^ 

It  was  a  dark  hour  for  France,  and  rarely  has  a  great 
nation  been  reduced  to  a  lower  level  by  a  feeble  and  aban- 
doned government  than  she  was  at  that  moment  under  the 
distaff  of  Henry  III.  Society  was  corrupted  to  its  core. 
"  There  is  no  more  truth,  no  more  justice,  no  more  mercy," 
moaned  President  L'Etoile.  "  To  slander,  to  lie,  to  rob,  to 
wench,  to  steal  ;  all  things  are  permitted  save  to  do  right 
and  to  speak  the  truth."  Impiety  the  most  cynical,  de- 
bauchery the  most  unveiled,  public  and  unpunished  homi- 
cides, private  murders  by  what  was  called  magic,  by  poison, 
by  hired  assassins,  crimes  natural,  unnatural,  and  preter- 
natural, were  the  common  characteristics  of  the  time.^     All 


'   Stafford      to      Walsingham,     24th 
Aug.,  1584,  in  Murdin,  ii.  415-419. 
'   Ibid. 
'   Stafford  to  Walsingham,  ubi  sup. 


*  'L'Estoile,'  97,  98;  Perefixe,  'His- 
toire  du  Roi  Henri  le  Grand,'  ed.  1816, 
p.  29. 


1684.  HENRY  OF  GUISE.  41 

posts  and  charges  were  venal.  G-reat  offices  of  justice  were 
sold  to  the  highest  bidder,  and  that  which  was  thus  purchased 
by  wholesale  was  retailed  in  the  same  fashion.  Unhappy  the 
pauper  client  who  dreamed  of  justice  at  the  hands  of  law. 
The  great  ecclesiastical  benefices  were  equally  matter  of 
merchandise,  and  married  men,  women,  unborn  children,  en- 
joyed revenues  as  dignitaries  of  the  church.  Infants  came 
into  the  world,  it  was  said,  like  the  mitre-fish,  stamped  with 
the  emblems  of  place.' 

'  " 'T was  impossible,"  said  L'Etoile,  "to  find  a  crab  so  tor- 
tuous and  backsliding  as  the  government."  ' 

This  was  the  aspect  of  the  first  of  the  three  factions  in 
France.  Such  was  the  Henry  at  its  head,  the  representative 
of  royalty. 

Henry  with  the  Scar,  Duke  of  Gruise,  the  well-known  chief 
of  the  house  of  Lorraine,  was  the  chief  of  the  extreme  papis- 
tical party.  He  was  now  thirty-four  years  of  age,  tall, 
stately,  with  a  dark,  martial  face  and  dangerous  eyes,  which 
Antonio  Moro  loved  to  paint  ;  a  2)hysiognomy  made  still 
more  expressive  by  the  arquebus-shot  which  had  damaged  his 
left  cheek  at  the  fight  near  Chiiteau-Thierry  and  gained  him 
his  name  of  Balafre.  Although  one  of  the  most  turbulent 
and  restless  plotters  of  that  plotting  age,  he  was  yet  thought 
more  slow  and  heavy  in  character  than  subtle,  Teutonic  rather 
than  Italian.  He  was  the  idol  of  the  Parisian  burghers.  The 
grocers,  the  market-men,  the  members  of  the  arquebus  and 
crossbow  clubs,  all  doated  on  him.  The  fishwomen  wor- 
shipped him  as  a  god.  He  was  the  defender  of  the  good  old 
religion  under  which  Paris  and  the  other  cities  of  France  had 
thriven,  the  uncompromising  opponent  of  the  new-fangled 
doctrines  which  western  clothiers,  and  dyers,  and  tapestry- 
workers,  had  adopted,  and  which  the  nobles  of  the  mountain- 
country,  the  penniless  chevaliers  of  Beam  and  Gascony  and 
Guienne,  were  ceaselessly  taking  the  field  and  plunging 
France  into  misery  and  bloodshed  to  support.  But  for  the 
Balafre  and  Madam  League — as  the  great  Spanish  Catholic 

1  Perefixe,  '  L'Estoile,'  ubi  sup.  "^  '  L'Estoilo,'  ubi  sup. 

VOL.   J.— 3 


42  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IL 

conspiracy  against  the  liberties  of  France,  and  of  England, 
and  of  all  Europe,  was  affectionately  termed  by  the  Paris 
populace — honest  Catholics  would  fare  no  better  in  France 
than  they  did  in  England,  where,  as  it  was  well  known,  they 
were  every  day  subjected  to  fearful  tortures.  The  shop- 
windows  were  filled  with  coloured  engravings,  represent- 
ing, in  exaggerated  fashion,  the  sufferings  of  the  English 
Catholics  under  bloody  Elizabeth,  or  Jezebel,  as  she  was 
called  ;  and  as  the  gaping  burghers  stopped  to  ponder  over 
these  works  of  art,  there  were  ever  present,  as  if  by  accident, 
some  persons  of  superior  information  who  would  condescend- 
ingly explain  the  various  pictures,  pointing  out  with  a  long 
stick  the  phenomena  most  worthy  of  notice.*  These  cari- 
catures proving  highly  successful,  and  being  suppressed  by 
order  of  government,  they  were  repeated  upon  canvas  on  a 
larger  scale,  in  still  more  conspicuous  situations,  as  if  in  con- 
tempt of  the  royal  authority,  which  sullied  itself  by  compro- 
mise with  Calvinism.''  The  pulpits,  meanwhile,  thundered 
denunciations  on  the  one  hand  against  the  weak  and  wicked 
King,  who  worshipped  idols,  and  who  sacrificed  the  dearly- 
earned  pittance  of  his  subjects  to  feed  the  insolent  pomp  of 
his  pampered  favourites  ;  and  on  the  other,  upon  the  arch- 
heretic,  the  arch-apostate,  the  Bearnese  Huguenot,  who,  after 
the  death  of  the  reigning  monarch,  would  have  the  efii'ontery 
to  claim  his  throne,  and  to  introduce  into  France  the  perse- 
cutions and  the  horrors  under  which  unhappy  England  was 
already  groaning. 

The  scarce-concealed  instigator  of  these  assaults  upon  the 
royal  and  upon  the  Huguenot  faction  was,  of  course,  the  Duke 
of  Guise, — the  man  whose  most  signal  achievement  had  been 
the  Massacre  of  St,  Bartholomew — all  the  preliminary  details 
of  that  transaction  having  been  arranged  by  his  skill.  So 
long  as  Charles  IX.  was  living,  the  Balafre  had  created  the 
confusion  which  was  his  element,  by  entertaining  and  foment- 
ing the  perpetual  intrigues  of  Anjou  and  Alengon  against  their 
brother ;  while  the  altercations  between  them  and  the  Queen- 

»  De  Thou,  ix.,  269,  270,  seq,  *  Ibid. 


1584.  HENRY  OF  GUISE.  43 

Mother  and  the  furious  madman  who  then  sat  upon  the 
throne,  had  been  the  cause  of  sufficient  disorder  and  calamity 
for  France.  On  the  death  of  Charles  IX.  Guise  had  sought 
the  intimacy  of  Henry  of  Navarre,  that  by  his  means  he 
might  frustrate  the  hopes  of  Alengon  for  the  succession. 
During  the  early  period  of  the  Bearnese's  residence  at  the 
French  court  the  two  had  been  inseparable,  living  together, 
going  to  the  same  festivals,  tournaments,  and  masquerades, 
and  even  sleejnng  in  the  same  bed.  "My  master,"  was 
ever  Guise's  address  to  Henry;  "my  gossip,"  the  young 
King  of  Navarre's  reply.  But  the  crafty  Bearnese  had  made 
use  of  the  intimacy  only  to  read  the  secrets  of  the  Balafr^'s 
heart  ;  and  on  Navarre's  flight  from  the  court,  and  his  return 
to  Huguenotism,  Guise  knew  that  he  had  been  played  upon 
by  a  subtler  spirit  than  his  own.  The  simulated  affection  was 
now  changed  into  undisguised  hatred.  Moreover,  by  the 
death  of  Alengon,  Navarre  now  stood  next  the  throne,  and 
Guise's  plots  became  still  more  extensive  and  more  open  as  his 
own  ambition  to  usurp  the  crown  on  the  death  of  the  childless 
Henry  III.  became  more  fervid.' 

Thus,  by  artfully  inflaming  the  populace  of  Paris,  and — 
through  his  organized  bands  of  confederates — that  of  all  the 
large  towns  of  France,  against  the  Huguenots  and  their  chief, 
by  appeals  to  the  religious  sentiment  ;  and  at  the  same  time 
by  stimulating  the  disgust  and  indignation  of  the  tax-payers 
everywhere  at  the  imposts  and  heavy  burthens  which  the 
boundless  extravagance  of  the  court  engendered.  Guise  paved 
the  way  for  the  advancement  of  the  great  League  Avhich 
he  represented.  The  other  two  jjolitical  divisions  were  in- 
geniously represented  as  mere  insolent  factions,  while  his  own 
was  the  true  national  and  patriotic  party,  by  which  alone  the 
ancient  religion  and  the  cherished  institutions  of  France 
could  be  preserved.' 

And  the  great  chief  of  this  national  patriotic  party  was 
not  Henry  of  Guise,  but  the  industrious  old  man  who  sat 
writing    despatches   in  the  depths  of  the  Escorial.     Spanish 

I  Perefixe,  28,  se^,  i  Pe  Thou,  Perefixe,  tiM  sup. 


44  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  II 

counsels,  Spanish  promises,  Spanish  ducats — these  were  the 
real  machinery  by  which  the  plots  of  Guise  against  the  peace 
of  France  and  of  Europe  were  supported.  Madam  League  was 
simply  Philip  II.  Nothing  was  written,  officially  or  unoffici- 
ally, to  the  French  government  by  the  Spanish  com*t  that 
was  not  at  the  same  time  communicated  to  "Mucio" — as  the 
Duke  of  Guise  was  denominated  in  the  secret  correspondence 
of  Philip, — and  Mucio  was  in  Philip's  pay,  his  confidential 
agent,  spy,  and  confederate,  long  before  the  actual  existence 
of  the  League  was  generally  suspected. 

The  Queen-Mother,  Catharine  de'  Medici,  played  into  the 
Duke's  hands.  Throughout  the  whole  period  of  her  widow- 
hood, having  been  accustomed  to  govern  her  sons,  she  had,  in 
a  certain  sense,  been  used  to  govern  the  kingdom.  By  sowing 
dissensions  among  her  own  children,  by  inflaming  party 
against  party,  by  watching  with  care  the  oscillations  of 
Prance — so  that  none  of  the  great  divisions  should  obtain 
preponderance — by  alternately  caressing  and  massacring  the 
Huguenots,  by  cajoling  or  confronting  Philip,  by  keeping,  as 
she  boasted,  a  spy  in  every  family  that  possessed  the  annual 
income  of  two  thousand  livres,  by  making  herself  the  head  of 
an  organized  system  of  harlotry,  by  which  the  soldiers  and 
politicians  of  France  were  inveigled,  their  secrets  faithfully 
revealed  to  her  by  her  well-disciplined  maids  of  honour,  by 
surrounding  her  unfortunate  sons  with  temptation  from  earliest 
youth,  and  plunging  them  by  cold  calculation  into  deepest  de- 
bauchery, that  their  enervated  faculties  might  be  ever  forced 
to  rely  in  political  affairs  on  the  maternal  counsel,  and  to 
abandon  the  administration  to  the  maternal  will  ;  such  were  the 
arts  by  which  Catharine  had  maintained  her  influence,  and  a 
great  country  been  governed  for  a  generation — Machiavellian 
state-craft  blended  with  the  more  simple  wiles  of  a  procuress. 

Now  that  Alengon  was  dead,  and  Henry  III.  hopeless  of 
issue,  it  was  her  determination  that  the  children  of  her 
daughter,  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine,  should  succeed  to  the 
throne.  The  matter  was  discussed  as  if  the  throne  were 
already  vacant,    and    Guise  and    the  Queen-Mother,  if  they 


1584.  HENRY   OF   NAVARRE.  45 

agreed  in  nothing  else,  were  both  cordial  in  their  detestation 
of  Henry  of  Navarre.  The  Duke  affected  to  support  the 
schemes  in  favour  of  his  relatives,  the  Princes  of  Lorraine, 
while  he  secretly  informed  the  Spanish  court  that  this  policy 
was  only  a  pretence.  He  was  not  likely,  he  said,  to  advance 
the  interests  of  the  younger  branch  of  a  house  of  which  he 
was  himself  the  chief,  nor  were  their  backs  equal  to  the 
burthen.  It  was  necessary  to  amuse  the  old  queen,  but  he 
was  profoundly  of  opinion  that  the  only  sovereign  for  France, 
upon  the  death  of  Henry,  was  Philip  II.  himself  This  was 
the  Duke's  plan  of  arriving,  by  means  of  Spanish  assistance, 
at  the  throne  of  France  ;  and  such  was  Henry  le  Balafre, 
chief  of  the  League.* 

And  the  other  Henry,  the  Huguenot,  the  Bearnese,  Henry 
of  Bourbon,  Henry  of  Navarre,  the  chieftain  of  the  Gascon 
chivalry,  the  king  errant,  the  hope  and  the  darling  of  the 
oppressed  Protestants  in  every  land — of  him  it  is  scarce 
needful  to  say  a  single  word.  At  his  very  name  a  figure 
seems  to  leap  forth  from  the  mist  of  three  centuries,  instinct 
with  ruddy  vigorous  life.  Such  was  the  intense  vitality  of 
the  Bearnese  prince,  that  even  now  he  seems  more  thoroughly 
alive  and  recognizable  than  half  the  actual  personages  who 
are  fretting  their  hour  upon  the  stage. 

We  see,  at  once,  a  man  of  moderate  stature,  light,  sinewy, 
and  strong  ;  a  face  browned  with  continual  exposure  ;  small, 
mirthful,  yet  commanding  blue  eyes,  glittering  from  beneath 
an  arching  brow,  and  prominent  cheekbones  ;  a  long  hawk's 
nose,  almost  resting  upon  a  salient  chin,  a  pendent  moustache, 
and  a  thick,  brown,  curly  beard,  prematurely  grizzled  ;  we  see 
the  mien  of  frank  authority  and  magnificent  good  humour, 
we  hear  the  ready  sallies  of  the  shrewd  Gascon  mother-wit, 
we  feel  the  electricity  which  flashes  out  of  him,  and  sets  all 
hearts  around  him  on  fire,  when  the  trumpet  sounds  to  battle. 
The  headlong  desperate  charge,  the  snow-white  plume  waving 
where  the  fire  is  hottest,  the  large  capacity  for  enjoyment  of 
the  man,  rioting  without  affectation  in  the  certaminis  gaudia, 

'  De  Thou,  ix.  267. 


4(3  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  IL 

the  insane  gallop,  after  the  eombat,  to  lay  its  trophies  at  the 
feet  of  the  Cynthia  of  the  minute,  and  thus  to  forfeit  its  fruits; 
all  are  as  familiar  to  us  as  if  the  seven  distinct  wars,  the 
hundred  pitched  battles,  the  two  hundred  sieges,  in  which  the 
Bearnese  was  personally  present,  had  been  occurrences  of  our 
own  day. 

He  at  least  was  both  king  and  man,  if  the  monarch  who 
occupied  the  throne  was  neither.  He  was  the  man  to 
prove,  too,  for  the  instruction  of  the  patient  letter-writer 
of  the  Escorial,  that  the  crown  of  France  was  to  be  won 
with  foot  in  stinrup  and  carbine  in  hand,  rather  than  to  be 
caught  by  the  weaving  and  casting  of  the  most  intricate 
nets  of  diplomatic  intrigue,  though  thoroughly  weighted  with 
Mexican  gold. 

The  King  of  Navarre  was  now  thirty-one  years  old  ;  for 
the  three  Henrys  were  nearly  of  the  same  age.  The  first 
indications  of  his  existence  had  been  recognized  amid  the 
cannon  and  trumpets  of  a  camp  in  Picardy,  and  his  mother 
had  sung  a  gay  Bearnese  song  as  he  was  coming  into  the 
world  at  Pau.  Thus,  said  his  grandfather,  Henry  of  Navarre, 
thou  shalt  not  bear  to  us  a  morose  and  sulky  child.  The 
good  king,  without  a  kingdom,  taking  the  child,  as  soon  as 
born,  in  the  lappel  of  his  dressing-gown,  had  brushed  his 
infant  lips  with  a  clove  of  garlic,  and  moistened  them  with  a 
drop  of  generous  Gascon  wine.  Thus,  said  the  grandfather 
again,  shall  the  boy  be  both  merry  and  bold.  There  was  some- 
thing mythologically  prophetic  in  the  incidents  of  his  birth. 

The  best  part  of  Navarre  had  been  long  since  appropriated 
by  Ferdinand  of  Aragon.  In  France  there  reigned  a  young  and 
warlike  sovereign  with  four  healthy  boys.  But  the  new-born 
infant  had  inherited  the  lilies  of  France  from  St.  Louis,  and 
a  later  ancestor  had  added  to  the  escutcheon  the  motto 
"Espoir."  His  grandfather  believed  that  the  boy  was  born 
to  revenge  upon  Spain  the  wrongs  of  the  House  of  Albret, 
and  Henry's  nature  seemed  ever  pervaded  with  Kobert  of 
Clermont's  device. 

The  same  sensible  grandfather,  having  different  views  on 


1584.  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE.  47 

the  subject  of  education  from  those  manifested  by  Catharine 
de'  Medici  towards  her  children,  had  the  boy  taught  to  run 
about  bare-headed  and  bare-footed,  like  a  peasant,  among  the 
mountains  and  rocks  of  Beam,  till  he  became  as  rugged  as 
a  young  bear,  and  as  nimble  as  a  kid.  Black  bread,  and 
beef,  and  garlic,  were  his  simple  fare  ;  and  he  was  taught  by 
his  mother  and  his  gi-andfather  to  hate  lies  and  liars,  and  to 
read  tlie  Bible, 

When  he  was  fifteen,  the  third  religious  war  broke  out. 
Both  his  father  and  grandfather  were  dead.  His  mother, 
who  had  02)enly  23rofessed  the  reformed  faith,  since  the  death 
of  her  husband,  who  hated  it,  brought  her  boy  to  the  camp  at 
Rochelle,  where  he  was  received  as  the  chief  of  the  Huguenots. 
His  culture  was  not  extensive.  He  had  learned  to  speak  the 
truth,  to  ride,  to  shoot,  to  do  with  little  sleep  and  less  food. 
He  could  also  construe  a  little  Latin,  and  had  read  a  few 
military  treatises  ;  but  the  mighty  hours  of  an  eventful  life 
were  now  to  take  him  by  the  hand,  and  to  teach  him  much 
good  and  much  evil,  as  they  bore  him  onward.  He  now  saw 
military  treatises  expounded  practically  by  professors,  like 
his  uncle  Conde,  and  Admiral  Coligny,  and  Lewis  Nassau,  in 
such  lecture-rooms  as  Laudun,  and  Jarnac,  and  Montcontour, 
and  never  was  apter  scholar. 

The  peace  of  Arnay-le-Duc  succeeded,  and  then  the  fatal 
Bartholomew  marriage  with  the  Messalina  of  Valois.  The 
faith  taught  in  the  mountains  of  Beam  was  no  buckler 
against  the  demand  of  "  the  mass  or  death,"  thundered  at  his 
breast  by  the  lunatic  Charles,  as  he  pointed  to  thousands  of 
massacred  Huguenots.  Henry  yielded  to  such  conclusive 
arguments,  and  became  a  Catholic.  Four  years  of  court- 
imprisonment  succeeded,  and  the  young  King  of  Navarre, 
though  proof  to  the  artifices  of  his  gossip  Guise,  was  not 
adamant  to  the  temptations  spread  for  him  by  Catharine  de' 
Medici.  In  the  harem  entertained  for  him  in  the  Louvre 
many  pitfalls  entrapped  him  ;  and  he  became  a  stock-performer 
in  the  state  comedies  and  tragedies  of  that  plotting  age. 

A  silken  web  of  palace-politics,   palace-diplomacy,  palace- 


48  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  U 

revolutions,  enveloped  him.  Schemes  and  counter-schemes, 
stratagems  and  conspiracies,  assassinations  and  poisonings  ; 
all  the  state-machinery  which  worked  so  exquisitely  in  fair 
ladies'  chambers,  to  spread  havoc  and  desolation  over  a  king- 
dom, were  displayed  before  his  eyes.  Now  campaigning  with 
one  royal  brother  against  Huguenots,  now  fighting  with 
another  on  their  side,  now  solicited  by  the  Queen-Mother  to 
attempt  the  life  of  her  son,'  now  implored  by  Henry  III.  to 
assassinate  his  brother,'-  the  Bearnese,  as  fresh  antagonisms, 
affinities,  combinations,  were  developed,  detected,  neutralized 
almost  daily,  became  rapidly  an  adept  in  Medicean  state- 
chemistry.  Charles  IX.  in  his  grave,  Henry  III.  on  the 
throne,  Alengon  in  the  Huguenot  camp — Henry  at  last  made 
his  escape.  The  brief  war  and  peace  of  Monsieur  succeeded, 
and  the  King  of  Navarre  formally  abjured  the  Catholic  creed. 
The  parties  were  now  sharply  defined.  Guise  mounted  upon 
the  League,  Henry  astride  upon  the  Reformation,  were  pre- 
pared to  do  battle  to  the  death.  The  temporary  "war  of 
the  amorous "  was  followed  by  the  peace  of  Fleix. 

Four  years  of  peace  again  ;  four  fat  years  of  wantonness 
and  riot  preceding  fourteen  hungry  famine-stricken  years  of 
bloodiest  civil  war.  The  voluptuousness  and  infamy  of  the 
Louvre  v/ere  almost  paralleled  in  vice,  if  not  in  splendour,  by 
the  miniature  court  at  Pau.  Henry's  Spartan  grandfather 
would  scarce  have  approved  the  courses  of  the  youth,  whose 
education  he  had  commenced  on  so  simple  a  scale.  For 
Margaret  of  Valois,  hating  her  husband,  and  living  in  most 
undisguised  and  promiscuous  infidelity  to  him,  had  profited 
by  her  mother's  lesssons.  A  seraglio  of  maids  of  honour 
ministered  to  Henry's  pleasures,  and  were  carefully  instructed 
that  the  peace  and  war  of  the  kingdom  were  playthings  in 
their  hands.  While  at  Paris  royalty  was  hopelessly  sinkinr' 
in  a  poisonous  marsh,  there  was  danger  that  even  the  hardy 
nature  of  the  Bearnese  would  be  mortally  enervated  by  the 
atmosphere  in  which  he  lived.^ 

» Perefixe,  28.  I       ' 'M^moires    d'Agrippa   d'Aubign6,' 

*  Ibid.,  38.  39.  |  ed.  1854.     Appendix,  xvii.  p.  237. 


1584- 


HENRY  OF  NAVARRE. 


49 


Tlie  unhappy  Henry  III.,  baited  by  the  Guises,  worried  by 
Alen^on  and  his  mother,  implored  the  King  of  Navarre  to 
return  to  Paris  and  the  Catholic  faith.  M.  de  Sci^ur,  chief 
of  Navarre's  council,  who  had  been  won  over  during  a  visit  to 
the  capital,  where  he  had  made  the  discovery  that  "  Henry  III. 
was  an  angel,  and  his  ministers  devils,"  came  back  to  Pau, 
urging  his  master's  acceptance  of  the  royal  invitation.'  Henry 
wavered.  Bold  D'Aubigne,  stanchest  of  Huguenots,  and  of 
his  friends,  next  day  j^rivately  showed  Segur  a  palace-window 
opening  on  a  very  steep  precipice  over  the  Bayse,  and 
cheerfully  assured  him  that  he  should  be  flung  from  it  did  he 
not  instantly  reverse  his  proceedings,  and  give  his  master 
different  advice.  If  I  am  not  able  to  do  the  deed  myself,  said 
D'Aubigne,  here  are  a  dozen  more  to  help  me.  The  chief  of 
the  council  cast  a  glance  behind  him,  saw  a  number  of  grim 
Puritan  soldiers,  with  their  hats  plucked  down  upon  their 
brows,  looking  very  serious  ;  so  made  his  bow,  and  quite 
changed  his  line  of  conduct.' 

At  about  the  same  time,  Philip  II.  confidentially  offered 
Henry  of  Navarre  four  hundred  thousand  crowns  in  hand, 
and  twelve  hundred  thousand  yearly,  if  he  would  consent  to 
make  war  upon  Henry  III.*  Mucio,  or  the  Duke  of  Guise, 
being  still  in  Philip's  pay,  the  combination  of  Leaguers  and 
Huguenots  against  the  unfortunate  Valois  would,  it  was 
thought,  be  a  good  triangular  contest. 

But  Henry — no  longer  the  unsophisticated  youth  who  had 
been  used  to  run  barefoot  among  the  cliffs  of  Coarasse — was 
grown  too  crafty  a  politician  to  be  entangled  by  Spanish  or 
Medicean  wiles.  The  Duke  of  Anjou  was  now  dead.  Of  all 
the  princes  who  had  stood  between  him  and  the  throne,  them 


'  D'Aubigne,  'Memoiros,'  p.  61,   68. 

*  Ibid. 

3  "The  Abp.  of  Colein  told  me 
that  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  ac- 
quainted him  with  a  practice  of  the 
King  of  Spain's,  which  was  an  oft'er 
made  to  the  King  of  Navarre  of 
400,000  A*  in  ready  monej',  and  a 
100,000  A*  monthly,  if  he  would  make 
wars   with   tiie  French    king — where- 

VOL.  I. — E 


unto  I  answered,  that  I  thought  it 
done  with  a  Spanish  mind  and  cunninjj 
to  draw  the  King  of  Navarre,  as  Se- 
bastian of  Portagal  was,  to  his  ruin 
and  loss  of  life  and  kingdom,  and  bv 
this  means  to  destroy  also  the  religion 
and  churches  in  France,"  kc.  (Herle 
to  Queen  Elizabeth,  2 2d  Julv,  1584. 
S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


50  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IL 

was  none  remaining  save  the  helpless,  childless,  superannuated 
youth,  who  was  its  present  occupant.  The  King  of  Navarre 
was  legitimate  heir  to  the  crown  of  France.  "  Espoir  "  was 
now  in  letters  of  light  upon  his  shield,  but  he  knew  that  his 
path  to  greatness  led  through  manifold  dangers,  and  that  it 
was  only  at  the  head  of  his  Huguenot  chivalry  that  he  could 
cut  his  way.  He  was  the  leader  of  the  nobles  of  Gascony, 
and  Dauphiny,  and  Guienne,  in  their  mountain  fastnesses,  of 
the  weavers,  cutlers,  and  artizans,  in  their  thriving  manu- 
facturing and  trading  towns.  It  was  not  Spanish  gold,  but 
carbines  and  cutlasses,  bows  and  bills,  which  could  bring  him 
to  the  throne  of  his  ancestors. 

And  thus  he  stood  the  chieftain  of  that  great  austere  party 
of  Huguenots,  the  men  who  went  on  their  knees  before  the 
battle,  beating  their  breasts  with  their  iron  gauntlets,  and 
singing  in  full  chorus  a  psalm  of  David,  before  smiting  the 
Philistines  hip  and  thigh. 

Their  chieftain,  scarcely  their  representative — fit  to  lead 
his  Puritans  on  the  battle-field,  was  hardly  a  model  for  them 
elsewhere.  Yet,  though  profligate  in  one  respect,  he  was  tem- 
perate in  every  other.  In  food,  wine,  and  sleep,  he  was  always 
moderate.  Subtle  and  crafty  in  self-defence,  he  retained 
something  of  his  old  love  of  truth,  of  his  hatred  for  liars. 
Hardly  generous  perhaps,  he  was  a  friend  of  justice,  while 
economy  in  a  wandering  King,  like  himself,  was  a  necessary 
virtue,  of  which  France  one  day  was  to  feel  the  beneficent 
action.  Reckless  and  headlong  in  appearance,  he  was  in 
truth  the  most  careful  of  men.  On  the  religious  question, 
most  cautious  of  all,  he  always  left  the  door  open  behind  him, 
disclaimed  all  bigotry  of  opinion,  and  earnestly  implored  the 
Papists  to  seek,  not  his  destruction,  but  his  instruction.  Yet 
prudent  as  he  was  by  nature  in  every  other  regard,  he  was 
all  his  life  the  slave  of  one  woman  or  another,  and  it  was  by 
good  luck  rather  than  by  sagacity  that  he  did  not  repeatedly 
forfeit  the  fruits  of  his  courage  and  conduct,  in  obedience  to 
his  master-passion. 

Always  open  to  conviction  on  the  subject  of  his  faith,  he 


1584.  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE.  51 

repudiated  the  appellation  of  heretic.  A  creed,  he  said,  was 
not  to  be  changed  like  a  shirt,  but  only  on  due  deliberation, 
and  under  special  advice.  In  his  secret  heart  he  probably 
regarded  the  two  religions  as  his  chargers,  and  was  ready  to 
mount  alternately  the  one  or  the  other,  as  each  seemed  the 
more  likely  to  bear  him  safely  in  the  battle.  The  Bearnese 
was  no  Puritan,  but  he  was  most  true  to  himself  and  to  his 
own  advancement.  His  highest  principle  of  action  was  to 
reach  his  goal,  and  to  that  principle  he  was  ever  loyal.  Feel- 
insr,  too,  that  it  was  the  interest  of  France  that  he  should 
succeed,  he  was  even  inspired — compared  with  others  on  the 
stage — by  an  almost  lofty  patriotism. 

Amiable  by  nature  and  by  habit,  he  had  preserved  the  most 
unimpaired  good-humour  throughout  the  horrible  years  which 
succeeded  St.  Bartholomew,  during  which  he  carried  his  life 
in  his  hand,  and  learned  not  to  wear  his  heart  upon  his  sleeve. 
Without  gratitude,  without  resentment,  without  fear,  without 
remorse,  entirely  arbitrary,  yet  with  the  capacity  to  use  all 
men's  judgments  ;  without  convictions,  save  in  regard  to  his 
dynastic  interests,  he  possessed  all  the  qualities  necessary  to 
success.  He  knew  how  to  use  his  enemies.  He  knew  how  to 
use  his  friends,  to  abuse  them,  and  to  throw  them  away.  He 
refused  to  assassinate  Francis  Alengon  at  the  bidding  of 
Henry  III.,  but  he  attempted  to  procure  the  murder  of  the 
truest  of  his  own  friends,  one  of  the  noblest  characters 
of  the  age — whose  breast  showed  twelve  scars  received  in 
his  service — Agrippa  D'Aubigne,  because  the  honest  soldier 
had  refused  to  become  his  pimp — a  service  the  King  had 
implored  upon  his  knees. ^ 

Beneath  the  mask  of  perpetual  careless  good-humour,  lurked 
the  keenest  eye,  a  subtle,  restless,  widely  combining  brain, 
and  an  iron  will.  Native  sagacity  had  been  tempered  into 
consummate  elasticity  by  the  fiery  atmosphere  in  which  feebler 
natures  had  been  dissolved.  His  wit  was  as  flashing  and  as 
quickly  unsheathed  as  his  sword.  Desperate,  apparently 
reckless  temerity  on  the  battle-field  was  deliberately  indulged 
'  P'Aubigoe,  'Memoires,'  pp.  38-44. 


52  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDa  Chap.   II. 

in,  that  the  world  miglit  be  brought  to  recognise  a  hero  and 
chieftain  in  a  King.  The  do-nothings  of  the  Merovingian  line 
had  been  succeeded  by  the  Pepins  ;  to  the  effete  Carlo- 
vingians  had  come  a  Capet ;  to  the  impotent  Valois  should 
come  a  worthier  descendant  of  St.  Louis.  This  was  shrewd 
Gascon  calculation,  aided  by  constitutional  fearlessness.  When 
despatch-writing,  invisible  Philips,  star-gazing  Rudolphs,  and 
petticoated  Henrys,  sat  upon  the  thrones  of  Europe,  it  was 
wholesome  to  show  the  world  that  there  was  a  King  left  who 
could  move  about  in  the  bustle  and  business  of  the  age,  and 
could  charge  as  well  as  most  soldiers  at  the  head  of  his 
cavalry  ;  that  there  was  one  more  sovereign  fit  to  reign  over 
men,  besides  the  glorious  Virgin  who  governed  England. 

Thus  courageous,  crafty,  far-seeing,  consistent,  untiring, 
imperturbable,  he  was  born  to  command,  and  had  a  right  to 
reign.  He  had  need  of  the  throne,  and  the  throne  had  still 
more  need  of  him.. 

This  then  was  the  third  Henry,  representative  of  the  third 
side  of  the  triangle,  the  reformers  of  the  kingdom. 

And  before  this  bubbling  cauldron  of  France,  where  in- 
trigues, foreign  and  domestic,  conflicting  ambitions,  strata- 
gems, and  hopes,  were  whirling  in  never-ceasing  tumult,  was 
it  strange  if  the  plain  Netherland  envoys  should  stand  some- 
what aghast  ? 

Yet  it  was  necessary  that  they  should  ponder  well  the 
aspect  of  affairs  ;  for  all  their  hopes,  the  very  existence  of 
themselves  and  of  their  religion,  depended  upon  the  organiza- 
tion which  should  come  of  this  chaos. 

It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  those  statesmen — 
even  the  wisest  or  the  best-informed  of  them — could  not  take  so 
correct  a  view  of  France  and  its  politics  as  it  is  possible  for 
us,  after  the  lapse  of  three  centuries,  to  do.  The  interior 
leagues,  subterranean  schemes,  conflicting  factions,  could  only 
be  guessed  at ;  nor  could  the  immediate  future  be  predicted, 
even  by  such  far-seeing  politicians  as  William  of  Orange,  at 
a  distance,  or  Henry  of  Navarre,  upon  the  spot. 

It  was  obvious  to  the  Netherlanders  that  France,  although 


1584.  POWER  OF  FRANCE.  53 

torn  by  faction,  was  a  great  and  powerful  realm.  There  had 
now  been,  with  the  brief  exception  of  the  lovers'  war  in  1580, 
a  religious  peace  of  eight  years'  duration.  The  Huguenots 
had  enjoyed  tranquil  exercise  of  their  worship  during  that 
period,  and  they  expressed  perfect  confidence  in  the  good 
faith  of  the  King.  That  the  cities  were  inordinately  taxed  to 
supply  the  luxury  of  the  court  could  hardly  be  unknown  to 
the  Netherlanders.  Nevertheless  they  knew  that  the  kingdom 
was  the  richest  and  most  populous  of  Christendom,  after  that 
of  Spain.  Its  capital,  already  called  by  contemporaries  the 
"  compendium  of  the  world,"  was  described  by  travellers  as 
"  stupendous  in  extent  and  miraculous  for  its  numbers." 
It  was  even  said  to  contain  eight  hundred  thousand  souls, 
and  although  its  actual  population  did  not  probably  exceed 
three  hundred  and  twenty  thousand,  yet  this  was  more  than 
double  the  number  of  London's  inhabitants,  and  thrice  as 
many  as  Antwerp  could  then  boast,  now  that  a  great  propor- 
tion of  its  foreign  denizens  had  been  scared  away.  Paris  was 
at  least  by  one  hundred  thousand  more  populous  than  any 
city  of  Europe,  except  perhaps  the  remote  and  barbarous 
Moscow,  while  the  secondary  cities  of  France,  Rouen  in  the 
north,  Lyons  in  the  centre,  and  Marseilles  in  the  south,  almost 
equalled  in  size,  business,  wealth,  and  numbers,  the  capitals  of 
other  countries.  In  the  whole  kingdom  were  probably  ten  or 
twelve  millions  of  inhabitants,  nearly  as  many  as  in  Spain, 
without  her  colonies,  and  perhaps  three  times  the  number  that 
dwelt  in  England. 

In  a  military  point  of  view,  too,  the  alliance  of  France  was 
most  valuable  to  the  contiguous  Netherlands.  A  few  regi- 
ments of  French  troops,  under  the  command  of  one  of  their 
experienced  Marshals,  could  block  up  the  Spaniards  in  the 
Walloon  Provinces,  effectually  stop  their  operations  against 
Ghent,  Antwerp,  and  the  other  great  cities  of  Flanders  and 
Brabant,  and,  with  the  combined  action  of  the  United  Pro- 
vinces on  the  north,  so  surround  and  cripple  the  forces  of 
Parma,  as  to  reduce  the  power  of  Philip,  after  a  few  vigorous 
and  well-concerted  blows,  to  an  absolute  nullity  in  the  Low 


54  TlIK  UNITED  NKTHKRLAXDS.  Chap.  II. 

Countries.  As  this  result  was  of  as  vital  importance  to  the 
real  interests  of  France  and  of  Europe,  whctlier  Protestant 
or  Catholic,  as  it  was  to  the  Provinces,  and  as  the  French 
government  had  privately  manifested  a  strong  desire  to 
oppose  the  progress  of  Spain  towards  universal  empire,  it  was 
not  surprising  that  the  States  Greneral,  not  feeling  capable  of 
standing  alone,  should  make  their  application  to  France. 
This  they  had  done  with  the  knowledge  and  concurrence  of 
the  English  government.  What  lay  upon  the  surface  the 
Netherland  statesmen  saw  and  pondered  well.  What  lurked 
beneath,  they  surmised  as  shrewdly  as  they  could,  but  it  was 
impossible,  with  plummet  and  fathom-line  ever  in  hand,  to 
sound  the  way  with  perfect  accuracy,  where  the  quicksands 
were  ever  shifting,  and  the  depth  or  shallowness  of  the  course 
perpetually  varying.  It  was  not  easy  to  discover  the  inten- 
tions of  a  government  which  did  not  know  its  own  intentions, 
and  whose  changing  policy  was  controlled  by  so  many  hidden 
/Currents. 

Moreover,  as  already  indicated,  the  envoys  and  those  whom 
they  represented  had  not  the  same  means  of  arriving  at  a 
result  as  are  granted  to  us.  Thanks  to  the  liberality  of 
many  modern  governments  of  Europe,  the  archives  where  the 
state-secrets  of  the  buried  centuries  have  so  long  mouldered, 
are  now  open  to  the  student  of  history.  To  him  who  has 
patience  and  industry  many  mysteries  are  thus  revealed, 
which  no  political  sagacity  or  critical  acumen  could  have 
divined.  He  leans  over  the  shoulder  of  Philij)  the  Second  at 
his  writing-table,  as  the  King  spells  j^atiently  out,  with  cipher- 
key  in  hand,  the  most  concealed  hieroglyphics  of  Parma  or 
Guise  or  Mendoza.  He  reads  the  secret  thoughts  of  "  Fabius,"  ' 
as  that  cunctative  Roman  scrawls  his  marginal  apostilles  on 
each  despatch  ;  he  pries  into  all  the  stratagems  of  Camillus, 
Hortensius,  Mucins,  Julius,  Tullius,  and  the  rest  of  those 
ancient  heroes  who  lent  their  names  to  the  diplomatic  masque- 
raders  of  the   16  th   century ;   he   enters   the  cabinet  of  the 

*  The  name  usually  assigned  to  Philip  himself  ia  the  Paria-Simancaa 
Correspondence. 


1584.  EMBASSY  OF  THE  STATES  TO  FRANCE.  55 

deeply-pondering  Burghley,  and  takes  from  the  most  private 
drawer  the  memoranda  which  record  that  minister's  unutter- 
able doubtings  ;  he  pulls  from  the  dressing-gown  folds  of  the 
stealthy,  softly-gliding  Walsingham  the  last  secret  which  he  has 
picked  from  the  Emperor's  pigeon-holes,  or  the  Pope's  pocket, 
and  which,  not  Hatton,  nor  Buckhurst,  nor  Leicester,  nor  the 
Lord  Treasurer,  is  to  see  ;  nobody  but  Elizabeth  herself ;  he 
sits  invisible  at  the  most  secret  councils  of  the  Nassaus  and 
Barneveldt  and  Buys,  or  pores  with  Farnese  over  coming  vic- 
tories, and  vast  schemes  of  universal  conquest  ;  he  reads  the 
latest  bit  of  scandal,  the  minutest  characteristic  of  king  or 
minister,  chronicled  by  the  gossiping  Venetians  for  the  edifi- 
cation of  the  Forty  ;  and,  after  all  this  prying  and  eavesdrop- 
ping, having  seen  the  cross-purposes,  the  bribings,  the  wind- 
ings, the  fencings  in  the  dark,  he  is  not  surprised,  if  those  who 
were  systematically  deceived  did  not  always  arrive  at  correct 
conclusions. 

Noel  de  Caron,  Seigneur  de  Schoneval,  had  been  agent  of 
the  States  at  the  French  court  at  the  time  of  the  death  of 
the  Duke  of  Anjou.  Upon  the  occurrence  of  that  event.  La 
Mouillerie  and  Asseliers  were  deputed  by  the  Provinces  to 
King  Henry  III.,  in  order  to  offer  him  the  sovereignty,  which 
they  had  intended  to  confer  upon  his  brother.'  Meantime 
that  brother,  just  before  his  death,  and  with  the  privity  of 
Henry,  had  been  negotiating  for  a  marriage  with  the  younger 
daughter  of  Philip  II. — an  arrangement  somewhat  incom- 
patible with  his  contemporaneous  scheme  to  assume  the 
sovereignty  of  Philip's  revolted  Provinces.  An  attempt  had 
been  made  at  the  same  time  to  conciliate  the  Duke  of  Savoy, 
and  invite  him  to  the  French  court ;  but  the  Due  de  Joyeuse, 
then  on  his  return  from  Turin,  was  bringing  the  news,  not  only 
that  the  match  with  Anjou  was  not  favored — which,  as  Anjou 
was  dead,  was  of  no  great  consequence — but  that  the  Duke  of 
Savoy  was  himself  to  espouse  the  Infanta,  and  was  therefore 

J    '  Yerhael  van  't  gene  de  heeren  de  i    naer    Yrankryck     aen     den     Coninck 

la  Mouillerie  ends  van   Asseliers  liab-  racckende    den   last    hen   gegeven  op 

ben  gedaan  ende  gebesoigneert,  midts-  niijne    heeren     de    Generale    Stalen.' 

gaders    verstaen   in    henluyden    reise  j    (Royal  Archives  at  the  Hague,  MS.) 


50- 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  II. 


compelled  to  decline  the  invitation  to  Paris,  for  fear  of 
offending  his  father-in-law.'  Other  matters  were  in  progress, 
to  be  afterwards  indicated,  very  much  interfering  with  the 
negotiations  of  the  Netherland  envoys. 

When  La  Mouillerie  and  Asseliers  arrived  at  Rouen,  on 
their  road  from  Dieppe  to  Paris,  they  received  a  peremjitory 
order  from  the  Queen-Mother  to  proceed  no  farther.  This 
proliibition  was  brought  by  an  unofficial  personage,  and  was 
delivered,  not  to  them,  but  to  Des  Pruneaux,  French  envoy  to 
the  States  General,  who  had  accompanied  the  envoys  to 
France.- 

After  three  weeks'  time,  during  which  they  "  kept  them- 
selves continually  concealed  in  Rouen,"  there  arrived  in  that 
city  a  young  nephew  of  Secretary  Brulart,  who  brought  letters 
empowering  him  to  hear  what  they  had  in  charge  for  the 
King.  The  envoys,  not  much  flattered  by  such  cavalier 
treatment  on  the  part  of  him  to  whom  they  were  offering  a 
crown,  determined  to  digest  the  affront  as  they  best  might, 
and,  to  save  time,  opened  the  whole  business  to  this  sub- 
ordinate stripling.  He  received  from  them  accordingly  an 
ample  memoir  to  be  laid  before  his  Majesty,  and  departed 
by  the  post  the  same  night.  Then  they  waited  ten  days 
longer,  concealed  as  if  they  had  been  thieves  or  spies,  rather 
than  the  representatives  of  a  friendly  power,  on  a  more  than 
friendly  errand. 

At  last,  on  the  24th  July,  after  the  deputies  had  been  thus 
24tii  July,  shut  up  a  whole  month.  Secretary  Brulart  himself 
^  ■      arrived  from  Fontainebleau.* 

He  stated  that  the  King  sent  his  royal  thanks  to  the  States 
for  the  offer  which  they  had  made  him,  and  to  the  deputies 
in  particular  for  taking  the  trouble  of  so  long  a  journey ;  but 


1  Stafford  to  Walsingham,  29th  Aug., 
1584,  in  Murdin,  ii.  419,  420. 

"  '  Lettre  des  Deputes  en  France  au 
Prince  d'Oranges  du  16  Juillet,  1584,' 
(Hague  Archives  MS.)  This  letter 
to  WilHam  the  Silent  was  written  six 
days  after  his  death. 


3  MS.  Letter  in  Hague  Archives,  be- 
fore cited. 

*  '  Rapport  faict  par  Noel  de  Caron, 
aiant  este  depute  de  la  part  de  Mes- 
seigneurs  les  Etats  geueraux  vers  la 
Majeste  du  Roy  de  France,  en  I'as- 
semblee  des  diets  Estats  a  Delft,  le 
5  Aoust,  1584.'    (Hague  Archives  MS.i 


158  i  IGNOMINIOUS  POSITION  OF  THE  ENVOYS.  57 

that  he  did  not  find  his  realm  in  condition  to  undertake  a 
foreign  war  so  inopportunely.  In  every  other  regard,  his 
Majesty  offered  the  States  ''all  possible  favours  and  plea- 
sures."' 

Certainly,  after  having  been  thus  kept  in  prison  for  a 
month,  the  ambassadors  had  small  cause  to  be  contented  with 
this  very  cold  communication.  To  be  forbidden  the  royal 
presence,  and  to  be  turned  out  of  the  country  without  even 
an  official  and  accredited  answer  to  a  communication  in  which 
they  had  offered  the  sovereignty  of  their  fatherland,  was  not 
flattering  to  their  dignity.  "We  little  thought,"  said  they 
to  Brulart,  after  a  brief  consultation  among  themselves,  "  to 
receive  such  a  reply  as  this.  It  displeases  us  infinitely  that 
his  Majesty  will  not  do  us  the  honour  to  grant  us  an  audience. 
We  must  take  the  liberty  of  saying,  that  'tis  treating  the 
States,  our  masters,  with  too  much  contempt.  Who  ever 
heard  before  of  refusing  audience  to  public  personages  ? 
Kings  often  grant  audience  to  mere  letter-carriers.  Even 
the  King  of  Spain  never  refused  a  hearing  to  the  deputies 
from  the  Netherlands  when  they  came  to  Spain  to  comj^lain 
of  his  own  government.  The  States  General  have  sent 
envoys  to  many  other  kings  and  princes,  and  they  have 
instantly  granted  audience  in  every  case.  His  Majesty,  too, 
has  been  very  ill-informed  of  the  contracts  which  we  formerly 
made  with  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  and  therefore  a  personal 
interview  is  the  more  necessary."^  As  the  envoys  were 
obstinate  on  the  point  of  Paris,  Brulart  said  "that  the  King, 
although  he  should  himself  be  at  Lyons,  would  not  prevent 
any  one  from  going  to  the  capital  on  his  own  private  affairs  ; 
but  would  unquestionably  take  it  very  ill  if  they  should  visit 
that  city  in  a  public  manner,  and  as  deputies."  ^ 

Des   Pruneaux   professed  himself  "  very   grievous  at  this 
result,  and  desirous  of  a  hundred  deaths  in  consequence." 

They  stated  that  they  should  be  ready  within  a  month  to 

'  Report  of  Noel  de  Caron,  MS.   be-    I        *  "  Dont  le  diet    Sr.    des  Epruneaux 

fore  cited.  estoit  en   son  particulier  fort  doleut,  es 

*  Ibid.  se  soubhaila  cent  fois  estre  luort,"  &c. 

3  Ibid.  I    (MS.  Report  before  cited.) 


58  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  III. 

bring  an  army  of  3,000  horse  and  13,000  foot  into  the  field 
for  the  relief  of  Ghent,  besides  their  military  operations 
against  Zutphen ;  and  that  the  enemy  had  recently  been 
ignominiously  defeated  in  his  attack  upon  Fort  Lillo,  and  had 
lost  2,000  of  his  best  soldiers.' 

Here  were  encouraging  facts  ;  and  it  certainly  was  worth 
the  while  of  the  French  sovereign  to  pause  a  moment  before 
rejecting  without  a  hearing,  the  offer  of  such  powerful  and 
conveniently-situated  provinces. 

Des  Pruneaux,  a  man  of  probity  and  earnestness,  but 
perhaps  of  insufficient  ability  to  deal  with  such  grave  matters 
as  now  fell  almost  entirely  upon  his  shoulders,"  soon  afterwards 
obtained  audience  of  the  King.  Being  most  sincerely  in  favour 
of  the  annexation  of  the  Netherlands  to  France,  and  feeling 
that  now  or  never  was  the  opportunity  of  bringing  it  about, 
he  persuaded  the  King  to  send  him  back  to  the  Provinces, 
in  order  to  continue  the  negotiation  directly  with  the  States 
General.  The  timidity  and  procrastination  of  the  court  could 
be  overcome  no  further. 

The  two  Dutch  envoys,  who  had  stolen  secretly  to  Paris, 
were  indulged  in  a  most  barren  and  unmeaning  interview 
with  the  Queen-Mother.  Before  their  departure  from  France, 
however,  they  had  the  advantage  of  much  conversation  with 
leading  members  of  the  royal  council,  of  the  parliaments  of 
Paris  and  Rouen,  and  also  with  various  persons  professing  the 
reformed  religion.  They  endeavoured  thus  to  inform  them- 
selves, as  well  as  they  could,  why  the  King  made  so  much 
difficulty  in  accepting  their  propositions,  and  whether,  and  by 
what  means,  his  Majesty  could  be  induced  to  make  war  in 
their  behalf  upon  the  King  of  Spain.  ^ 

They  were  informed  that,  should  Holland  and  Zetland  unite 
ivitli  the  rest  of  the  Netherlands,  the  King  "without  any 
doubt  would  undertake  the  cause  most  earnestly."  His 
councillors,  also — even  those  who  had  been  most  active  in 
dissuading   his    Majesty  from  such  a  policy — would  then  be 

"  MS.  Letter  to  the   States-General     I        '  De  Thou,  ix.  251. 
before  cited.  '  MS.  Yerhael  before  cited. 


1584. 


VIEWS  OF  THE  FRENCH   HUGUENOTS. 


59 


unanimous  in  supporting  the  annexation  of  the  Provinces  and 
the  war  with  Spain,  In  such  a  contingency,  with  the  potent 
assistance  of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  the  King  would  have  little 
difficulty,  within  a  very  short  time,  in  chasing  every  single 
Spaniard  out  of  the  Netherlands.  To  further  this  end,  many 
leading  personages  in  France  avowed  to  the  envoys  their  de- 
termination "to  venture  their  lives  and  their  fortunes,  and  to 
use  all  the  influence  which  they  possessed  at  court." 

The  same  persons  expressed  their  conviction  that  {he  King, 
once  satisfied  by  the  Provinces  as  to  conditions  and  reasons, 
would  cheerfully  go  into  the  war,  without  being  deterred  by 
any  apprehension  as  to  the  power  of  Spain.  It  was,  however, 
fitting  that  each  Province  should  chaffer  as  little  as  possible 
about  details,  but  should  give  his  Majesty  every  reasonable 
advantage.  They  should  remember  that  they  were  dealing 
with  "  a  great,  powerful  monarch,  who  was  putting  his  realm 
in  jeopardy,  and  not  with  a  Duke  of  Anjou,  who  had  every 
thing  to  gain  and  nothing  to  lose."  ' 

All  the  Huguenots,  with  whom  the  envoys  conversed, 
were  excessively  sanguine.  Could  the  King  be  once  brought 
they  said,  to  promise  the  Netherlands  his  protection,  there 
was  not  the  least  fear  but  that  he  would  keep  his  word.  He 
would  use  all  the  means  within  his  power ;  "  yea,  he  would 
take  the  crown  from  his  head,"  rather  than  turn  back. 
Although  reluctant  to  commence  a  war  with  so  powerful  a 
sovereign,  having  once  promised  his  help,  he  would  keep  his 
pledge  to  the  utmost,  "fo7'  he  was  a  King  of  his  word,"  and 
had  never  broken  and  would  never  break  his  faith  with  those 
of  the  reformed  religion.* 


'  MouiUerie  and  Asseliers,  MS.  be- 
fore cited. 

*  "  Dus  Verclarende  oick  bezunder 
die  van  de  Religie,  die  wy  gesproken 
hebben,  dat  zoo  verre  wy  consten  den 
Coninck  zoo  verre  bringen  dat  hy  ona 
beloofde  te  beschermen,  wy  niot  en 
dorfden  vreesen  oft  hy  en  zoudt  ons 
houden  ende  zoude  gebmycken  alio 
zyne  middelen,  jae  die  crone  van  zynen 
hoofde,  seggende  dat  hoe  wel  by  zeer 


qualycken  es,  ora  totter  oirlooge  to 
brengen-nict  zonder  oirzaecke,  mids 
bet  es  tegen  eenen  alzulcken  macbti- 
gen  Prince,  dat  bebbende  belooft  ons 
te  helpen,  dat  hy  uyet  laten  en  zoude 
tzelfdo  int  neersto  te  houden,  want  hy 
es  (zoo  zy  ons  verclaerden)  eenen 
Coninck  van  zynen  woorde  zyn  be- 
loofte  houdende,  ende  zelver  die  van 
der  religie'  seyden  ons,  dat  hy  hen 
nemmermeer  en  hadde  gefailleert  van 


CO  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  II. 

Thus  spoke  the  leading  Huguenots  of  France,  in  con- 
fidential communication  with  the  Netherland  envoys,  not 
many  months  before  the  famous  edict  of  extermination, 
published   at   Nemours. 

At  that  moment  the  reformers  were  full  of  confidence  ;  not 
foreseeing  the  long  procession  of  battles  and  sieges  whicli 
was  soon  to  sweep  through  the  land.  Notwithstanding  the 
urgency  of  the  Papists  for  their  extirpation,  they  extolled 
loudly  the  liberty  of  religious  worship  which  Calvinists,  as 
well  as  Catholics,  were  enjoying  in  France,  and  pointed  to 
the  fact  that  the  adherents  of  both  religions  were  well  re- 
ceived at  court,  and  that  they  shared  equally  in  offices  of  trust 
and  dignity  throughout  the  kingdom.' 

The  Netherland  envoys  themselves  bore  testimony  to  the 
undisturbed  tranquillity  and  harmony  in  which  the  professors 
of  both  religions  were  living  and  worshipping  side  by  side 
"  without  reproach  or  quarrel "  in  all  the  great  cities  which 
they  had  visited.  They  expressed  the  conviction  that  the 
same  toleration  would  be  extended  to  all  the  Provinces 
when  under  French  dominion  ;  and,  so  far  as  their  ancient 
constitutions  and  privileges  were  concerned,  they  were 
assured  that  the  King  of  France  would  respect  and  maintain 
them  with  as  much  fidelity  as  the  States  could  possibly 
desire.^ 

Des  Pruneaux,  accompanied  by  the  two  States'  envoys, 
departed  forthwith  for  the  Netherlands.  On  the  24th  August, 
24th  Aug.,  1584,  he  delivered  a  discourse  before  the  States 
1584.  Greneral,  in  which  he  disclosed,  in  very  general 
terms,  the  expectations  of  Henry  III.,  and  intimated  very 
clearly  that  the  different  Provinces  were  to  lose  no  time  in 
making  an  unconditional  offer  to  that  monarch.  With  regard 
to  Holland  and  Zeeland  he  observed  that  he  was  provided 
with  a  special  commission  to  those  Estates.^ 

It  was  not  long  before  one  Province  after  the  other  came 


tgene  hy  hen  belooft  hadde."  (Mouil- 
lerie  and  AsseUers,  Verhael,  &c.  MS. 
before  cited.) 


Ibid. 
Ibid. 
Wagenaar,  viii.  31.  seq. 


1584.  EFFORTS  TO  PROCURE  ANNEXATION.  Ql 

to  the  conclusion  to  oiFer  the  sovereignty  to  the  King  without 
written  conditions,  but  with  a  general  understanding  that 
their  religious  freedom  and  their  ancient  constitutions  were  to 
be  sacredly  respected.  MeantimCj  Des  Pruneaux  made  his 
appearance  in  Holland  and  Zeeland,  and  declared  the  King's 
intentions  of  espousing  the  cause  of  the  States,  and  of  accepting 
the  sovereignty  of  all  the  Provinces.  He  distinctly  observed, 
however,  that  it  was  as  sovereign,  not  as  protector,  that  his 
Majesty  must  be  recognised  in  Holland  and  Zeeland  as  well  as 
in  the  rest  of  the  country. 

Upon  this  gi-ave  question  there  was  much  debate  and  much 
difference  of  opinion.  Holland  and  Zeeland  had  never  con- 
templated the  jjossibility  of  accepting  any  foreign  sovereignty, 
and  the  opponents  of  the  present  scheme  were  loud  and 
angry,  but  very  reasonable  in  their  remarks.^ 

The  French,  they  said,  were  no  respecters  of  privileges  nor 
of  persons.  The  Duke  of  Anjou  had  deceived  William  of 
Orange  and  betrayed  the  Provinces.  Could  they  hope  to  see 
farther  than  that  wisest  and  most  experienced  prince  ?  Had 
not  the  stout  hearts  of  the .  Antwerp  burghers  proved  a 
stronger  defence  to  Brabant  liberties  than  the  "joyous 
entry"  on  the  dread  day  of  the  "  French  fury,"  it  would  have 
fared  ill  then  and  for  ever  with  the  cause  of  freedom  and 
religion  in  the  Netherlands.  The  King  of  France  was  a 
Papist,  a  Jesuit.  He  was  incapable  of  keeping  his  pledges. 
Should  they  make  the  arrangement  now  proposed  and  confer 
the  sovereignty  upon  him,  he  would  forthwith  make  peace 
with  Spain,  and  transfer  the  Provinces  back  to  that  crown  in 
exchange  for  the  duchy  of  Milan,  which  France  had  ever 
coveted.  The  Netherlands,  after  a  quarter  of  a  century  of 
fighting  in  defence  of  their  hearths  and  altars,  would  find 
themselves  handed  over  again,  bound  and  fettered,  to  the 
tender  mercies  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition.* 

The  Kings  of  France  and  of  Spain  always  acted  in  concert, 
for  religion   was   the   most  potent   of   bonds.     Witness   the 

>  Wagenaar,  Bor,  xix.  462.  I   handel  met  Frankryk'  apud  Bor,  11.  489 

'  '  Yertoog   vau    Gouda    tegen    den    |   seq. ;  "Wagenaar,  viii.  41,  seq. 


62 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IF. 


sacrifice  of  tliousands  of  Frencli  soldiers  to  Alva  by  their 
own  sovereign  at  Mons,  witness  the  fate  of  Geulis,  witness 
the  bloody  night  of  St.  Bartholomew,  witness  the  Antwerp 
fury.  Men  cited  and  relied  upon  the  advice  of  William  of 
Orange  as  to  this  negociation  with  France.  But  Orange 
never  dreamed  of  going  so  far  as  now  proposed.  He  was 
ever  careful  to  keep  the  Provinces  of  Holland  and  Zeeland 
safe  from  every  foreign  master.  That  spot  was  to  be  holy 
ground.  Not  out  of  personal  ambition,  God  forbid  that  they 
should  accuse  his  memory  of  any  such  impurity,  but  because 
he  wished  one  safe  refuge  for  the  spirit  of  freedom. 

Many  years  long  they  had  held  out  by  land  and  sea 
against  the  Spaniards,  and  should  they  now,  because  this 
Des  Pruneaux  shrugged  his  shoulders,  be  so  alarmed  as  to 
open  the  door  to  the  same  Spaniard  wearing  the  disguise  of 
a  Frenchman  ?^ 

Prince  Maurice  also  made  a  brief  representation  to  the 
States'  Assembly  of  Holland,  in  which,  without  distinctly 
opposing  the  negociation  with  France,  he  warned  them  not 
to  proceed  too  hastily  with  so  grave  a  matter.  He  reminded 
them  how  far  they  had  gone  in  the  presentation  of  the 
sovereignty  to  his  late  father,  and  requested  them,  in  their 
dealings  with  France,  not  to  forget  his  interests  and  those  of 
his  family.  He  reminded  them  of  the  position  of  that  family, 
overladen  with  debt  contracted  in  their  service  alone.  He 
concluded  by  offering  most  affectionately  his  service  in  any 
way  in  which  he,  young  and  inexperienced  as  he  knew 
himself  to  be,  might  be  thought  useful  ;  as  he  was  long  since 
resolved  to  devote  his  life  to  the  welfare  of  his  country.' 

These  passionate  appeals  were  answered  with  equal  vehe- 
mence by  those  who  had  made  up  their  minds  to  try  the 
chances  of  the  French  sovereignty.  Des  Pruneaux,  meanwhile, 
was  travelling  from  province  to  province,  and  from  city  to 
city,  using  the  arguments  which  have  already  been  sufficiently 


-  "  En  zou  ons  nu  't  gerugt  van 
zyne  aankomst,  en  dat  Pruneaux  de 
scliouders  optrok,  dennaate  verbaazen, 
dftt  vfy  hem  zelv'  als  een  FmnsoUuiw 


vermond,  gingen  inhaalen  ?"     (Ibid.) 

-  Bor,    II.   (xix.)   488,    seq.;  Wag©- 
naar,  viii.  39,  40. 


1584.  SUCCESS  OF  DKS  PRUNEACX,  63 

indicated,  and  urging  a  speedy  compliance  with  the  Frencli 
King's  propositions.  At  the  same  time,  in  accordance  with 
his  instructions,  he  was  very  cautious  to  confine  himself  to 
generalities,  and  to  avoid  hampering  his  royal  master  with 
the  restrictions  which  had  proved  so  irksome  to  the  Duke  of 
Anjou. 

"  The  States  G-eneral  demanded  a  copy  of  my  speech,"  he 
wrote  the  day  after  that  harangue  had  been  delivered,  "  but 
I  only  gave  them  a  brief  outline  ;  extending  myself  25th  Aug., 
as  little  as  I  possibly  could,  according  to  the  i^^'^ 
intention  and  command  of  your  Majesty.  When  I  got  here, 
I  found  them  without  hope  of  our  assistance,  and  terribly 
agitated  by  the  partizans  of  Spain.  There  was  some  danger 
of  their  going  over  in  a  panic  to  the  enemy.  They  are  now 
•much  changed  again,  and  the  Spanish  partizans  are  beginning 
to  lose  their  tongues.  I  invite  them,  if  they  intend  to  address 
your  Majesty,  to  proceed  as  they  ought  towards  a  veritably 
grand  monarch,  without  hunting  up  any  of  their  old  quibbles, 
or  reservations  of  provinces,  or  any  thing  else  which  could 
inspire  suspicion.  I  have  sent  into  Gelderland  and  Friesland, 
for  I  find  I  must  stay  here  in  Holland  and  Zeeland  myself. 
These  two  provinces  are  the  gates  and  ramparts  through 
which  we  must  enter.  'Tis,  in  my  opinion,  what  could  be 
called  superb,  to  command  all  the  sea,  thus  subject  to  the 
crown  of  France.  And  France,  too,  with  assistance  of  this 
country,  will  command  the  land  as  well.  They  are  much 
astonished  here,  however,  that  I  communicate  nothing  of  the 
intention  of  your  Majesty.  They  say  that  if  your  Majesty 
does  not  accept  this  ofier  of  their  country,  your  Majesty  puts 
the  rope  around  their  necks."  * 

The  French  envoy  was  more  and  more  struck  with  the 
brilliancy  of  the  prize  offered  to  his  master.  "  If  the  King 
gets  these  Provinces,"  said  he  to  Catharine,  "  't  will  be  the 
most  splendid  inheritance  which  Prince  has  ever  conquered."  ' 

In  a  very  few  weeks  the  assiduity  of  the  envoy  and  of  the 

'  Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  'Archives,'  I  *  Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  'Archives.' 
&c.,  I  1-3.  j  i  4. 


64  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  II. 

French  party  was  successful.  All  the  other  provinces  had 
very  soon  repeated  the  ofter  which  they  had  previously  made 
through  Asseliers  and  La  Mouillerie.  By  the  beginning  of 
October  the  opposition  of  Holland  was  vanquished.  The 
estates  of  that  Province — three  cities  excepted,  however — 
determined  "  to  request  England  and  France  to  assume  a 
joint  protectorate  over  the  Netherlands.  In  case  the  King  of 
France  should  refuse  this  proposition,  they  were  then  ready 
to  receive  him  as  prince  and  master,  with  knowledge  and 
consent  of  the  Queen  of  England,  and  on  such  conditions  as 
the  United  States  should  approve."  ' 

Immediately  afterwards,  the  General  Assembly  of  all  the 
States  determined  to  offer  the  sovereignty  to  King  Henry  on 
conditions  to  be  afterwards  settled."  * 

Des  Pruneaux,  thus  triumphant,  received  a  gold  chain  of 
the  value  of  two  thousand  florins,  and  departed  before  the  end 
of  October  for  France,' 

The  departure  of  the  solemn  embassy  to  that  country,  for  the 
purpose  of  offering  the  sovereignty  to  the  King,  was  delayed 
till  the  beginning  of  January.  Meantime  it  is  necessary  to 
cast  a  glance  at  the  position  of  England  in  relation  to  these 
important  transactions. 

'  Wagenaar,  viii.  49.  I        '  Wageaaar,  viii.  51 ;    'Resol.  Holl,' 

*  Ibid.;  Bor,  IL  495,  Hoofd,  xxl  945.    |   24th  Oct.,  1584,  bL  651. 


1684.  POLICY  OF  ENGLAND.  65 


CHAPTER   III. 

Policy  of  England — Schemes  of  the  Pretender  of  Portugal — Hesitation  of 
the  French  Court — Secret  Wishes  of  France — Contradictory  Views  as  to 
tlie  Opinions  of  Netherlanders — Their  Love  for  England  and  Elizabeth- 
Prominent  Statesmen  of  the  Provinces — Roger  Williams  the  Welshman 
— ^Views  of  Walsingham,  Burghley,  and  the  Queen — An  Embassy  to  Hol- 
land decided  upon — Davison  at  the  Hague — Cautious  and  Secret  Measures 
of  Burghley — Consequent  Dissatisfaction  of  Walsingham — English  and 
Dutch  Suspicion  of  France — Increasing  Affection  of  Holland  for  England. 

The  policy  of  England  towards  the  Provinces  had  been  some- 
what hesitating,  but  it  had  not  been  disloyal.  It  was  almost 
inevitable  that  there  should  be  timidity  in  the  councils  of 
Elizabeth,  when  so  grave  a  question  as  that  of  confronting 
the  vast  power  of  Spain  was  forcing  itself  day  by  day  more 
distinctly  upon  the  consideration  of  herself  and  her  statesmen. 
It  was  very  clear,  now  that  Orange  was  dead,  that  some  new 
and  decided  step  would  be  taken.  Elizabeth  w^as  in  favour 
of  combined  action  by  the  French  and  English  governments, 
in  behalf  of  the  Netherlands — a  joint  protectorate  of  the 
Provinces,  until  such  time  as  adequate  concessions  on  the 
religious  question  could  be  obtained  from  Spain.  She  was 
unwilling  to  plunge  into  the  peril  and  expense  of  a  war  with 
the  strongest  power  in  the  world.  She  disliked  the  necessity 
under  which  she  should  be  placed  of  making  repeated  appli- 
cations to  her  parliament^  and  of  thus  fostering  the  political 
importance  of  the  Commons  ;  she  was  reluctant  to  encourage 
rebellious  subjects  in  another  land,  however  just  the  cause  of 
their  revolt.  She  felt  herself  vulnerable  in  Ireland  and  on 
the  Scottish  border.  Nevertheless,  the  Spanish  power  was 
becoming  so  preponderant,  that  if  the  Netherlands  were  con- 
quered, she  could  never  feel  a  moment's  security  within  her 
own  territory.  If  the  Provinces  were  annexed  to  Francej  on 
VOL.  I. — F 


6(5  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap    IH. 

tlio  other  hand,  she  could  not  contemplate  with  complacency 
the  increased  power  thus  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  treach^ 
erous  and  Jesuitical  house  of  Valois. 

The  path  of  the  Queen  was  thickly  strewed  with  peril :  her 
advisers  were  shrewd,  far-seeing,  patriotic,  but  some  of  them 
were  perhaps  over  cautious.  The  time  had,  however,  arrived 
when  the  danger  was  to  be  faced,  if  the  whole  balance  of 
power  in  Europe  were  not  to  come  to  an  end,  and  weak 
states,  like  England  and  the  Netherlands,  to  submit  to  the 
tyranny  of  an  overwhelming  absolutism.  The  instinct  of  the 
Englisli  sovereign,  of  English  statesmen,  of  the  English, 
nation,  taught  them  that  the  cause  of  the  Netherlands  was 
their  own.  Nevertheless,  they  were  inclined  to  look  oii  yet 
a  little  longer,  although  the  part  of  spectator  had  become  an 
impossible  one.  The  policy  of  the  English  government  was 
not  treacherous,  although  it  was  timid.  That  of  the  French 
court  was  both  the  one  and  the  other,  and  it  would  have  been 
better  both  for  England  and  the  Provinces,  had  they  more 
justly  appreciated  the  character  of  Catharine  de'  Medici  and 
her  son. 

The  first  covert  negotiations  between  Henry  and  the  States 
had  caused  much  anxiety  among  the  foreign  envoys  in  France. 
Don  Bernardino  de  Mendoza,  who  had  recently  returned  from 
Spain  after  his  compulsory  retreat  from  his  post  of  English 
ambassador,  was  now  established  in  Paris,  as  representative  of 
Philip.  He  succeeded  Tassis — a  Netherlander  by  birth,  and 
one  of  the  ablest  diplomatists  in  the  Spanish  sei-vice — and  his 
house  soon  became  the  focus  of  intrigue  against  the  govern- 
ment to  which  he  was  accredited — the  very  head-quarters  of 
the  League.  His  salary  was  large,  his  way  of  living  magni- 
ficent, his  insolence  intolerable. 

"  Tassis  is  gone  to  the  Netherlands,"  wrote  envoy  Busbecq 
to  the  Emperor,  "  and  thence  is  to  proceed  to  Spain.  Don 
Bernardino  has  arrived  in  his  place.  If  it  be  the  duty  of  a 
good  ambassador  to  expend  largely,  it  would  be  difficult  to 
find  a  better  one  than  he  ;  for  they  say  'tis  his  intention  to 
spend   sixteen   thousand  dollars  yearly   in  his   embassy.     I 


1584.     -       SCHEMES   OF   THE   PRETENDER  OF   PORTUGAL.  67 

wouM  that  all  things  were  in  correspondence,  and  that  ho 
were  not  in  other  respects  so  inferior  to  Tassis."  ^ 

It  is,  however,  very  certain  that  Mendoza  was  not  only  a 
brave  soldier,  but  a  man  of  very  considerable  capacity  in 
civil  affairs,  although  his  inordinate  arrogance  interfered 
most  seriously  with  his  skill  as  a  negotiator.  He  was,  of 
course,  watching  with  much  fierceness  the  progress  of  these 
underhand  proceedings  between  the  French  court  and  the 
rebellious  subjects  of  his  master,  and  using  threats  and  ex- 
postulations in  great  profusion,  "  Mucio,"  too,  the  great 
stipendiary  of  Philip,  was  becoming  daily  more  dangerous, 
and  the  adherents  of  the  League  were  multiplying  with  great 
celerity. 

The  pretender  of  Portugal,  Don  Antonio,  prior  of  Crato, 
was  also  in  Paris  ;  and  it  was  the  policy  of  both  the  French 
and  the  English  governments  to  protect  bis  person,  and  to 
make  use  of  him  as  a  rod  over  the  head  of  Philip.  Having 
escaped,  after  the  most  severe  sufferings,  in  the  mountains  of 
Spain,  where  he  had  been  tracked  like  a  wild  beast,  with  a 
price  of  thirty  thousand  crowns  placed  upon  his  head,  he  was 
now  most  anxious  to  stir  the  governments  of  Europe  into 
espousing  his  cause,  and  into  attacking  Spain  through  the  re- 
cently acquired  kingdom  of  Portugal.  Meantime,  he  was 
very  desirous  of  some  active  employment,  to  keep  himself 
from  starving,  and  conceived  the  notion,  that  it  would  be  an 
excellent  thing  for  the  Netherlands  and  himself,  were  he  to 
make  good  to  them  the  loss  of  William  the  Silent. 

"  Don  Antonio,"  wrote  Stafford,  "  made  a  motion  to  me 
yesterday,  to  move  her  Majesty,  that  now  upon  the  Prince  of 
Orange's  death,  as  it  is  a  necessaiy  thing  for  them  to  have  a 
governor  and  head,  and  him  to  be  at  her  Majesty's  devotion, 
if  her  Majesty  would  be  at  the  means  to  work  it  for  him,  she 
should  be  assured  nobody  should  be  more  faithfully  tied  in 
devotion  to  her  than  he.  Truly  you  would  pity  the  poor 
man's  case,  who  is  almost  next  door  to  stai-ving  in  effect."* 

'  Busbecqui.     'Epist.  ad  Rud.'  ii.  p.  132. 

*  Stafford  to  Walsingham,  Murdin  h.  412-415. 


G8  THE  UNITKD  NKTHERLANDS.  Chap.  III. 

A  starving  condition  being,  however,  not  the  only  requisite 
in  a  governor  and  head  to  replace  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
nothing  came  of  this  motion.  Don  Antonio  remained  in 
Paris,  in  a  pitiable  plight,  and  very  much  environed  by 
dangers  ;  for  the  Duke  of  Guise  and  his  brother  had  under- 
taken to  deliver  him  into  the  hands  of  Philip  the  Second,  or 
those  of  his  ministers,  before  the  feast  of  St.  John  of  the 
coming  year.  Fifty  thousand  dollars  were  to  be  the  reward 
of  this  piece  of  work,  combined  with  other  services  ;  "and 
the  sooner  they  set  about  it  the  better,"  said  Philip,  writing 
a  few  months  later,  "for  the  longer  they  delay  it,  the  less 
easy  will  they  find  it." ' 

The  money  was  never  earned,  however,  and  meantime 
Don  Antonio  made  himself  as  useful  as  he  could,  in  picking 
up  information  for  Sir  Edward  Stafibrd  and  the  other  oppo- 
nents of  Spanish  policy  in  Paris. 

The  English  envoy  was  much  embarrassed  by  the  position 
of  affairs.  He  felt  sure  that  the  French  monarch  would 
never  dare  to  enter  the  lists  against  the  king  of  Spain,  yet  he 
was  accurately  informed  of  the  secret  negotiations  with  the 
Netherlands,  while  in  the  dark  as  to  the  ultimate  intentions 
of  his  own  government. 

"  I  was  never  set  to  school  so  much,"  he  wrote  to  Wal- 
singham  (27th  July,  1584),  "as  I  have  been  to  decipher  the 
cause  of  the  deputies  of  the  Low  Countries  coming  hither, 
the  ofiiers  that  they  made  the  King  here,  and  the  King's  manner 
of  dealing  with  them.^ 

He  expressed  great  jealousy  at  the  mystery  which  enve- 
loped the  whole  transaction  ;  and  much  annoyance  with  Noel 
de  Caron,  who  "kept  very  secret,  and  was  angry  at  the 
motion,"  when  he  endeavoured  to  discover  the  business  in 
which  they  were  engaged.  Yet  he  had  the  magnanimity  to 
request  Walsingham  not  to  mention  the  fact  to  the  Queen, 
lest  she  should  be  thereby  prejudiced  against  the  States. 

"  For  my  part,"  said  he,  "  I  would  be  glad  in  any  thing  to 

'  Philip  II.  to  J.  E.  Tassis,  15  and  28  I  Simancas.  Negociado  de  Estado 
ilarch,    1585.      (Archivo    general    de    j    Flandes.  MS.j  •  HuTdin  ubi  supra, 


2584.  HESITATION    OP  THE    FRENCH   COlTItT.  gg 

further  tliem,  rather  tlian  to  hinder  theui — though  they  do 
not  deserve  it — yet  for  the  good  the  helping  theui  at  this 
time  may  bring  ourselves."^ 

Meantime,  the  deputies  went  away  from  France,  and  the 
King  went  to  Lyons,  where  he  had  hoped  to  meet  both  the 
Duke  of  Savoy  and  the  King  of  Navarre.  But  Joyeuse,  who 
had  been  received  at  Chambery  with  "  great  triumphs  and 
tourneys,"  brouglit  back  only  a  broken  wrist,  without  bring- 
ing the  Duke  of  Savoy  ;  that  potentate  sending  word  that  the 
"  King  of  Spain  had  done  him  the  honour  to  give  him  his 
daughter,  and  that  it  was  not  fit  for  him  to  do  any  thing  that 
might  bring  jealousy."  ^ 

Henry  of  Navarre  also,  as  we  have  seen,  declined  the 
invitation  sent  him,  M,  de  Segur  not  feeling  disposed  for 
the  sudden  flight  out  of  window  suggested  by  Agrippa 
D'  Aubigne  ;  so  that,  on  the  whole,  the  King  and  his  mother, 
with  all  the  court,  returned  from  Lyons  in  marvellous  ill 
humour. 

"  The  King  storms  greatly,"  said  Stafford,  "  and  is  in  a 
great  dump."*  It  was  less  practicable  than  ever  to  discover 
the  intentions  of  the  government;  for  although  it  was  now 
very  certain  that  active  exertions  were  making  by  Des  Pru- 
neaux  in  the  Provinces,  it  was  not  believed  by  the  most  saga- 
cious that  a  serious  resolution  against  Spain  had  been  taken 
in  France.  There  was  even  a  talk  of  a  double  matrimonial 
alliance,  at  that  very  moment,  between  the  two  courts. 

"It  is  for  certain  here  said,"  wrote  Stafford,  "that  the  King 
of  Spain  doth  presently  marry  the  dowager  of  France,  and 
'tis  thought  that  if  the  King  of  Spain  marry,  he  will  not  live 
a  year.  Whensoever  the  marriage  be,"  added  the  envoy,  "  I 
would  to  God  the  effect  were  true,  for  if  it  be  not  by  some 
such  handy  work  of  God,  I  am  afraid  things  will  not  go  so 
well  as  I  could  wish."  * 

There  was  a  lull  on  the  surface  of  affairs,  and  it  was  not 
easy  to  sound  the  depths  of  unseen  combinations  and  intrigues. 

'  Murdiu.  ubi  supra.  ^  ^[urdm,  il  419,  420  '  Ibid. 

<  Ibid 


70  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Ill 

There  was  also  considerable  delay  in  the  appointment  and  the 
arrival  of  the  new  deputies  from  the  Netherlands  ;  and  Staf- 
ford was  as  doubtful  as  ever  as  to  the  intentions  of  his  own 
government. 

"  They  look  daily  here  for  the  States/'  he  wrote  to  Wal- 
singham  (29th  Dec.  1584),  "  and  I  pray  that  I  may  hear  from 
you  as  soon  as  you  may,  what  course  I  shall  take  when  they 
be  here,  either  hot  or  cold  or  lukewarm  in  the  matter,  and  in 
what  sort  I  shall  behave  myself.  Some  badly  affected  have 
gone  about  to  put  into  the  King's  head,  that  they  never  meant 
to  offer  the  sovereignty,  which,  though  the  King  be  not 
thoroughly  persuaded  of,  yet  so  much  is  won  by  this  means 
that  the  King  hearkeneth  to  see  the  end,  and  then  to  believe 
as  he  seeth  cause,  and  in  the  meantime  to  speak  no  more  of 
any  such  matter  than  if  it  had  never  been  moved."  ^ 

While  his  Majesty  was  thus  hearkening  in  order  to  see 
more,  according  to  Sir  Edward's  somewhat  Hibernian  mode 
of  expressing  himself,  and  keeping  silent  that  he  might  see  the 
better,  it  was  more  difficult  than  ever  for  the  envoy  to  know 
what  course  to  pursue.  Some  persons  went  so  far  as  to  sug- 
gest that  the  whole  negotiation  was  a  mere  phantasmagoria 
devised  by  Queen  Elizabeth — her  purpose  being  to  breed,  a 
quarrel  between  Henry  and  Philip  for  her  own  benefit ;  and 
"  then,  seeing  them  together  by  the  ears,  as  her  accustomed 
manner  was,  to  let  them  go  alone,  and  sit  still  to  look  on." ' 

The  King  did  not  appear  to  be  much  afiected  by  these 
insinuations  against  Elizabeth  ;  but  the  doubt  and  the  delav 
were  very  harrassing.  "  I  would  to  God,"  wrote  the  English 
envoy,  "that  if  the  States  mean  to  do  anything  here  with  the 
King,  and  if  her  Majesty  and  the  council  think  it  fit,  they 
would  delay  no  time,  but  go  roundly  either  to  an  agreement 
or  to  a  breach  with  the  King.  Otherwise,  as  the  matter  now 
sleepeth,  so  it  will  die,  for  the  King  must  be  taken  in  his 
humour  when  he  begins  to  nibble  at  any  bait,  for  else  he 
will  come  away,  and  never  bite  a  full  bite  while  he  liveth,"* 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  bait,  at  which  Henry  nibbled 

'  Uwim,  it,  43}.,  *  Jbia.  8  Ibid. 


1584. 


SECRET   WISHES   OF   FRANCE. 


71 


with  much  avidity,  was  the  maritime  part  of  the  Netherlands. 
Holland  and  Zeeland  in  the  possession  of  either  England  or 
Spain,  was  a  perpetual  inconvenience  to  France.  The  King, 
or  rather  the  Queen- Mother  and  her  advisers — for  Henry 
himself  hardly  indulged  in  any  profound  reflections  on  state- 
affairs, — desired  and  had  made  a  sine  qua  nan  of  those  Pro- 
vinces. It  had  been  the  French  policy,  from  the  beginning, 
to  delay  matters,  in  order  to  make  the  States  feel  the  peril  of 
their  position  to  the  full. 

"  The  King,  differing  and  temporising,"  wrote  Herle  to  the 
Queen,  "would  have  them  fall  into  that  necessity  and  danger, 
as  that  they  should  offer  unto  him  simply  the  possession  of  all 
their  estates.  Otherwise,  they  were  to  see,  as  in  a  glass,  their 
evident  and  hasty  ruin."  ^ 

Even  before  the  death  of  Orange,  Henry  had  been  deter- 
mined, if  possible,  to  obtain  possession  of  the  island  of 
Walcheren,  which  controlled  the  whole  country.  "  To  give 
him  that,"  said  Herle,  "  would  be  to  turn  the  hot  end  of  the 
poker  towards  themselves,  and  put  the  cold  part  in  the  King's 
hand.'^  He  had  accordingly  made  a  secret  offer  to  William 
of  Orange,  through  the  Princess,  of  two  millions  of  livres  in 
ready  money,  or,  if  he  preferred  it,  one  hundred  thousand 
livres  yearly  of  perpetual  inheritance,  if  he  would  secure  to 
him  the  island  of  Walcheren.  In  that  case  he  promised 
to  declare  war  upon  the  King  of  Spain,  to  confirm  to  the 
States  their  privileges,  and  to  guarantee  to  the  Prince  the 
earldoms  of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  with  aU  his  other  lands  and 
titles."  2 


*  Herle  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  MS.  be- 
fore cited. 

-  Ibid. 

^  "  The  French  king's  inward  inten- 
tion being  discovered  in  some  manner 
to  them,  and  his  faith  holden  suspect- 
ed, Paul  Buys  at  Delft  to  this  effect 
willed  mo  under  secrecy  and  assurance 
to  say  •  unto  your  Majesty  from  him, 
that  the  said  French  King  had  two 
months  since  sounded  the  Prince  of 
Orange  by  the  Princess  his  wife,  that 
in  case  he  could  be  content  to  put  into 
his  hands  the  island  of  "Walcheren,  the 


said  King  would  immediately  declare 
Spain  his  enemy,  confirm  to  the  States 
their  privileges,  and  unto  the  Prince  of 
Orange  the  earldoms  of  Holland  and 
Zeeland,  with  all  his  other  lands  and 
titles,  and  give  him  over  and  above 
lOOjOOOA*  yearly  of  perpetual  inheri- 
tance, well  assured  to  him  and  his, 
where  he  would  choose  the  same  ;  or, 
if  he  thought  better,  he  should  stow 
in  ready  money  2,000,OOOA*  to  behave 
at  his  pleasure. 

"But,   saith  Buys   (his  scope  being 
once  seen),  he  shall  never  be  trusted 


72  THE   UNITKD  NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  m. 

It  is  superfluous  to  say  that  such  offers  were  only  regarded 
by  the  Prince  as  an  affront.  It  was,  however,  so  necessary, 
in  his  opinion,  to  maintain  the  cause  of  the  reformed  churches 
in  France,  and  to  keep  up  the  antagonism  between  that 
country  and  Spain,  that  the  French  policy  was  not  abandoned, 
although  the  court  was  always  held  in  suspicion. 

But  on  the  death  of  William,  there  was  a  strong  reaction 
against  France  and  in  favour  of  England.  Paul  Buys,  one  of 
the  ablest  statesmen  of  the  Netherlands,  Advocate  of  Holland, 
and  a  confidential  friend  of  William  the  Silent  up  to  the  time 
of  his  death,  now  became  the  leader  of  the  English  party, 
and  employed  his  most  strenuous  efforts  against  the  French 
treaty — having  "seen  the  scope  of  that  court.'" 

With  regard  to  the  other  leading  personages,  there  was  a 
strong  inclination  in  favom'  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  whose  com- 
manding character  inspired  great  respect.  At  the  same  time 
warmer  sentiments  of  adhesion  seem  to  have  been  expressed 
towards  the  French  court,  by  the  same  individuals,  than  the 
mere  language  of  compliment  justified. 

Thus,  the  widowed  Princess  of  Orange  was  described  by 
Des  Pruneaux  to  his  sovereign,  as  "  very  desolate,  but  never- 
theless doing  all  in  her  power  to  advance  his  interests  ;  the 
Count  Maurice,  of  gentle  hopes,  as  also  most  desirous  of 
remaining  his  Majesty's  humble  servant,  while  Elector  Truch- 
sess  was  said  to  be  employing  himself,  in  the  same  cause, 
with  very  great  affection."  ^ 

A  French  statesman  resident  in  the  Provinces,  whose  name 
has  not  been  preserved,  but  who  was  evidently  on  intimate 
terms  with  many  eminent  Netherlanders,  declared  that 
Maurice,  "who  had  a  mind  entirely  French,  deplored  infi- 
nitely the  misfortunes  of  France,  and  regretted  that  all  the 
Provinces  could  not  be  annexed  to  so  fair  a  kingdom.  I  do 
assure  you,"  he  added,  "  that  he  is  in  no  wise  English."^ 

by   us,    what   hazard   and    extremety        whereof  the  defence  and  reUcf  of  those 


soever  we  run  into ;  yet  he  excused 
the  Prince  that  he  was  not  French  in 
mind,  but  for  necessity  and  conni- 
vency, to  conser\'e  the  churches  in 
France,  and  to  breed  jealousy  and 
pique     between    those    great     kings, 


countries  and  religion  might  ensue  and 
be  continued."  (Herle  to  Q.  Elizabeth, 
MS.  ubi  sup.) 

^  "Wagenaar,  viii.  50. 

"^  Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  '  Archivea,' 
kc.  i.  2,  3.  *  Ibid.  15. 


1584.        VIEWS  AS  TO  OPINIONS  OF  NETHERLANDERS.  73 

Of  Count  Hohenlo,  general-in-chief  of  the  States*  army 
under  Prince  Maurice,  and  afterwards  his  brother-in-law,  the 
same  gentleman  spoke  with  even  greater  confidence.  "  Count 
d'Oloc,"  said  he  (for  by  that  ridiculous  transformation  of  his 
name  the  Grerman  general  was  known  to  French  and  English), 
^  with  whom  I  have  passed  three  weeks  on  board  the  fleet  of 
the  States,  is  now  wholly  French,  and  does  not  love  the 
English  at  all.  The  very  first  time  I  saw  him,  he  protested 
twice  or  thrice,  in  presence  of  members  of  the  States  General 
and  of  the  State  Council,  that  if  he  had  no  Frenchmen  he 
could  never  carry  on  the  war.  He  made  more  account,"  he 
said,  "  of  two  thousand  French  than  of  six  thousand  others, 
English,  or  Glermans." ' 

Yet  all  these  distinguished  persons — the  widowed  Princess 
of  Orange,  Count  Maurice,  ex-elector  Truchsess,  Count  Ho- 
henlo— were  described  to  Queen  Elizabeth  by  her  confidential 
agent,  then  employed  in  the  Provinces,  as  entirely  at  that 
sovereign's  devotion. 

"  Count  Maurice  holds  nothing  of  the  French,  nor  esteems 
them,"  said  Herle,  "  but  humbly  desired  me  to  signify  unto  your 
Majesty  that  he  had  in  his  mind  and  determination  faithfully 
vowed  his  service  to  your  Majesty,  which  should  be  continued 
in  his  actions  with  all  duty,  and  sealed  with  his  blood  ;  for  he 
knew  how  much  his  father  and  the  cause  were  beholden  ever 
to  your  Highness's  goodness."^ 

The  Princess,  together  with  her  sister-in-law  Countess 
Schwartzenburg,  and  the  young  daughters  of  the  late  Prince 
were  described  on  the  same  occasion  "as  recommending 
their  service  unto  her  Majesty  with  a  most  tender  affection, 
as  to  a  lady  of  all  ladies."  "  Especially,"  said  Herle,  "  did 
the  two  Princesses  in  most  humble  and  wise  sort,  express  a 
certain  fervent  devotion  towards  your  Majesty."  ^ 

Elector  Truchsess  was  spoken  of  as  "  a  prince  well  quaHfied 
and  greatly  devoted  to  her  Majesty  ;  who,  after  many  grave 
and    sincere   words  had  of  her  Majesty's  virtue,   calling  her 

'Ibid.  «  Letter  of  I  lorle,  before  cited,  "Ibid. 

VOL.  :i. — 4 


74       .  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IIL 

la  fille  unique  de  Dieu,  and  le  bien  heureuse  Princesse,  desired 
of  G-od  that  he  might  do  her  service  as  she  merited."' 

And,  finally,  Count  Hollock — who  seemed  to  "  be  reformed 
in  sundry  things,  if  it  hold"  (a  delicate  allusion  to  the  Count's 
propensity  for  strong  potations),  was  said  "  to  desire  humbly 
to  be  known  for  one  that  would  obey  the  commandment  of  her 
Majesty  more  than  of  any  earthly  prince  living  besides."  ^ 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  there  was  a  strong  party  in 
favour  of  an  appeal  to  England  rather  than  to  France.  The 
Netherlanders  were  too  shrewd  a  people  not  to  recognize 
the  difference  between  the  king  of  a  great  realm,  who  painted 
his  face  and  wore  satin  petticoats,  and  the  woman  who  enter- 
tained ambassadors,  each  in  his  own  language,  on  gravest 
affairs  of  state,  who  matched  in  her  wit  and  wisdom  the 
deepest  or  the  most  sparkling  intellects  of  her  council,  who 
made  extemporaneous  Latin  orations  to  her  universities,  and 
who  rode  on  horseback  among  her  generals  along  the  lines  of 
her  troops  in  battle-array,  and  yet  was  only  the  unmarried 
queen  of  a  petty  and  turbulent  state. 

"  The  reverend  respect  that  is  borne  to  your  Majesty 
throughout  these  countries  is  great,"  said  William  Herle. 
They  would  have  thrown  themselves  into  her  arms,  heart  and 
soul,  had  they  been  cordially  extended  at  that  moment  of 
their  distress  ;  but  she  was  coy,  hesitating,  and,  for  reasons 
already  sufficiently  indicated,  although  not  so  conclusive  as 
they  seemed,  disposed  to  temporize  and  to  await  the  issue  of 
the  negotiations  between  the  Provinces  and  France. 

In  Holland  and  Zeeland  especially,  there  was  an  enthusiastic 
feeling  in  favour  of  the  English  alliance.  "  They  recom- 
mend themselves,"  said  Herle,  "  throughout  the  country  ia 
their  consultations  and  assemblies,  as  also  in  their  common 
and  private  speeches,  to  the  Queen  of  England's  only  favour 
and  goodness,  whom  they  call  their  saviour,  and  the  Princess 
of  greatest  perfection  in  wisdom  and  sincerity  that  ever 
governed.  Notwithstanding  their  treaty  now  on  foot  by  their 
deputies   with   France,    they  are   not  more   disposed  to   be 

1  Letter  of  Herle,  before  cited.  *  Ibid. 


1584. 


THEIR  LOVE  FOR  ENGLAND  AND  ELIZABETH. 


75 


governed  by  the  French  than  to  be  tyrannized  over  by  the 
Spaniard  ;  concluding  it  to  be  alike  ;  and  even  commutare 
non  sortem  sed  servitutem."^ 

Paul  Buys  was  indefatigable  in  his  exertions  against  the 
treaty  with  France,  and  in  stimulating  the  enthusiasm  for 
England  and  Elizabeth.  He  expressed  sincere  and  unaffected 
devotion  to  the  Queen  on  all  occasions,  and  promised  that  no 
negotiations  should  take  place,  however  secret  and  confiden- 
tial, that  were  not  laid  before  her  Majesty.^  "  He  has  the 
chief  administration  among  the  States,"  said  Herle,  "  and  to 
his  credit  and  dexterity  they  attribute  the  despatch  of  most 
things.  He  showed  unto  me  the  state  of  the  enemy  throughout 
the  provinces,  and  of  the  negotiation  in  France,  whereof  he 
had  no  opinion  at  all  of  success,  nor  any  will  of  his  own  part 
but  to  please  the  Prince  of  Orange  in  his  life-time."^ 

It  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel  whether  or  not  the  views  of 
this  experienced  and  able  statesman  were  lucid  and  compre- 
hensive. It  will  also  be  seen  whether  his  strenuous  exertions 
in  favour  of  the  English  alliance  were  rewarded  as  bountifully 
as  they  deserved,  by  those  most  indebted  to  him. 

Meantime  he  was  busily  employed  in  making  the  English 


1  Ibid. 

Sainte  Aldegonde  and  Villiers  fa- 
voured the  French  polic3^  Sainte  Al- 
degonde was  burgomaster  of  Antwerp, 
but  even  in  that  city,  although  so  many 
influential  persons  looked  to  France, 
the  people  generally  had  more  confi- 
dence in  England.  ''The  accepting 
of  the  French  king  as  prince  of  these 
countries,"  wrote  Le  Sieur  to  "VValsing- 
ham,  "  is  much  sought  by  some  that 
govern  this  day  here ;  but  in  the  ears 
of  the  common  people  it  soundeth  but 
evil,  though  the  report  be  here  that 
Holland  and  Zeeland  have  almost  ac- 
cepted him.  If  it  would  please  her 
Majesty  to  give  ear  unto  it,  she  could 
have  the  country  cheap  enough.  Jo 
juge  que  Sa  Majeste  auroit  bon  marche 
de  ce  pays."  (Le  Sieur  to  Walsingham, 
7  Sept.  1584.  S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

-  Treslong,  too,  Admiral  of  Holland 
and  Zeeland,  and  Governor  of  Ostend, 
made  no  secret  of  his  preference  for 
England,    He  avowed  bimself  publicly 


her  Majesty's  faithful  servant.  Enter- 
taining hospitably,  at  his  table  in  Os- 
tend, Captain  Richards  and  other  Eng- 
lish officers  who  had  come  with  troops 
from  Flushing,  he  pledged  a  bumper 
to  the  Queen's  health,  and  another  to 
that  of  Walsingham,  praying  that  Eli- 
zabeth might  yet  be  his  sovereign. 

"Nevertheless,"  said  he,  "I  have 
letters  from  Zeeland,  by  which  it  appears 
that  that  province  is  about  to  deliver 
itself  to  the  queen-mother  of  France." 

"And  begging  your  pardon,"  said 
Richards,  "  what  towns  will  you  give 
them  for  garrison  ?" 

"No  towns  at  all,"  answered  the 
Admiral,  "let  them  lie  on  the  dykes  1" 
After  dinner  he  conducted  the  Eng- 
lish officers  over  the  town,  showing 
them  the  fortifications  and  renewing 
his  protestations  of  devotion  to  her 
Majesty.  (Richards  to  "Walsingham, 
9  Sept.,  1684,  S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

3  Letter  of  Herle,  before  cited, 


rjQ  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IIL 

government  acquainted  with  the  capacity,  disposition,  and 
general  plans  of  the  Netherlanders. 

"They  have  certain  other  things  in  consultation  amongst 
the  States  to  determine  of/'  wrote  Herle,  "  which  they  were 
sworn  not  to  reveal  to  any,  but  Buys  protested  that  nothing 
should  pass  but  to  your  liking  and  surety,  and  the  same  to  be 
altered  and  disposed  as  should  seem  good  to  your  Highness's 
own  authority  ;  affirming  to  me  sincerely  that  Holland  and 
Zeeland,  with  the  rest  of  the  provinces,  for  the  estimation  they 
had  of  your  high  virtue  and  temperancy,  would  yield  them- 
selves absolutely  to  your  Majesty  and  crown  for  ever,  or  to 
none  other  (their  liberties  only  reserved),  whereof  you  should 
have  immediate  possession,  without  reservation  of  place  or 
privilege."* 

The  important  point  of  the  capability  of  the  Provinces  to 
defend  themselves,  about  which  Elizabeth  was  most  anxious 
to  be  informed,  was  also  fully  elucidated  by  the  Advocate. 
"  The  means  should  be  such,  proceeding  from  the  Provinces," 
said  he,  "  as  your  Majesty  might  defend  your  interest  therein 
with  facility  against  the  whole  world."  He  then  indicated  a 
plan,  which  had  been  proposed  by  the  States  of  Brabant  to 
the  States  General,  according  to  which  they  were  to  keep  on 
foot  an  army  of  15,000  foot  and  5000  horse,  with  which  they 
should  be  able,  "  to  expulse  the  enemy  and  to  reconquer  their 
towns  and  country  lost,  within  three  months."  Of  this  army 
they  hoped  to  induce  the  Queen  to  furnisli  5000  English 
footmen  and  500  horse,  to  be  paid  monthly  by  a  treasurer  of 
her  own  ;  and  for  the  assistance  thus  to  be  furnished  they 
proposed  to  give  Ostend  and  Sluys  as  pledge  of  payment. 
According  to  this  scheme  the  elector  palatine,  John  Casimir, 
had  promised  to  furnish,  equip,  and  pay  2000  cavalry,  taking 
the  town  of  Maestricht  and  the  country  of  Limburg,  when 
freed  from  the  enemy,  in  pawn  for  his  disbursements ;  while 
Antwerp  and  Brabant  had  agreed  to  supply  300,000  crowns 
in  ready  money  for  immediate  use.  Many  powerful  politi- 
cians opposed  this  policy,  however,  and  urged  reliance  upon 

'  Letter  of  Herle,  before  cited. 


1684.  PROMINENT  STATESMEN  OF  THE  PROVINCES.  77 

France,  "so  that  this  course  seemed  to  he  lame  in  many- 
parts.'" 

Agents  had  already  been  sent  both  to  England  and  France, 
to  procure,  if  possible,  a  levy  of  troops  for  immediate  necessity. 
The  attempt  was  unsuccessful  in  France,  but  the  Dutch  com- 
munity of  the  reformed  religion  in  London  subscribed  nine 
thousand  and  five  florins.^  This  sum,  with  other  contribu- 
tions, proved  sufficient  to  set  Morgan's  regiment  on  foot, 
which  soon  after  began  to  arrive  in  the  Netherlands  by  com- 
panies, "  But  if  it  were  all  here  at  once,"  said  Stephen  Le 
Sieur,  "  't  would  be  but  a  breakfast  for  the  enemy."^ 

The  agent  for  the  matter  in  England  was  De  G-riyse, 
formerly  bailiff  of  Bruges  ;  and  although  tolerably  successful 
in  his  mission,  he  was  not  thought  competent  for  so  important  a 
post,  nor  officially  authorised  for  the  undertaking.  While  pro- 
curing this  assistance  in  English  troo2)S  he  had  been  very 
urgent  with  the  Queen  to  further  the  negotiations  between 
the  States  and  France  ;"  and  Paul  Buys  was  offended  with 
liim  as  a  mischief-maker  and  an  intriguer.  He  complained 
of  him  as  having  "  thrust  himself  in,  to  deal  and  intermeddle 
in  the  affairs  of  the  Low  Countries  unavowed,"  and  desired 
that  he  might  be  closely  looked  after. ^ 

After  the  Advocate,  the  next  most  important  statesman  in 
the  provinces  was,  perhaps,  Meetkerk,  President  of  the  High 
Court  of  Flanders,  a  man  of  much  learning,  sincerity,  and 
earnestness  of  character  ;  having  had  great  experience  in  the 
diplomatic  service  of  the  country  on  many  important  occa- 
sions. "  He  stands  second  in  reputation  here,"  said  Herle, 
"  and  both  Buys  and  he  have  one  special  care  in  all  practises 
that  are  discovered,  to  examine  how  near  anything  may  con- 
cern your  person  or  kingdom,  whereof  they  will  advertise  as 
matter  shall  fall  out  in  importance."* 

John  van  Olden- Barneveldt,  afterwards  so  conspicuous  in  the 
history  of  the  country,  was  rather  inclined,  at  this  period,  to 


'  Letter  of  Herle,  before  cited. 
'  Meteren,  xiL  217. 
3  Le    Sieur   lo  "Walsingham,  7  Sept. 
1584.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


*  Meteren,  xii.  217. 

*  Letter  of  Herle,  MS- 
«Ibid. 


78  THE    UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Ill 

favour  the  French  party  ;  a  policy  which  was  strenuously 
furthered  by  Villiers  and  by  Sainte  Aldegonde. 

Besides  the  information  furnished  to  the  English  govern- 
ment, as  to  the  state  of  feeling  and  resources  of  the  Nether- 
lands, by  Buys,  Meetkerk,  and  William  Herle,  Walsingham 
relied  much  upon  the  experienced  eye  and  the  keen  biting 
humour  of  Roger  Williams. 

A  frank  open-hearted  Welshman,  with  no  fortune  but  his 
sword,  but  as  true  as  its  steel,  he  had  done  the  States  much 
important  service  in  the  hard-fighting  days  of  Grand  Com- 
mander Requesens  and  of  Don  John  of  Austria.  With  a 
shrewd  Welsh  head  under  his  iron  morion,  and  a  stout  Welsh 
heart  under  his  tawny  doublet,  he  had  gained  little  but  hard 
knocks  and  a  dozen  wounds  in  his  campaigning,  and  had  but 
recently  been  ransomed,  rather  grudgingly  by  his  govern- 
ment, from  a  Spanish  prison  in  Brabant.  He  was  suffering  in 
health  from  its  effects,  but  was  still  more  distressed  in  mind, 
from  his  sagacious  reading  of  the  signs  of  the  times.  Fearing 
that  England  was  growing  lukewarm,  and  the  Provinces 
desperate,  he  was  beginning  to  find  himself  out  of  work,  and 
was  already  casting  about  him  for  other  employment.  Poor, 
honest,  and  proud,  he  had  repeatedly  declined  to  enter  the 
Spanish  service.  Bribes,  such  as  at  a  little  later  period  were 
sufficient  to  sully  conspicuous  reputations  and  noble  names, 
among  his  countrymen  in  better  circumstances  than  his  own, 
had  been  freely  but  unsuccessfully  offered  him.  To  serve 
under  any  but  the  English  or  States'  flag  in  the  Provinces  he 
scorned  ;  and  he  thought  the  opportunity  fast  slipping  away 
there  for  taking  the  Papistical  party  in  Europe  handsomely 
by  the  beard.  He  had  done  much  manful  work  in  tha 
Netherlands,  and  was  destined  to  do  much  more  ;  but  he  was 
now  discontented,  and  thought  himself  slighted.  In  more 
remote  regions  of  the  world,  the  thrifty  soldier  thought  that 
there  might  be  as  good  harvesting  for  his  sword  as  in  the 
thrice-trampled  stubble  of  Flanders. 

"  I  would  refuse  no  hazard  that  is  possible  to  be  done  in 
the   Queen's  service/'   he  said  to  Walsingham ;  "  but   I   do 


1584.  ROGER  WILLIAMS.  79 

persuade  myself  she  makes  no  account  of  me.  Had  it  not 
been  for  the  duty  that  nature  bound  me  towards  her  and  my 
country,  I  needed  not  to  have  been  in  that  case  that  I  am  in. 
Perhaps  I  could  have  fingered  more  pistoles  than  Mr.  Newell, 
the  late  Latiner,  and  had  better  usage  and  pension  of  the 
Spaniards  than  he.  Some  can  tell  that  I  refused  large  offers, 
in  the  misery  of  Alost,  of  the  Prince  of  Parma.  Last  of  all, 
Verdugo  offered  me  very  fair,  being  in  Loccum,  to  quit 
the  States'  service,  and  accept  theirs,  without  treachery  or 
betraying  of  place  or  man."  ^ 

Not  feeling  inclined  to  teach  Latin  in  Spain,  like  the  late 
Mr.  Newell,  or  to  violate  oaths  and  surrender  fortresses,  like 
brave  soldiers  of  fortune  whose  deeds  will  be  afterwards 
chronicled,  he  was  disposed  to  cultivate  the  ''acquaintance 
of  divers  Pollacks,"  from  which  he  had  received  invitations. 
"  Find  I  nothing  there,"  said  he,  "  Duke  Matthias  has  promised 
me  courtesy  if  I  would  serve  in  Hungary.  If  not,  I  will  offer 
service  to  one  of  the  Turk's  bashaws  against  the  Persians."  * 

Fortunately,  work  was  found  for  the  trusty  Welshman  in 
the  old  fields.  His  brave  honest  face  often  reappeared  ;  his 
sharp  sensible  tongue  uttered  much  sage  counsel ;  and  his 
ready  sword  did  various  solid  service,  in  leaguer,  battle-field, 
and  martial  debate,  in  Flanders,  Holland,  Spain,  and  France. 

For  the  present,  he  was  casting  his  keen  glances  upon  the 
negotiations  in  progress,  and  cavilling  at  the  general  policy 
which  seemed  predominant. 

He  believed  that  the  object  of  the  French  was  to  trifle 
with  the  States,  to  protract  interminably  their  negotiations, 
to  prevent  the  English  government  from  getting  auy  hold 
upon  the  Provinces,  and  then  to  leave  them  to  their  fate. 

He  advised  Walsingham  to  advance  men  and  money,  upon 
the  security  of  Sluys  and  Ostend. 

"  I  dare  venture  my  life,"  said  he,  with  much  energy,  "  that 
were  Norris,  Bingham,  Yorke,  or  Carlisle,  in  those  ports^  he 
would  keep  them  during  the  Spanish  King's  life."  ^ 

'  Roger  "Williams  to  Sir  F.  "Walsingham,  Sept  1584.  (S.  P.  Office,  MS.) 
'  Ibid.  '  Ibid. 


80  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  III. 

But  the  true  way  to  attack  Spain — a  method  soon  after- 
wards to  be  carried  into  such  brilliant  effect  by  the  naval 
heroes  of  England  and  the  Netherlands — the  long-sighted 
Welshman  now  indicated  ;  a  combined  attack,  namely,  by  sea 
upon  the  colonial  possessions  of  Philip. 

"  I  dare  be  bound,"  said  he,  "  if  you  join  with  Treslong,  the 
States'  Admiral,  and  send  off,  both,  three-score  sail  into  his 
Indies,  we  will  force  him  to  retire  from  conquering  further, 
and  to  be  contented  to  let  other  princes  live  as  well  as  he."  ' 

In  particular,  Williams  urged  rapid  action,  and  there  is 
little  doubt,  that  had  the  counsels  of  prompt,  quick-witted, 
ready-handed  soldiers  like  himself,  and  those  who  thought 
with  him,  been  taken  ;  had  the  stealthy  but  quick-darting 
policy  of  Walsingham  prevailed  over  the  solemn  and  stately 
but  somewhat  ponderous  proceedings  of  Burghley,  both 
Ghent  and  Antwerp  might  have  been  saved,  the  trifling  and 
treacherous  diplomacy  of  Catharine  de'  Medici  neutralized, 
and  an  altogether  more  fortunate  aspect  given  at  once  to 
the  state  of  Protestant  affairs. 

"  If  you  mean  to  do  anything,"  said  he,  "  it  is  more  than 
time  now.  If  you  will  send  some  man  of  credit  about  it,  will 
it  please  your  honour,  I  will  go  with  him,  because  I  know  the 
humour  of  the  people,  and  am  acquainted  with  a  number  of 
the  best.  I  shall  be  able  to  show  him  a  number  of  their 
dealings,  as  well  with  the  French  as  in  other  affairs,  and 
perhaps  will  find  means  to  send  messengers  to  Ghent,  and 
to  other  places,  better  than  the  States  ;  for  the  message  of 
one  soldier  is  better  than  twenty  boors."  ^ 

It  was  ultimately  decided — as  will  soon  be  related — to  send 
a  man  of  credit  to  the  Provinces.  Meantime,  the  policy  of 
England  continued  to  be  expectant  and  dilatory,  and  Advo- 
cate Buys,  after  having  in  vain  attempted  to  conquer  the 
French  influence,  and  bring  about  the  annexation  of  the 
Provinces  to  England,  threw  down  his  ofiice  in  disgust,  and 
retired  for  a  time  from  the  contest.     He  even  contemplated 

'  Roger  WilUams  to  Sir  F.  •Walsingham,  Sept.  1584.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

im. 


1584.  WALSINGHAM,  BURGUNDY,  AND  THE  QUEEN.  81 

for  a  moment  taking  service  in  Denmark,  but  renounced  the 
notion  of  abandoning  his  country,  and  he  will  accordingly 
be  found,  at  a  later  period,  conspicuous  in  public  affairs.' 

The  deliberations  in  the  English  councils  were  grave  and 
anxious,  for  it  became  daily  more  obvious  that  the  Nether- 
land  question  was  the  hinge  upon  which  the  whole  fate  of 
Christendom  was  slowly  turning.  To  allow  the  provinces  to 
fall  back  again  into  the  grasp  of  Philip,  was  to  offer  England 
herself  as  a  last  sacrifice  to  the  Spanish  Inquisition.  This 
was  felt  by  all  the  statesmen  in  the  land  ;  but  some  of  them, 
more  than  the  rest,  had  a  vivid  perception  of  the  danger,  and 
of  the  necessity  of  dealing  with  it  at  once. 

To  the  prophetic  eye  of  Walsingham,  the  mists  of  the 
future  at  times  were  lifted  ;  and  the  countless  sails  of  the 
invincible  Armada,  wafting  defiance  and  destruction  to 
England,  became  dimly  visible.  He  felt  that  the  great 
Netherland  bulwark  of  Protestantism  and  liberty  was  to  be 
defended  at  all  hazards,  and  that  the  death-grapple  could 
not  long  be  deferred. 

Burghley,  deeply  jDondering,  but  less  determined,  was  still 
disposed  to  look  on  and  to  temporize. 

The  Queen,  far-seeing  and  anxious,  but  somewhat  hesi> 
fating,  still  clung  to  the  idea  of  a  joint  protectorate.  She 
knew  that  the  reestablishment  of  Spanish  authority  in  the 
Low  Countries  would  be  fatal  to  England,  but  she  was  not  yet 
prepared  to  throw  down  the  gauntlet  to  Philip,  She  felt 
that  the  proposed  annexation  of  the  Provinces  to  France 
would  be  almost  as  formidable  ;  yet  she  could  not  resolve, 
frankly  and  fearlessly,  to  assume  the  burthen  of  their  pro-' 
tection.  Under  the  inspiration  of  Burghley,  she  was  there- 
fore willing  to  encourage  the  Netherlanders  underhand ; 
preventing  them  at  every  hazard  from  slackening  in  their 
determined  hostility  to  Spain ;  discountenancing,  without 
absolutely  forbidding,  their  proposed  absorption  by  France ; 
intimating,  without  promising,  an  ultimate  and  effectual 
assistance     from     herself.      Meantime,    with    something    of 

'  Waeenaar,  viiL  50. 
VOL.  T. — Gr 


82 


THK  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  Ill, 


feline  and  feminine  duplicity,  by  which  the  sex  of  the 
great  sovereign  would  so  often  manifest  itself  in  the  most 
momentous  affairs,  she  would  watch  and  wait,  teasing  the 
Provinces,  dallying  with  the  danger,  not  quite  prepared  as 
yet  to  abandon  the  prize  to  Henry  or  Philip,  or  to  seize  i^ 
herself. 

The  situation  was  rapidly  tending  to  become  an  impossible 
one. 

Late  in  October  a  grave  conference  was  held  in  the  English 
council,  "  upon  the  question  whether  her  Majesty  should 
presently  relieve  the  States  of  the  Low  Countries." 

It  was  shown,  upon  one  side,  that  the  "  perils  to  the  Queen 
and  to  the  realm  were  great,  if  the  King  of  Spain  should 
recover  Holland  and  Zeeland,  as  he  had  the  other  countries, 
for  lack  of  succour  in  seasonable  time,  either  by  the  Prench 
King  or  the  Queen's  Majesty." 

On  the  other  side,  the  great  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
effectual  assistance  by  England,  were  "  fully  remembered." 

"  But  in  the  end,  and  upon  comparison  made,"  said  Lord 
Burghley,  summing  up,  "  betwixt  the  perils  on  the  one  part, 
and  the  difficulties  on  the  other,"  it  was  concluded  that  the 
Queen  would  be  obliged  to  succumb  to  the  power  of  Spain, 
and  the  liberties  of  England  be  hopelessly  lost,  if  Philip  were 
then  allowed  to  carry  out  his  designs,  and  if  the  Provinces 
should  be  left  without  succour  at  his  mercy.^ 

A  "  wise  person  "  was  accordingly  to  be  sent  into  Holland  ; 
first,  to  ascertain  whether  the  Provinces  had  come  to  an  actual 


iThe  report  of  the  conference  is 
in  the  State  Paper  OfiBce,  written  in 
Burghley's  own  hand.  A  brief  extract 
will  give  a  characteristic  specimen  of 
the  Lord  Treasurer's  style : — "  But  in 
the  end,  and  upon  comparison  made 
betwixt  the  perils  on  the  one  part  and 
the  difficulties  of  the  other,  it  was  con- 
cluded to  advise  her  Majesty  rather  to 
seek  the  avoiding  and  directing  of  the 
great  perils,  than,  in  respect  of  any 
difficulties,  to  sufier  the  Kmg  of  Spain 
to  grow  to  the  full  height  of  his  de- 


signs and  conquests,  whereby  the  perils 
were  to  follow  so  evident  as  if  pre- 
sently he  were  not  by  succouring  of 
the  Hollanders  and  their  party  im- 
peached, the  Queen's  Majesty  should 
not  hereafter  be  any  wise  able  to 
withstand  the  same.  And  therefore 
it  was  thought  good  that  her  Majesty 
should  send  presently  some  wise  per- 
son inlo  Holland,"  &c.  (Holland  Corre- 
spondence, S.  P.  Office,  Oct.  10,  1584» 
M.S.) 


1&«4.  AN    ENGLISH    EMBASSY   DKCIDED    UPON.  83 

agreement  with  the  King  of  France,  and,  if  such  should 
prove  to  be  the  case,  to  enquire  whether  that  sovereign  had 
pledged  himself  to  declare  war  upon  Philip.  In  this  event, 
the  wise  person  was  to  express  her  Majesty's  satisfaction  that 
the  Provinces  were  thus  to  be  "  relieved  from  the  tyranny  of 
the  King  of  Spain." 

On  the  other  hand,  if  it  should  appear  that  no  such  con- 
clusive arrangements  had  been  made,  and  that  the  Provinces 
were  likely  to  fall  again  victims  to  the  "  Spanish  tyranny," 
her  Majesty  would  then  "  strain  herself  as  far  as,  with  pre- 
servation of  her  own  estate,  she  might,  to  succour  them  at  this 
time."^ 

The  agent  was  then  to  ascertain  "what  conditions  the 
Provinces  would  require"  upon  the  matter  of  succour,  and, 
if  the  terms  seemed  reasonable,  he  would  assure  them  that 
"  they  should  not  be  left  to  the  cruelties  of  the  Spaniards." 

And  further,  the  wise  person,  "being  pressed  to  answer, 
might  by  conference  of  speeches  and  persuasions  provoke 
them  to  oiFer  to  the  Queen  the  ports  of  Flushing  and  Middel- 
burg  and  the  Brill,  wherein  she  meant  not  to  claim  any 
property,  but  to  hold  them  as  gages  for  her  expenses,  and  for 
performances  of  their  covenants." 

He  was  also  to  make  minute  inquiries  as  to  the  pecuniary 
resources  of  the  Provinces,  the  monthly  sums  which  they 
would  be  able  to  contribute,  the  number  of  troojDS  and  of 
ships  of  war  that  they  would  pledge  themselves  to  maintain. 
These  investigations  Avere  very  important,  because  the  Queen, 
although  very  well  disposed  to  succour  them,  "so  neverthe- 
less she  was  to  consider  how  her  power  might  be  extended, 
Avithout  ruin  or  manifest  peril  to  her  own  estate." 

It  was  also  resolved,  in  the  same  conference,  that  a  pre- 
liminary step  of  great  urgency  was  to  "  procure  a  good  peace 
with  the  King  of  Scots."  Whatever  the  expense  of  bringing 
about  such  a  pacification  might  be,  it  was  certain  that  a 
*'  great  deal  more  would  be  expended  in  defending  the  realm 

1  HoUaud  Correpondwce.     S.  P.  Office,  Oct.  10,  1584,  MS. 


84  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Ill 

against  Scotland/'  while  England  was  engaged  in  hostilities 
with  Spain.  Otherwise,  it  was  argued  that  her  Majesty 
would  be  "so  impeached  by  Scotland  in  favour  of  the  King  of 
Spain,  that  her  action  against  that  King  would  be  greatly 
weakened." 

Other  measures  necessary  to  be  taken  in  view  of  the 
Spanish  war  were  also  discussed.  The  ex-elector  of  Cologne, 
"  a  man  of  great  account  in  Germany,"  was  to  be  assisted 
with  money  to  make  head  against  his  rival  supported  by  the 
troops  of  Philip. 

Duke  Casimir  of  the  Palatinate  was  to  be  solicited  to  make 
a  diversion  in  Gelderland. 

The  King  of  France  was  to  be  reminded  of  his  treat} 
with  England  for  mutual  assistance  in  case  of  the  invasion 
by  a  foreign  power  of  either  realm,  and  to  be  informed  "  not 
only  of  the  intentions  of  the  Spaniards  to  invade  England, 
upon  their  conquest  of  the  Netherlands,  but  of  their  actua/ 
invasion  of  Ireland." 

It  was  "  to  be  devised  how  the  King  of  Navarre  and  Don 
Antonio  of  Portugal,  for  their  respective  titles,  might  be 
induced  to  offend  and  occupy  the  King  of  Spain,  whereby  to 
diminish  his  forces  bent  upon  the  Low  Countries." 

It  was  also  decided  that  Parliament  should  be  immediately 
summoned,  in  which,  besides  the  request  of  a  subsidy,  many 
other  necessary  provisions  should  be  made  for  her  Majesty's 
safety. 

"  The  conclusions  of  the  whole,"  said  Lord  Burghley,  with 
much  earnestness,  "  was  this.  Although  her  Majesty  should 
hereby  enter  into  a  war  presently,  yet  were  she  better  to  do 
it  now,  while  she  may  make  the  same  out  of  her  realm, 
having  the  help  of  the  people  of  Holland,  and  before  the 
King  of  Spain  shall  have  consummated  his  conquests  in 
those  countries,  whereby  he  shall  be  so  provoked  with  pride, 
solicited  by  the  Pope,  and  tempted  by  the  Queen's  own 
subjects,  and  shall  be  so  strong  by  sea,  and  so  free  from  all 
other  actions  and  quarrels, — yea,  shall  be  so  formidable  to  aU 
the  rest  of  Christendom,  as  that  her  Majesty  shall  no  wise  be 


1584.  DAVISON   SENT   TO  THE   HAGUK  85 

able,  with  her  own  power,  nor  with  aid  of  any  other,  neither 
by  sea  nor  land,  to  withstand  his  attempts,  but  shall  be 
forced  to  give  place  to  his  insatiable  malice,  which  is  most 
terrible  to  be  thought  of,  but  miserable  to  suffer."^ 

Thus  did  the  Lord  Treasurer  wisely,  eloquently,  and  well, 
describe  the  danger  by  which  England  was  environed. 
Through  the  shield  of  Holland  the  spear  was  aimed  full  at 
the  heart  of  England.  But  was  it  a  moment  to  linger  ? 
Was  that  buckler  to  be  suffered  to  fall  to  the  ground,  or  to 
be  raised  only  upon  the  arm  of  a  doubtful  and  treacherous 
friend  ?  Was  it  an  hour  when  the  protection  of  Protestantism 
and  of  European  liberty  against  Spain  was  to  be  entrusted 
to  the  hand  of  a  feeble  and  priest-ridden  Valois  ^  Was  it 
wise  to  indulge  any  longer  in  doubtings  and  dreamings,  and 
in  yet  a  little  more  folding  of  the  arms  to  sleep,  while  that 
insatiable  malice,  so  terrible  to  be  thought  of,  so  miserable  to 
feel,  was  growing  hourly  more  formidable,  and  approaching 
nearer  and  nearer  .? 

Early  in  December,  William  Davison,  gentleman-in-ordi- 
nary of  her  Majesty's  household,  arrived  at  the  Hague  ;  a 
man  painstaking,  earnest,  and  zealous,  but  who  was  fated,  on 
more  than  one  great  occasion,  to  be  made  a  scape-goat  for 
the  delinquencies  of  greater  personages  than  himself. 

He  had  audience  of  the  States  General  on  the  8th  Decem- 
ber. He  then  informed  that  body  that  the  Queen  had  heard, 
with  sorrowful  heart,  of  the  great  misfortunes  which  the 
United  Provinces  had  sustained  since  the  death  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange  ;  the  many  cities  which  they  had  lost,  and  the 
disastrous  aspect  of  the  common  cause.  Moved  by  the  affec- 
tion which  she  had  always  borne  the  country,  and  anxious  for 
its  preservation,  she  had  ordered  her  ambassador  Stafford  to 
request  the  King  of  France  to  undertake,  jointly  with  her- 
self, the  defence  of  the  provinces  against  the  King  of  Spain. 
Not  till  very  lately,  however,  had  that  envoy  succeeded  in 
obtaining  an  audience,  and  he  had  then  received  "  a  very  cold 
answer."     It   being   obvious  to  her  Majesty,  therefore,  that 

'  MS.  Report  of  Burghley,  before  cited. 


86 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IU 


the  French  government  intended  to  protract  these  matters 
indefinitely,  Davison  informed  the  States  that  she  had  com- 
missioned him  to  ofier  them  "all  possible  assistance,  to 
enquire  into  the  state  of  the  country,  and  to  investigate  the 
proper  means  of  making  that  assistance  most  useful."  He 
accordingly  requested  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to 
confer  with  him  upon  the  subject ;  and  declared  that  the 
Queen  did  not  desire  to  make  herself  mistress  of  the  Pro- 
vinces, but  only  to  be  informed  how  she  best  could  aid  their 
cause/ 

A  committee  was  accordingly  appointed,  and  a  long  series 
of  somewhat  concealed  negotiations  was  commenced.  As  the 
deputies  were  upon  the  eve  of  their  departure  for  France,  to 
oflfer  the  sovereignty  of  the  Provinces  to  Henry,  these  pro- 
ceedings were  necessarily  confused,  dilatory,  and  at  times 
contradictory. 

After  the  arrival  of  the  deputies  in  France,  the  cunctative 
policy  inspired  by  the  Lord  Treasurer  was  continued  by  Eng- 
land. The  delusion  of  a  joint  protectorate  was  still  clung  to 
by  the  Queen,  although  the  conduct  of  France  was  becoming 
very  ambiguous,  and  suspicion  growing  darker  as  to  the  ulti- 
mate and  secret  purport  of  the  negotiations  in  progress.^ 

The  anxiety  and  jealousy  of  Elizabeth  were  becoming 
keener  than  ever.  If  the  offers  to  the  King  w-ere  unlimited, 
he  would  accept  them,  and  would  thus  become  as  dangerous 
as  Philip.  If  they  were  unsatisfactory,  he  would  turn  his 
back  upon  the  Provinces,  and  leave  them  a  prey  to  Philip.' 
Still  she  would  not  yet  renounce  the  hope  of  bringing 
the  French  King  over  to  an  ingenuous  course  of  action.  It 
was  thought,  too,  that  something  might  be  done  with  the 
great  malcontent  nobles  of  Flanders,  whose  defection  from  the 
national  cause  had  been  so  disastrous,  but  who  had  been  much 
influenced  in  their  course,  it  was  thought,  by  their  jealousy  of 
William  the  Silent. 


*  Register  van  de  Resolution  der 
Staten  General,  8  Dec.  1584.  (Hague 
Archives  MS.) 


'  Queen  to  W.  Davison,  14  Jan.  158i 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
3  Ibid. 


1585.       CAUTIOUS   AND   SECRET   MEASURES  OF   BURGHLET.        §7 

Now  that  the  Prince  was  dead,  it  was  thought  probable 
that  the  Arschots,  and  Havres,  Chimays,  and  Lalaings,  niiglit 
arouse  themselves  to  more  patriotic  views  than  they  had 
manifested  when  they  espoused  the  cause  of  Spain. 

It  would  be  desirable  to  excite  their  jealousy  of  French 
influence,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  inspire  throughout  the 
popular  mind  the  fear  of  another  tyranny  almost  as  absolute 
as  that  of  Spain.  "  And  if  it  be  objected,"  said  Burghley, 
"  that  except  they  shall  admit  the  French  King  to  the  absolute 
dominion,  he  will  not  aid  them,  and  they,  for  lack  of  succour, 
be  forced  to  yield  to  the  Spaniard,  it  may  be  answered  that 
rather  than  they  should  be  wholly  subjected  to  the  French, 
or  overcome  by  the  Spaniard,  her  Majesty  would  yield  unto 
them  as  much  as,  with  preservation  of  her  estate,  and  defence 
of  her  own  country,  might  be  demanded."^ 

The  real  object  kept  in  view  by  the  Queen's  government 
was,  in  short,  to  obtain  for  the  Provinces  and  for  the  general 
cause  of  liberty  the  greatest  jjossible  amount  of  assistance 
from  Henry,  and  to  allow  him  to  acquire  in  return  the  least 
possible  amount  of  power.  The  end  proposed  was  a  reason- 
able one,  but  the  means  employed  savoured  too  much  of 
intrigue. 

"  It  may  be  easily  made  probable  to  the  States,"  said  the 
Lord  Treasurer,  "  that  the  government  of  the  French  is  likely 
to  prove  as  cumbersome  and  perilous  as  that  of  the  Spaniards; 
and  likewise  it  may  probably  be  doubted  how  the  French 
will  keep  touch  and  covenants  with  them,  when  any  oppor- 
tunity shall  be  offered  to  break  them  ;  so  that  her  Majesty 
thinketh  no  good  can  be  looked  for  to  those  countries  by 
yielding  this  large  authority  to  the  French.  If  they  shall 
continue  their  title  by  this  grant  to  be  absolute  lords,  there 
is  no  end,  for  a  long  time,  to  be  expected  of  this  war  ;  and, 
contrariwise,  if  they  break  off,  there  is  an  end  of  any  good 
composition  with  the  King  of  Spain."* 

Shivering  and  shrinking,  but  still  wading  in  deeper  and 
deeper,  inch  by  inch,  the  cautious  minister  was  fast  finding 

'  MS.  uhi  sup.  -  Il)id. 


83  THE   UNITKD   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IIL 

liimself  too  far  advanced  to  retreat.  He  was  rarely  decided, 
however,  and  never  lucid  ;  and  least  of  all  in  (iinergeucies, 
when  decision  and  lucidity  would  have  been  more  valuable 
than  any  other  qualities. 

Deeply  doubting,  painfully  balancing,  he  at  times  drove 
the  unfortunate  Davison  almost  distraught.  Puzzled  himself 
and  still  more  puzzling  to  others,  he  rarely  permitted  the 
Netherlanders,  or  even  his  own  agents,  to  perceive  his  drift. 
It  was  fair  enough,  perhaps,  to  circumvent  the  French 
government  by  its  own  arts,  but  the  Netherlanders  meanwhile 
were  in  danger  of  sinking  into  despair. 

"  Thus,"  wrote  the  Lord  Treasurer  to  the  envoy,  "  I  have 
discoursed  to  you  of  these  uncertainties  and  difficulties, 
things  not  unknown  to  yourself,  but  now  being  imparted  to 
you  by  her  Majesty's  commandment,  you  are,  by  your  wis- 
dom, to  consider  with  whom  to  deal  for  the  stay  of  this 
French  course,  and  yet,  so  to  use  it  (as  near  as  you  may)  that 
they  of  the  French  faction  there  be  not  able  to  charge  you 
therewith,  by  advertising  into  France.  For  it  hath  already 
appeared,  by  some  speeches  past  between  our  ambassador 
there  and  Des  Pruneaux,  that  you  ai-e  had  in  some  jealousy 
as  a  hinderer  of  this  French  course,  and  at  work  for  her 
Majesty  to  have  some  entrance  and  partage  in  that  country. 
Nevertheless  our  ambassador,  by  his  answer,  hath  satisfied 
them  to  think  the  contrary."  ^ 

They  must  have  been  easily  satisfied,  if  they  knew  as  much 
of  the  dealings  of  her  Majesty's  government  as  the  reader 
already  knows.  To  inspire  doubt  of  the  Fi'ench,  to  insinuate 
the  probability  of  their  not  "  keeping  touch  and  covenant," 
to  represent  their  rule  as  "  cumbersome  and  perilous,"  was 
wholesome  conduct  enough  towards  the  Netherlanders — and 
still  more  so,  had  it  been  accompanied  with  frank  ofiers 
of  assistance — but  it  was  certainly  somewhat  to  "  hinder  the 
courses  of  the  French." 

But  in  truth  all  parties  were  engaged  for  a  season  in  a 
round   game    of  deception,    in   which   nobody   was   deceived. 

1  MS.  last  cited. 


1585. 


CONSEQUENT  DISSATISFACTION  OF  WALSINGHAM. 


89 


Walsingham  was  impatient,  almost  iudignant  at  this  puerility. 
"  Your  doings,  no  doubt  of  it/'  he  wrote  to  Davison,  "  are 
observed  by  the  French  faction,  and  therefore  you  cannot  pro- 
ceed so  closely  hut  it  tvill  be  espied.  Howsoever  it  be,  seeing 
direction  groioeth  from  hence,  we  cannot  but  blame  ourselves, 
if  the  effects  thereof  do  not  fall  out  to  our  liking."  ' 

That  sagacious  statesman  was  too  well  informed,  and  too 
much  accustomed  to  penetrate  the  designs  of  his  antagonists, 
to  expect  anything  from  the  present  intrigues. 

To  loiter  thus,  when  mortal  blows  should  be  struck,  was  to 
give  the  Spanish  government  exactly  that  of  which  it  was 
always  most  gluttonous — time  ;  and  the  Netherlanders  had 
none  of  it  to  spare.  "  With  time  and  myself,  there  are  two 
of  us,"  was  Philip  II.'s  favourite  observation  ;  and  the  Prince 
of  Parma  was  at  this  moment  sorely  perplexed  by  the  parsi- 
mony and  the  hesitations  of  his  own  government,  by  which 
his  large,  swift  and  most  creative  genius  was  so  often  ham- 
pered. 

Thus  the  Spanish  soldiers,  deep  in  the  trenchesj  went  with 
bare  legs  and  empty  stomachs  in  January  ;  and  the  Dutch- 
men, among  their  broken  dykes,  were  up  to  their  ears  in 
mud  and  water  ;  and  German  mercenaries,  in  the  obedient 
Provinces,  were  burning  the  peasants'  houses  in  order  to  sell 
the  iron  to  buy  food  withal ;  ^  while  grave- visaged  statesmen, 
in  comfortable  cabinets,  wagged  their  long  white  beards  at 
each  other  from  a  distance,  and  exchanged  grimaces  and 
protocols  which  nobody  heeded. 

Walsingham  was  weary  of  this  solemn  trifling.  "I  con- 
clude," said  he  to  Davison,  "that  her  Majesty---with  reverence 
be  it  spoken — is  ill  advised,  to  direct  you  in  a  course  that  is 
like  to  work  so  great  peril.  I  know  you  will  do  your  best 
endeavour  to  keep  all  things  upright,  and  yet  it  is  hard — the 
disease  being  now  come  to  this  state,  or,  as  the  physicians 
term  it,  crisis — to  carry  yourself  in  such  sort,  but  that  it  will, 
I  fear,  breed  a  dangerous  alteration  in  the  cause."  ^ 


*  "Walsingham  to  Davison,   14  Jan. 
1585.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  Richards  to  Walsingham,  Sept.  9, 


1584.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

^  Walsingham  to  Davison, 
fore  cited.) 


(MS.  ba- 


90  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  III. 

He  denounced  with  impatience,  almost  with  indignation, 
the  insincerity  and  injustice  of  these  intolerable  hesita- 
tions. "  SoiTy  am  I,"  said  he,  "  to  see  the  course  that  is 
taken  in  this  weighty  cause, /or  we  will  neither  help  those  poor 
countries  ourselves,  nor  yet  suffer  others  to  do  it.  I  am  not 
ignorant  that  in  time  to  come  the  annexing  of  these  countries 
to  the  crown  of  France  may  prove  prejudicial  to  England, 
but  if  France  refuse  to  deal  with  them,  and  the  rather  for  that 
we  shall  minister  some  cause  of  impediment  hy  a  hind  of  dealing 
underhand,  then  shall  they  be  forced  to  return  into  the  hands 
of  Spain,  which  is  like  to  breed  such  a  present  peril  towards 
her  Majesty^s  self,  as  never  a  ivise  man  that  seeth  it,  and  loveth 
her,  hutlamenteth  it  from  the  bottom  of  his  heart."  ^ 

Walsingham  had  made  up  his  mind  that  it  was  England, 
not  France,  that  should  take  up  the  cause  of  the  Provinces, 
and  defend  them  at  every  hazard.  He  had  been  overruled, 
and  the  Queen's  government  had  decided  to  watch  the  course 
of  the  French  negotiation,  doing  what  it  could,  underhand,  to 
prevent  that  negotiation  from  being  successful.  The  Secre- 
tary did  not  approve  of  this  disingenuous  course.  At  the 
same  time  he  had  no  faith  in  the  good  intentions  of  the 
French  court. 

"  I  could  wish,"  said  he,  "  that  the  French  King  were 
carried  with  that  honourable  mind  into  the  defence  of  these 
countries  that  her  Majesty  is,  but  France  has  not  been  used 
to  do  things  for  God's  sake  ;  neither  do  they  mean  to  use  our 
advice  or  assistance  in  making  of  the  bargain.  For  they  still 
hold  a  jealous  conceit  that  when  Spain  and  they  are  together 
by  the  ears,  we  will  seek  underhand  to  work  our  own  peace." " 
Walsingham,  therefore,  earnestly  deprecated  the  attitude 
provisionally  maintained  by  England. 

Meantime,  early  in  January,  the  deputation  from  the  Pro- 

3  Jan.    vinces  had  arrived  in  France.     The  progress  of  their 

^^^^'     negotiation  will  soon  be  related,  but,  before  its  result 

was  known,  a  general  dissatisfaction  had  already  manifested 

itself  in  the  Netherlands.     The  factitious  enthusiasm  which 

«  Walsingham  to  Davison,  MS.  before  cited.  *  Ibid, 


1585.  ENGLISH  AND  DUTCH  SUSPICION  OF  FRANCE.  91 

had  been  created  in  favour  of  France,  as  well  as  the  pre- 
judice against  England,  began  to  die  out.  It  became  probable 
in  the  opinion  of  those  most  accustomed  to  read  the  signs  of 
the  times,  that  the  French  court  was  acting  in  connivance  with 
Philip,  and  that  the  negotiation  was  only  intended  to  amuse 
the  Netherlanders,  to  circumvent  the  English,  and  to  gain 
time  both  for  France  and  Spain.  It  was  not  believed  that 
the  character  of  Henry  or  the  policy  of  his  mother  was  likelj'' 
to  be  the  source  of  any  substantial  aid  to  the  cause  of  civil 
liberty  or  Protestant  principles. 

"  They  look  for  no  better  fruit  from  the  commission  to 
France,"  wrote  Davison,  who  surveyed  the  general  state  of 
affairs  with  much  keenness  and  breadth  of  vision,  "  than  a 
dallying  entertainment  of  the  time, — neither  leaving  them 
utterly  hopeless,  nor  at  full  liberty  to  seek  for  relief  elsewhere, 
especially  in  England, — or  else  some  pleasing  motion  of 
peace,  wherein  the  French  King  will  offer  his  mediation  with 
Spain.  Meantime  the  people,  wearied  with  the  troubles, 
charges,  and  hazard  of  the  war,  shall  be  rocked  asleep,  the 
provision  for  their  defence  neglected,  some  Provinces  nearest 
the  danger  seduced,  the  rest  by  their  defection  astonished, 
and  the  enemy  by  their  decay  and  confusions,  strengthened. 
This  is  the  scope  whereto  the  doings  of  the  French  King, 
not  without  intelligence  with  the  Spanish  sovereign,  doth 
aim,  whatever  is  pretended."  ^ 

There  was  a  wide  conviction  that  the  French  King  was 
dealing  falsely  with  the  Provinces.  It  seemed  certain  that 
he  must  be  inspired  by  intense  jealousy  of  England,  and 
that  he  was  unlikely,  for  the  sake  of  those  whose  "  religion, 
popular  liberty,  and  rebellion  against  their  sovereign,"  he 
could  not  but  disapprove,  to  allow  Queen  Elizabeth  to  steal  a 
march  upon  him,  and  "  make  her  own  market  with  Spain  to 
his  cost  and  disadvantage."^ 

In  short,  it  was  suspected — whether  justly  or  not  will  be 
presently  shown — that  Henry  III.  "  was  seeking  to  blear  the 
eyes    of  the   world,    as   his   brother    Charles    did  before    the 

>  Davison  to  ■Walsingham,  12  Feb.  1585.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  '  Ibid. 


92  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Ill 

Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,"  ^  As  the  letters  received  from 
the  Dutch  envoys  in  France  became  less  and  less  encouraging, 
and  as  the  Queen  was  informed  by  her  ambassador  in  Paris 
of  the  tergiversations  in  Paris,  she  became  the  more  anxious 
lest  the  States  should  be  driven  to  despair.  She  therefore 
wrote  to  Davison,  instructing  him  "  to  nourish  in  them 
underhand  some  hope — as  a  thing  proceeding  from  himself — • 
that  though  France  should  reject  them,  yet  she  would  not 
abandon  them."  "^ 

He  was  directed  to  find  out,  by  circuitous  means,  what 
towns  they  would  offer  to  her  as  security  for  any  advances 
she  might  be  induced  to  make,  and  to  ascertain  the  amount 
of  monthly  contributions  towards  the  support  of  the  war  that 
they  were  still  capable  of  furnishing.  She  was  beginning  to 
look  with  dismay  at  the  expatriation  of  wealthy  merchants 
and  manufacturers  going  so  rapidly  forward,  now  that  Ghent 
had  fallen  and  Brussels  and  Antwerp  were  in  such  imminent 
peril.  She  feared  that,  while  so  much  valuable  time  had 
been  thrown  away,  the  Provinces  had  become  too  much  im- 
poverished to  do  their  own  part  in  their  own  defence;  and 
she  was  seriously  alarmed  at  rumours  which  had  become 
prevalent  of  a  popular  disposition  towards  treating  for  a  peace 
at  any  price  with  Spain.  It  soon  became  evident  that  these 
rumours  were  utterly  without  foundation,  but  the  other 
reasons  for  Elizabeth's  anxiety  were  sufficiently  valid. 

On  the  whole,  the  feeling  in  favour  of  England  was  rapidly 
gaining  ground.  In  Holland  especially  there  was  general 
indignation  against  the  French  party.  The  letters  of  the 
deputies  occasioned  "  murmur  and  mislike  "  of  most  persons, 
who  noted  them  to  contain  more  ample  report  of  ceremonies 
and  compliments  than,  solid  argument  of  comfort." ' 

Sir  Edward  Stafford,  who  looked  with  great  penetration 
into  the  heart  of  the  mysterious  proceedings  at  Paris,  assured 
his  government  that  no  better  result  was  to  be  looked  for, 
"  after  long   dalliance  and   entertainment,  than  either  a  flat 


'  Davison  to  Walsingham,  v^i.  sup. 
«  Queen   to    Davison,   18  Feb.  1585. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


3  Davison  to  Lord  Burghley  and  Sir 
F.  "^^alsingham,  28  Feb.  1585.  (S.  P 
Office  MS.) 


1585.  AFFECTION   OF   HOLLAND   FOR   ENGLAND.  93 

refusal  or  such  a  masked  embracing  of  their  cause,  as  would 
rather  tend  to  the  increasing  of  their  miseries  and  confusion 
than  relief  for  their  declining  estate."  While  "  reposing  upon 
a  broken  reed,"  they  were,  he  thought,  "  neglecting  other 
means  more  expedient  for  their  necessities."' 

This  was  already  the  universal  opinion  in  Holland.  Men 
now  remembered,  with  bitterness,  the  treachery  of  the  Duke 
of  Anjou,  which  they  had  been  striving  so  hard  to  forget,  but 
which  less  than  two  years  ago  had  nearly  proved  fatal  to  the 
cause  of  liberty  in  the  Provinces.  A  committee  of  the  States 
had  an  interview  with  the  Queen's  envoy  at  the  Hague; 
implored  her  Majesty  through  him  not  to  abandon  their  cause; 
expressed  unlimited  regret  for  the  course  which  had  been 
pursued,  and  avowed  a  determination  "  to  pluck  their  heads 
out  of  the  collar,"  so  soon  as  the  opportunity  should  offer. ^ 

They  stated,  moreover,  that  they  had  been  directed  by  the 
assembly  to  lay  before  him  the  instructions  for  the  envoys  to 
France,  and  the  articles  proposed  for  the  acceptance  of  the 
King.  The  envoy  knew  his  business  better  than  not  to  have 
secretly  provided  himself  with  copies  of  these  documents, 
which  he  had  already  laid  before  his  own  government. 

He  affected,  however,  to  feel  hurt  that  he  had  been  thus 
kept  in  ignorance  of  papers  which  he  really  knew  by  heart. 
"After  some  pretended  quarrel,"  said  he,  "for  their  not 
acquainting  me  therewith  sooner,  I  did  accept  them,  as  if  I 
had  before  neither  seen  nor  heard  of  them."  ^ 

This  then  was  the  aspect  of  affairs  in  the  provinces  during 
the  absence  of  the  deputies  in  France.  It  is  now  necessary 
to  shift  the  scene  to  that  country. 

1  Dayison  to  Burghley  and  "Walsingham  ubi  sup.  «  Ibid.  3  ibi^ 


94  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

Reception  of  the  Dutch  Envoys  at  the  Louvre  —  Ignominious  Result  of  the 
Embassy  —  Secret  Influences  at  work  —  Bargaining  between  the  French 
and  Spanish  Courts  —  Claims  of  Catharine  de'  Medici  upon  Portugal  — 
Letters  of  Henry  and  Catharine  —  Secret  Proposal  by  France  to  invade 
England  —  States'  Mission  to  Henry  of  Navarre  —  Subsidies  of  Philip  to 
Guise  —  Treaty  of  Joinville  —  Philip's  Share  in  the  League  denied  by 
Parma  —  Philip  in  reality  its  Chief —  Manifesto  of  the  League  —  Attitude 
of  Henry  III.  and  of  Navarre  —  The  League  demands  a  Royal  Decree  — 
Designs  of  France  and  Spain  against  England  — Secret  Interview  of  Men- 
doza  and  Villeroy  —  Complaints  of  English  Persecution  —  Edict  of  Nemoura 
— Excommunication  of  Navarre  and  hia  Reply. 

The  King,  notwithstanding  liis  apparent  reluctance,  had,  in 
Sir  Edward  Stafford's  language,  "  nibhled  at  the  bait."  He 
had,  however,  not  been  secured  at  the  first  attempt,  and  now 
a  second  eiFort  was  to  be  made,  under  what  were  supposed  to 
be  most  favourable  circumstances.  In  accordance  with  his 
own  instructions,  his  envoy,  Des  Pruneaux,  had  been  busily 
employed  in  the  States,  arranging  the  terms  of  a  treaty  which 
should  be  entirely  satisfactory.  It  had  been  laid  down  as  an 
indispensable  condition  that  Holland  and  Zeeland  should  unite 
in  the  ofier  of  sovereignty,  and,  after  the  expenditure  of  much 
eloquence,  diplomacy,  and  money,  Holland  and  Zeeland  had 
given  their  consent.  The  court  had  been  for  some  time 
anxious  and  impatient  for  the  arrival  of  the  deputies.  Early 
in  December,  Des  Pruneaux  wrote  from  Paris  to  Count  Mau- 
rice, urging  with  some  asperity,  the  necessity  of  immediate 
action. 

"  When  I  left  you,"  he  said,  "  I  thought  that  performance 
would  follow  promises.  I  have  been  a  little  ashamed,  as  the 
time  passed  by,  to  hear  nothing  of  the  deputies,  nor  of  any 
excuse  on  the  subject.  It  would  seem  as  though  God  had 
bandaged  the  eyes  of  those  who  have  so  much  cause  to  know 
their  own  adversity."  ^ 

^  Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  'Archives,'  &c,  i.  t. 


1585. 


RECEPTION  OF  DUTCH  ENVOYS  AT  THE  LOUVRE. 


95 


To  the  States  his  language  was  still  more  insolent.  "  Ex- 
cuse me.  Gentlemen,"  he  said,  "  if  I  tell  you  that  I  blush  at 
hearing  nothing  from  you.  I  shall  have  the  shame  and  you 
the  damage.  I  regret  much  the  capture  of  De  Teligny,  and 
other  losses  which  are  occasioned  by  your  delays  and  want  of 
resolution." 

Thus  did  the  French  court,  which  a  few  months  before  had 
imprisoned,  and  then  almost  ignominiously  dismissed  the 
envoys  who  came  to  offer  the  sovereignty  of  the  Provinces, 
now  rebuke  the  governments  which  had  ever  since  been 
strenuously  engaged  in  removing  all  obstacles  to  the  entire 
fulfillment  of  the  King's  demands.  The  States  were  just  des- 
patching a  solemn  embassy  to  renew  that  offer,  with  hardly 
any  limitation  as  to  terms.' 

The  envoys  arrived  on  January  3rd,  1585,  at  Boulogne, 
after  a  stormy  voyage  from  Brielle.  Yet  it  seems  incredible 
to  relate,  that,  after  all  the  ignominy  heaped  upon  the  last, 
there  was  nothing  but  solemn  trifling  in  reserve  for  the  pre- 
sent legation  ;  although  the  object  of  both  embassies  was  to 
offer  a  crown.  The  deputies  were,  however,  not  kept  in  pri- 
son, upon  this  occasion,  nor  treated  like  thieves  or  spies. 
They  were  admirably  lodged,  with  plenty  of  cooks  and  lacqueys 
to  minister  to  them  ;  they  fared  sumptuously  every  day,  at 
Henry's  expense,  and,  after  they  had  been  six  weeks  in  the 
kingdom,  they  at  last  succeeded  in  obtaining  their  first 
audience. 

On  the  13th  February  the  King  sent  five  "  very  splendid, 
richly-gilded,  court-coach- waggons  "  to  bring  the  envoys  to  the 
palace.     At  one  o'clock  they  arrived  at  the  Louvre,  and  were 


'  The  deputies  were  appointed  from 
each  of  the  United  Provinces :  Merode, 
Hinkaert,  Stralen,  and  Cornelius 
Aerssens  represented  Brabant ;  Chan- 
cellor Leoninus,  John  van  Ghent,  and 
Gerard  Voet  were  appointed  from 
G«lderland ;  Noel  de  Caron  was  de- 
puty for  Flanders,  Arend  van  Dorp 
for  Holland,  John  Valcke  for  Zee- 
land,  Rengers  and  Amelis  van  Amstel 
for  Utrecht,  Teitsma  and  Aisma  for 
Friesland,  La    Mouillerie   and   La  Pre 


for  Mechlin.  The  Prince  of  Espinoy, 
brother  of  the  Marquis  of  Richebourg, 
but  a  patriotic  Netherlander  himself, 
was  also  commissioned  to  be  of  the 
legation,  and  he  served  at  his  own  ex- 
pense. (Wagcnaar,  viii.  55,  56;  'Dos 
Pruneaux  aux  Etats  generaux,'  3rd 
Dec.  1584,  Hague  Archives,  MS.; 
'  Brief  van  de  Gedeputeerden  in  Frank- 
ryck  aan  de  Stat  en  Gen.'  19th  Jan- 
1585,  Hague  Archives,  MS.) 


96  THE  UiXlTEU  NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  IV 

ushered  through  four  magnificent  antechambers  into  the  royal 
cabinet.  The  apartments  through  which  they  passed  swarmed 
with  the  foremost  nobles,  court-functionaries,  and  ladies  of 
France,  in  blazing  gala  costume,  who  all  greeted  the  envoys 
with  demonstrations  of  extreme  respect.  The  halls  and  cor- 
ridors were  lined  with  archers,  halbardiers,  Swiss  guards,  and 
grooms  "  besmeared  with  gold,"  and  it  was  thought  that  all 
this  rustle  of  fine  feathers  would  be  somewhat  startling  to  the 
barbarous  republicans,  fresh  from  the  fens  of  Holland. 

Henry  received  them  in  his  cabinet,  where  he  was  accom- 
panied only  by  the  Duke  of  Joyeuse — his  foremost  and  bravest 
"  minion  " — by  the  Count  of  Bouscaige,  M.  de  Valette,  and 
the  Count  of  Chateau  Vieux.^ 

The  most  Christian  King  was  neatly  dressed,  in  white  satin 
doublet  and  hose,  and  well-starched  ruff,  with  a  short  cloak  on 
his  shoulders,  a  little  velvet  cap  on  the  side  of  his  head,  his 
long  locks  duly  perfumed  and  curled,  his  sword  at  his  side, 
and  a  little  basket,  full  of  puppies,  suspended  from  his  neck 
by  a  broad  ribbon.  He  held  himself  stiff  and  motionless, 
although  his  face  smiled  a  good-humoured  welcome  to  the 
ambassadors  ;  and  he  moved  neither  foot,  hand,  nor  head,  as 
they  advanced. 

Chancellor  Leoninus,  the  most  experienced,  eloquent,  and 
tedious  of  men,  now  made  an  interminable  oration,  fertile  in 
rhetoric  and  barren  in  facts  ;  and  the  King  made  a  short  and 
benignant  reply,  according  to  the  hallowed  formula  in  such 
cases  provided.  And  then  there  was  a  presentation  to  the 
Queen,  and  to  the  Queen-Mother,  when  Leoninus  was  more 
prolix  than  before,  and  Catharine  even  more  affectionate  than 
her  son  ;  and  there  were  consultations  with  Chiverny  and  Vil- 
leroy,  and  Brulart  and  Pruneaux,  and  great  banquets  at  the 
royal  expense,  and  bales  of  protocols,  and  drafts  of  articles, 
and  conditions  and  programmes  and  apostilles  by  the  hundred 
weight,  and  at  last  articles  of  annexation  were  presented  by 
the  envoys,  and  Pruneaux  looked  at  and  pronounced  them 
"  too  raw  and  imperative,"  and  the  envoys  took  them  home 

'  MS.  Letter  of  the  Envoys,  before  citei 


1585.  IGNOMINIOUS  RESULT  OF  THE  EMBASSY.  97 

again,  and  dressed  them  and  cooked  them  till  there  was  no 
substance  left  in  them  ;  for  whereas  the  envoys  originally 
oflFered  the  crown  of  their  country  to  France,  on  condition 
that  no  religion  but  the  reformed  religion  should  be  tolerated 
there,  no  appointments  made  but  by  the  States,  and  no  security 
offered  for  advances  to  be  made  by  the  Christian  King,  save 
the  hearts  and  oaths  of  his  new  subjects — so  they  now  ended 
by  proposing  the  sovereignty  unconditionally,  almost  abjectly  ; 
and,  after  the  expiration  of  nearly  three  months,  even  these 
terms  were  absolutely  refused,  and  the  deputies  were  graciously 
permitted  to  go  home  as  they  came.  The  annexation  and 
sovereignty  were  definitely  declined.  Henry  regretted  and 
sighed,  Catharine  de'  Medici  wept — for  tears  were  ever  at  her 
command — Chancellor  Chiverny  and  Secretary  Brulart  wept 
likewise,  and  Pruneaux  was  overcome  with  emotion  at  the 
parting  interview  of  the  ambassadors  with  the  court,  in  which 
they  were  allowed  a  last  opportunity  for  expressing  what  was 
called  their  gratitude. 

And  then,  on  the  16th  March,  M.  d'Oignon  came  to  them, 
and  presented,  on  the  part  of  the  King,  to  each  of  the  envoys 
a  gold  chain  weighing  twenty-one  ounces  and  two  grains.' 

Des  Pruneaux,  too — Des  Pruneaux  who  had  spent  the  pre- 
vious summer  in  the  Netherlands,  who  had  travelled  from 
province  to  province,  from  city  to  city,  at  the  King's  com- 
mand, offering  boundless  assistance,  if  they  would  unanimously 
offer  their  sovereignty  ;  who  had  vanquished  by  his  impor- 
tunity the  resistance  of  the  stern  Hollanders,  the  last  of  all 
the  Netherlanders  to  yield  to  the  royal  blandishments — Des 
Pruneaux,  who  had  "blushed" — Des  Pruneaux  who  had  wept — 
now  thought  proper  to  assume  an  airy  tone,  half  encourage- 
ment, half  condolence. 

"Man  proposes,  gentlemen,"  said  he,^  "but  God  disposes. 
We   are   frequently  called  on  to  observe  that  things  have  a 


■  MS.  Report  of  the  Envoys. 

»  "Messieurs,     les    hommes     propo- 

ient,  et  Dieu  est  le  maitre  qui  dispose. 

Nous   voyons  toutes   choses   avoir  dif- 

ferentz   temps   et  termes ;     Prou   soat 

VOL,  I.— H 


refuses  d'une  femme  deux  fois  quy 
I'emporteiit  la  troisieme,"  &c.  ('Des 
Pruneaux  aux  Etats  generaux,'  14th 
Mar.  1585,  Brienne,  MS.) 


98  TFTE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IY 

great  variety  of  times  and  terms.  Many  a  man  is  refused  by 
a  woman  twice,  who  succeeds  the  third  time/'  and  so  on,  with 
which  wholesome  apothegms  Des  Pruneaux  faded  away  then 
and  for  ever  from  the  page  of  Netherland  history. 

In  a  few  days  afterwards  the  envoys  took  shipping  at 
Dieppe,  and  arrived  early  in  April  at  the  Hague.' 

And  thus  terminated  the  negotiation  of  the  States  with 
France. 

It  had  been  a  scene  of  elaborate  trifling  on  the  King's  part 
from  beginning  to  end.  Yet  the  few  grains  of  wheat  which 
have  thus  been  extracted  from  the  mountains  of  diplomatic 
chaff  so  long  mouldering  in  national  storehouses,  contain, 
however  dry  and  tasteless,  still  something  for  human  nourish- 
ment. It  is  something  to  comprehend  the  ineffable  meanness 
of  the  hands  which  then  could  hold  the  destiny  of  mighty 
empires.  Here  had  been  offered  a  magnificent  prize  to 
France ;  a  great  extent  of  frontier  in  the  quarter  where 
expansion  was  most  desirable,  a  protective  network  of  towns 
and  fortresses  on  the  side  most  vulnerable,  flourishing  cities 
on  the  sea-coast  where  the  marine  traffic  was  most  lucrative, 
the  sovereignty  of  a  large  population,  the  most  bustling, 
enterprising,  and  hardy  in  Europe — a  nation  destined  in  a 
few  short  years  to  become  the  first  naval  and  commercial 
power  in  the  world — all  this  was  laid  at  the  feet  of  Henry 
Valois  and  Catharine  de'  Medici,  and  rejected. 

The  envoys,  with  their  predecessors,  had  wasted  eight 
months  of  most  precious  time  ;  they  had  heard  and  made 
orations,  they  had  read  and  written  protocols,  they  had  wit- 
nessed banquets,  masquerades,  and  revels  of  stupendous 
frivolity,  in  honour  of  the  English  Garter,  brought  solemnly 
to  the  Valois  by  Lord  Derby,  accompanied  by  one  hundred 
gentlemen  "  marvellously,  sumptuously,  and  richly  accoutred," 
during  that  dreadful  winter  when  the  inhabitants  of  Brussels, 
Antwerp,  Mechlin — to  save  which  splendid  cities  and  to  annex 
them  to  France,  was  a  main  object  of  the  solemn  embassy 
from  the  Netherlands — were  eating  rats,  and  cats,  and  dogs, 

1  MS.  Report,  Wagenaar,  viii.  66. 


1585. 


SECRET   INFLUENCES    AT    WORK. 


99 


and  the  weeds  from  the  pavements,  and  the  grass  from  the 
churchyards  ;  and  were  finding  themselves  more  closely 
pressed  than  ever  by  the  relentless  genius  of  Farnese  ;  and  in 
exchange  for  all  these  losses  and  all  this  humiliation,  the 
ambassadors  now  returned  to  their  constituents,  bringing  an 
account  of  Chiverny's  magnificent  banquets  and  long  orations^ 
of  the  smiles  of  Henry  III.,  the  tears  of  Catharine  de'  Medici, 
the  regrets  of  M.  des  Pruneaux,  besides  sixteen  gold  chains, 
each  weighing  twenty-one  ounces  and  two  grains.^ 

It  is  worth  while  to  go  for  a  moment  behind  the  scenes, 
We  have  seen  the  actors,  with  mask  and  cothurn  and  tinsel 
crown,  playing  their  well-conned  parts  upon  the  stage.  Let 
us  hear  them  threaten,  and  whimper,  and  chaifer  among 
themselves. 

So  soon  as  it  was  intimated  that  Henry  III.  was  about  to 
grant  the  Netherland  envoys  an  audience,  the  wrath  of 
ambassador  Mendoza  was  kindled.  That  magniloquent 
Spaniard  instantly  claimed  an  interview  with  the  King, 
before  whom,  according  to  the  statement  of  his  colleagues. 


'  Brieven  van  de  Gedeputeerden 
nyt  Paris,  22nd  Feb.  1585;  Rapport 
van  de  Handeling  gehouden  by  de 
Gresanten,  &c.  ;  Brief  van  de  Gezan- 
ten  uyt  Paris,  11  Maart,  1585.  (Hague 
Arcliives  MS.)  Compare  De  Thou, 
ix.  275,  seq. ;  Strada,  11.  292,  seq.  ; 
Meteren,  xii.  221,  seq.;  Le  Petit,  II. 
xiv.  508,  seq. ;  "Wagenaar,  viii.  58  ;  Bor, 
II.  xix.  628,  seq. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  in  all  the  con- 
ferences between  the  deputies  and  the 
ministers  of  Henry,  and  in  all  the 
expressions  used  by  the  King  and  liia 
mother,  as  recorded  by  the  envoys  in 
their  despatches  and  reports,  no  allu- 
sion was  ever  made  to  the  civil  war 
then  brewing  in  France,  nor  to  the 
machinations  of  the  Guises, — the  name 
of  which  family  was  never  mentioned. 
The  Court  excused  itself;  as  well  as  it 
could,  for  its  elaborate  trifling  with 
the  Netherlands,  at  so  momentous  an 
epoch,  by  general  reflections  upon  the 
condition  of  France,  and  the  incon- 
venience to  the  government  at  that 
moment,  of  «ngaging  in  the  enterprize 


which  it  had  itself  solicited.  All  the 
contemporaneous  historians,  whether 
Protestant  or  Catholic,  French,  Fle- 
mish, or  Spanish,  give  a  very  brief, 
imperfect,  conventional,  and  generally 
mistaken  view  of  these  negotiations. 

Le  Petit,  instead  of  the  meagre 
farewell  address  of  the  King  (which 
we  have  given  in  the  text  from  the 
report  of  the  envoys  to  their  consti- 
tuents) does  not  scruple  to  invent  a 
very  epigrammatic  little  speech  for 
Henry,  in  which  that  monarch  is  made 
to  complain  bitterly  of  the  "violenco 
done  to  him  by  the  King  of  Spain,  tl.o 
Guise  family,  and  the  leaguers,"  to 
regret  that  he  is  thereby  prevented 
from  assisting  the  Provinces,  on  the 
ground  that  'his  shirt  is  nearer  to 
him  than  his  doublet,"  and  to  hope 
that  they  will  sustain  themselves  until 
he  shall  have  got  his  kingdom  quiet, 
after  which  the  States  may  depend 
upon  his  assistance.  It  is  superfluous 
to  say  that  this  and  similar  harangues 
recorded  by  various  historians  are 
purely  imaginary. 


100  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IT. 

doing  their  best  to  pry  into  these  secrets,  he  blustered  and 
bounced,  and  was  more  fantastical  in  his  insolence  than  even 
Spanish  envoy  had  ever  been  before. 

"  He  went  presently  to  court,"  so  Walsingham  was  in- 
formed by  Stafford,  "and  dealt  very  passionately  with  the 
King  and  Queen-Mother  to  deny  them  audience,  who  being 
greatly  offended  with  his  presumptuous  and  malapert  manner 
of  proceeding,  the  King  did  in  choler  and  with  some  sharp 
speeches,  let  him  plainly  understand  that  he  was  an  absolute 
king,  bound  to  yield  account  of  his  doings  to  no  man,  and 
that  it  was  lawful  for  him  to  give  access  to  any  man  within 
his  own  realm.  The  Queen-Mother  answered  him  likewise 
very  roundly,  whereupon  he  departed  for  the  time,  very 
much  discontented."^ 

Brave  words,  on  both  sides,  if  they  had  ever  been  spoken, 
or  if  there  had  been  any  action  corresponding  to  their  spirit. 

But,  in  truth,  from  the  beginning,  Henry  and  his  mother 
saw  in  the  Netherland  embassy  only  the  means  of  turning  a 
dishonest  penny.  Since  the  disastrous  retreat  of  Anjou  from 
the  Provinces,  the  city  of  Cambray  had  remained  in  the 
hands  of  the  Seigneur  de  Balagny,  placed  there  by  the  duke. 
The  citadel,  garrisoned  by  French  troops,  it  was  not  the 
intention  of  Catharine  de'  Medici  to  restore  to  Philip,  and  a 
truce  on  the  subject  had  been  arranged  provisionally  for  a 
year,  Philip,  taking  Parma's  advice  to  prevent  the  French 
court,  if  possible,  from  "  fomenting  the  Netherland  rebellion," 
had  authorized  the  Prince  to  conclude  that  truce,  as  if  done 
on  his  own  responsibility,  and  not  by  royal  order.^  Mean- 
time, Balagny  was  gradually  swelling  into  a  petty  potentate, 
on  his  own  account,  making  himself  very  troublesome  to  the 
Prince  of  Parma,  and  requiring  a  great  deal  of  watching. 
Cambray  was  however  apparently  acquired  for  France. 


'  Walsingham  to  Davison,  ^  Jan. 
1585,  S.  P.  Office  MS.  Compare  De 
Thou,  ix.  275,  seq.;  Strada,  'De  Bello 
Belgico,'  1658,  ii.  592,  seq. ;  Meteren, 
xii.  221,  seq. ;  Le  Petit,  II.  xiv.  508, 
aeq.]  Busbequius,  ' Epist.' pcwwm. 


'  Philip  n.  to  Prince  of  Parma,  2nd 
Sept.  1584.  and  15th  Jan.  1585.  (Ar- 
chivo  de  Simancas  MS.  "Sera  biea 
que  la  concluyais  a  trueque  de  conse- 
guir  esto  con  que  no  parezca  orden 
raia  sino  que  lo  haceis  como  de  vues- 
tro,"  &c.     Comp.  Strada,  II.  295. 


1585.  FRENCH   AND   SPANISH   COURTS.  101 

But,  besides  this  acquisition,  there  was  another  way  of 
earning  something  solid,  by  turning  this  Netherland  matter 
handsomely  to  account.  Philip  II,  had  recently  conquered 
Portugal.  Among  the  many  pretensions  to  that  crown,  those 
of  Catharine  de'  Medici  had  been  put  forward,  but  had  been 
little  heeded.  The  claim  went  back  more  than  three  hundred 
years,  and  to  establish  its  validity  would  have  been'to  convert 
the  peaceable  possession  of  a  long  line  of  sovereigns  into 
usurpation.  To  ascend  to  Alphonso  III.  was  like  fetching, 
as  it  was  said,  a  claim  from  Evander's  grandmother.  Never- 
theless, ever  since  Philip  had  been  upon  the  Portuguese 
throne,  Catharine  had  been  watching  the  opportunity,  not  of 
unseating  that  sovereign,  but  of  converting  her  claim  into 
money. 

The  Netherland  embassy  seemed  to  offer  the  coveted  op- 
portunity. There  was,  therefore,  quite  as  much  warmth  at 
the  outset,  on  the  part  of  Mendoza,  in  that  first  interview 
after  the  arrival  of  the  deputies,  as  had  been  represented. 
There  was  however  less  dignity  and  more  cunning  on  the 
part  of  Henry  and  Catharine  than  was  at  all  suspected.  Even 
before  that  conference  the  King  had  been  impatiently  ex- 
pecting overtures  from  the  Spanish  envoy,  and  had  been 
disappointed.  "He  told  me,"  said  Henry,  "that  he  would 
make  proposals  so  soon  as  Tassis  should  be  gone,  but  he  has 
done  nothing  yet.  He  said  to  Gondi  that  all  he  meant  was 
to  get  the  truce  of  Cambray  accomplished.  I  hoj)e,  however, 
that  my  brother,  the  King  of  Spain,  will  do  what  is  right  in 
regard  to  madam  my  mother's  pretensions.  'Tis  likely  that 
he  will  be  now  incited  thereto,  seeing  that  the  deputies  of  all 
the  Netherland  provinces  are  at  present  in  my  kingdom,  to 
offer  me  carte  blanche.  I  shall  hear  what  they  have  to  say, 
and  do  exactly  what  the  good  of  my  own  affairs  shall  seem 
to  require.  The  Queen  of  England,  too,  has  been  very  pres- 
sing and  urgent  with  me  for  several  months  on  this  subject. 
I  shall  hear,  too,  what  she  has  to  say,  and  I  presume,  if  the 
King  of  Spain  will  now  disclose  himself,  and  do  promptly 
what  he  ought,  that  we  may  set  Christendom  at  rest."' 

*  Henry  III.  a  Longlee,  11  Jan.  1585,  Brienne  MS. 


102  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IV. 

Henry  then  instructed  his  amhassador  in  Spain  to  keep  his 
eyes  wide  open,  in  order  to  penetrate  the  schemes  of  Philip, 
and  to  this  end  ordered  him  an  increase  of  salary  by  a 
third,  that  ho  might  follow  that  monarch  on  his  journey  to 
Arragon. 

Meanwhile  Mendoza  had  audience  of  his  Majesty.  "  He 
made  a  very  presshig  remonstrance,"  said  the  King,  "con- 
cerning the  arrival  of  these  deputies,  urging  me  to  send  them 
back  at  once  ;  denouncing  them  as  disobedient  rebels  and 
heretics.  I  replied  that  my  kingdom  was  free,  and  that  I 
should  hear  from  them  all  that  they  had  to  say,  because  I  could 
not  abandon  madam  7ny  motJier  in  her  pretensions,  not  only 
for  the  filial  obedience  which  I  owe  her,  but  because  I  am  her 
only  heir.  Mendoza  replied  that  he  should  go  and  make  the 
same  remonstrance  to  the  Queen-Mother,  which  he  accord- 
ingly did,  and  she  will  herself  write  you  what  passed  between 
them.  If  they  do  not  act  up  to  their  duty  doivn  there  I  know 
how  to  take  my  revenge  upon  them."^ 

This  is  the  King's  own  statement — his  veriest  words — and 
he  was  surely  best  aware  of  Avhat  occurred  between  himself 
and  Mendoza,  under  their  four  eyes  only.  The  ambassador  is 
not  represented  as  extremely  insolent,  but  only  pressing  ;  and 
certainly  there  is  little  left  of  the  fine  periods  on  Henry's 
part  about  listening  to  the  cry  of  the  oppressed,  or  preventing 
the  rays  of  his  ancestors"  diadem  from  growing  pale,  with 
which  contemporary  chronicles  are  filled. 

There  was  not  one  word  of  the  advancement  and  glory  of  the 
French  nation  ;  not  a  hint  of  the  fame  to  be  acquired  by  a  mag- 
nificent expansion  of  territory,  still  less  of  the  duty  to  deal  gene- 
rously or  even  honestly  with  an  oppressed  people,  who  in  good 
faith  were  seeking  an  asylum  in  exchange  for  offered  sovereignty, 
not  a  syllable  upon  liberty  of  conscience,  of  religious  or  civil 
rights ;  nothing  but  a  petty  and  exclusive  care  for  the  interests 
of  his  mother's  pocket,  and  of  his  own  as  his  mother's  heir. 
This  farthing-candle  was  alone  to  guide  the  steps  of  "  the  high 
and  mighty  King,"  whose  reputation  was  perpetually  repre- 
sented as  so  precious  to  him  in  all  the  conferences  between 
*  Henry  III,  a  Longlee,  11  Jan.,  1585,  Brieune  MS, 


1585. 


CLAIMS  OF  CATHARINE  UPON   PORTUGAL. 


103 


his  ministers  and  the  Netherland  deputies.  Was  it  possible 
for  those  envoys  to  imagine  the  almost  invisible  meanness  of 
such  childish  tricks  ? 

The  Queen-Mother  was  still  more  explicit  and  unblushing 
throughout  the  whole  affair. 

"  The  ambassador  of  Spain/'  she  said,  "  has  made  the  most 
beautiful  remonstrances  he  could  think  of  about  these  deputies 
from  the  Netherlands.  All  his  talk,  however,  cannot  persuade 
me  to  anything  else  save  to  increase  my  desire  to  have  re- 
paration for  the  wrong  that  has  been  done  me  in  regard  to 
my  claims  upon  Portugal,  which  I  am  determined  to  pursue 
by  every  means  within  my  power.  Nevertheless  I  have  told 
Don  Bernardino  that  I  should  always  be  ready  to  embrace 
any  course  likely  to  bring  about  a  peaceful  conclusion.  He 
then  entered  into  a  discussion  of  my  rights,  which,  he  said, 
were  not  thought  in  Spain  to  be  founded  in  justice.  But  when 
I  explained  to  him  the  principal  points  (of  which  I  possess  all 
the  pieces  of  evidence  and  justification),  he  hardly  knew  what 
to  say,  save  that  he  was  astounded  that  I  had  remained  so 
long  without  speaking  of  my  claims.  In  reply,  I  told  him 
ingenuously  the  truth." ' 

The  truth  which  the  ingenuous  Catharine  thus  revealed  was, 
in  brief,  that  all  her  jaredecessors  had  been  minors,  women,  and 
persons  in  situations  not  to  make  their  rights  valid.  Finding 
herself  more  highly  j)laced,  she  had  advanced  her  claims, 
which  had  been  so  fully  recognized  in  Portugal,  that  she  had 
been  received  as  Infanta  of  the  kingdom.  All  pretensions  to 
the  throne  being  now  through  women  only,  hers  were  the  best 
of  any.  At  all  this  Don  Bernardino  expressed  profound 
astonishment,  and  promised  to  send  a  full  account  to  hia 
master  of  "  the  infinite  words''  which  had  jiassed  between 
them  at  this  interview.^ 


1  'Lettro  de  la  Reine  a.  Longlee,' 
16  Jan.  1585.  'BrieimeMS.'  "line 
m'a  sceu  que  dire  aultre  chose,  sinou 
qu'il  s'ebahissoit  comine  j'avois  si  long 
temps  denioiire  sans  parler  do  mcs 
d'cU-  droits,  a  quoi  je  luy  ay  respondu 


ingonument  la  verite,  qui  est,"  &c. 

2  Ibid.  "  Et  eroy  qu'il  n'y  obmae- 
tra  rien  d'infinies  parolles  que  se  sent 
passees  de  la  substance  dessus  dicte 
en  la  dicte  audiance,"  &c. 


104 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IV. 


"  i  desire,"  said  Catharine,  "  that  the  Lord  King  of  Spain 
should  open  his  mind  frankly  and  promptly  ui)on  the  recom- 
pense which  he  is  willing  to  make  me  for  Portugal,  in  order 
that  things  may  pass  rather  with  gentleness  than  otherwise." 

It  was  expecting  a  great  deal  to  look  for  frankness  and 
promptness  from  the  Lord  King  of  Spain,  hut  the  Queen- 
Mother  considered  that  the  Netherland  envoys  had  put  a  whip 
into  her  hand.  She  was  also  determined  to  bring  Philip  up 
to  the  point,  without  showing  her  own  game.  "I  will  never 
say,"  said  Catharine — ingenuous  no  longer — "  I  will  never  say 
how  much  I  ask,  but,  on  the  contrary,  I  shall  wait  for  him  to 
make  the  offer.  I  expect  it  to  be  reasonable,  because  he  has 
seen  fit  to  seize  and  occupy  that  which  I  declare  to  be  my 
property."^ 

This  is  the  explanation  of  all  the  languor  and  trifling  of 
the  French  court  in  the  Netherland  negotiation.  A  deep, 
constant,  unseen  current  was  running  counter  to  all  the  move- 
ment which  appeared  upon  the  surface.  The  tergiversations 
of  the  Spanish  cabinet  in  the  Portugal  matter  were  the  cause 
of  the  shufflings  of  the  French  ministers  on  the  subject  of  the 
Provinces. 

"  I  know  well,"  said  Henry  a  few  days  later,  "  that  the 
people  down  there,  and  their  ambassador  here,  are  leading  us 
on  with  words,  as  far  as  they  can,  with  regard  to  the  recom- 
pense of  madam  my  mother  for  her  claims  upon  Portugal. 
But  they  had  better  remember  (and  I  think  they  will), 
that  out  of  the  ofiers  which  these  sixteen  deputies  of  the 
Netherlands  are  bringing  me — and  I  believe  it  to  be  carte 
blanche — I  shall  be  able  to  pay  myself.  'Twill  be  better  to 
come  promptly  to  a  good  bargain  and  a  brief  conclusion,  than 
to  spin  the  matter  out  longer."^ 


1  '  Lettre  de  la  Reine  Mere  a  Long- 
lee,'  16  .Jan.  1585.  '  Brienne  MS.' 
"  Je  desirerois  bien  que  le  diet  seig- 
neur roi  d'Espagne  s'ouvrit  franche- 
ment  et  promptement  de  la  recom- 
pense qu'il  me  venet  et  doict  faire 
pour  le  diet  Portugal,  affin  que  les 
choses  passassent  plustot  par  la  doulce- 


ment  qu'aultrement." 

2  Ibid.  "Je  ne  diray  jamais  ce  que 
je  demande,  au  contraire.  attend  rai  sea 
offres  qu'il  fault  qui  soient  raison- 
nables,  puis  qu'il  est  saisy  et  oecu- 
pateur  de  ce  que  je  preteudz  m'appar- 
tenir,"  &c. 

3  'Henry   III.   a   Longlee,'  13  Jan. 


1585. 


LETTERS  OP  HENRY  AND  CATHARINE. 


105 


"  Don  Bernardino,"  said  the  Queen-Mother  on  the  same 
day,  "  has  been  keeping  us  up  to  this  hour  in  hopes  of  a  good 
offer,  but  'tis  to  be  feared, /or  the  good  of  Christendom^  that 
'twill  be  too  late.  The  deputies  are  come,  bringing  carte 
blanche.  Nevertheless,  if  the  King  of  Spain  is  willing  to  be 
reasonable,  and  that  instantly,  it  will  be  well,  and  it  would 
seem  as  if  God  had  been  pleased  to  place  this  means  in  our 
hands."  ' 

After  the  conferences  had  been  fairly  got  under  way  be- 
tween the  French  government  and  the  envoys,  the  demands 
upon  Philip  for  a  good  bargain  and  a  handsome  offer  became 
still  more  pressing. 

"  I  have  given  audience  to  the  deputies  from  the  Pro- 
vinces," wrote  Henry,  "  and  the  Queen-Mother  has  done  the 
same.  Chancellor  Chiverny,  Villequier,  Bellicvre,  and  Brulart, 
will  now  confer  with  them  from  day  to  day.  I  now  tell  you  that 
it  will  be  well,  before  things  go  any  farther,  for  the  King  of  Spain 
to  come  to  reason  about  the  pretensions  of  madam  mother. 
This  will  be  a  means  of  establishing  the  repose  of  Chris- 
tendom. I  shall  be  very  willing  to  concur  in  such  an  ar- 
rangement, if  I  saw  any  approximation  to  it  on  the  part  of 
the  King  or  his  ministers.  But  I  fear  they  will  delay  too 
long,  and  so  you  had  better  tell  them.  Push  them  to  the 
point  as  much  as  possible,  without  letting  them  suspect  that  I 
have  been  writing  about  it,  for  that  would  make  them  rather 
draw  back  than  come  forward." '' 

At  the  same  time,  during  this,  alternate  threatening  and 
coaxing  between  the  French  and  the  Spanish  court,  and  in 


3)85.  'Brienne  MS.'  "Mais  il  doib- 
Wut  bien  considerer — que  sur  les 
offres  que  me  viennent  faire  seize 
principaulx  deputez  des  pays  bas  (les 
quelz  m'apportcnt,  a  ce  que  j'entendz 
la  carte  blanche),  j'y  auray  considera- 
tion, et  vauldroit  beaucoup  mieulx 
venir  promptement  a  une  bonne  nego- 
tiation et  brielve  conclusion  d'icelle, 
que  de  tenir  ainsy  les  choses  a  la 
longue,"  &c. 

'  La  Reine  Mere  a  Longlee,'  13  Jan. 
1585.       Brienne  MS.' 

VOL.  I.— 5 


'i  '  Henry  III.  i  Longlee,'  21  Feb. 
1585.  "  II  seroit  tres  a  propos,  avant 
que  les  choses  allasseut  plus  avant 
que  le  Roy  d'Espagne  regardasse  a  so 
niectre  a  la  raison  pour  les  pretentions 
de  la  royne  madame  et  mere,"  &c. — 
"  Les  incitant  le  plus  qu'  il  vous  sera 
possible,  sans  toutefois  qu'ils  puissent 
cognoistre  que  vous  en  ayant  escript, 
car  cela  pourroit  estre  plustot  cause 
de  les  eu  faire  reculler  qu'aultro- 
ment,"  &c.     '  Brienne  MS.' 


106  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IV. 

the  midst  of  all  the  solemn  and  tedious  protocolling  of  the 
ministry  and  the  Dutch  envoys,  there  was  a  most  sincere  and 
affectionate  intercourse  maintained  between  Henry  III.  and 
the  Prince  of  Parma.  The  Spanish  Governor-General  was 
assured  that  nothing  but  the  warmest  regard  was  entertained 
for  him  and  his  master  on  the  part  of  the  French  court. 
Parma  had  replied,  however,  that  so  many  French  troops  had 
in  times  past  crossed  the  frontier  to  assist  the  rebels,  that  he 
hardly  knew  what  to  think.  He  expressed  the  hope,  now  that 
the  Duke  of  Anjou  was  dead,  that  his  Christian  Majesty  would 
not  countenance  the  rebellion,  but  manifest  his  good-will. 

"  How  can  your  Highness  doubt  it,'"  said  Malpierre,  Henry's 
envoy,  "  for  his  Majesty  has  given  proof  enough  of  his  good 
will,  having  prevented  all  enterprises  in  this  regard,  and 
preferred  to  have  his  own  subjects  cut  into  pieces  rather  than 
that  they  should  carry  out  their  designs.  Had  his  Majesty 
been  willing  merely  to  connive  at  these  undertakings,  'tis 
probable  that  the  affairs  of  your  highness  would  not  have 
succeeded  so  well  as  they  have  done," ' 

With  regard  to  England,  also,  the  conduct  of  Henry  and 
his  mother  in  these  negotiations  was  marked  by  the  same 
unfathomable  duplicity.  There  was  an  appearance  of  cor- 
diality on  the  surface  ;  but  there  was  deep  plotting,  and 
bargaining,  and  even  deadly  hostility  lurking  below.  We 
have  seen  the  efforts  which  Elizabeth's  government  had  been 
making  to  counteract  the  policy  which  offered  the  sovereignty 
of  the  provinces  to  the  French  monarch.  At  the  same  time 
there  was  at  least  a  loyal  disposition  upon  the  Queen's  part 
to  assist  the  Netherlands,  in  concurrence  with  Henry.  The 
demeanour  of  Burghley  and  his  colleagues  was  frankness  itseliQ 
compared  with  the  secret  schemings  of  the  Valois  ;  for  at 
least  peace  and  good-Avill  between  the  "  trium^drate"  of  France, 
England  and  the  Netherlands,  was  intended,  as  the  true  means 
of  resisting  the  predominant  influence  of  Spain. 

Yet  very  soon  after  the  solemn  reception  by  Henry  of  the 
garter  brought  by  Lord   Derby,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  nego- 

1  Malpierre  a  Hemy  III.,'  16  Fev.  1585.     '  Brienne  MS.' 


1585.  PROPOSAL  BY  FRANCE  TO  INVADE   P^NGLAND  107 

tiations  between  the  French  court  and  the  United  Provinces, 
the  French  king  was  not  only  attempting  to  barter  the 
sovereignty  offered  him  by  the  Netherlanders  against  a  hand- 
some recompense  for  the  Portugal  claim,  but  he  was  actually 
proposing  to  the  King  of  Spain  to  join  with  him  in  an  invasion 
of  England  !  Even  Philip  himself  must  have  admired  and 
Respected  such  a  complication  of  villany  on  the  part  of  his 
most  Christian  brother.  He  was,  however,  not  disposed  to 
put  any  confidence  in  his  schemes. 

"  With  regard  to  the  attempt  against  England,"  wrote 
Philip  to  Mendoza,  "  you  must  keep  your  eyes  open — you 
must  look  at  the  danger  of  letting  them,  before  they  have  got 
rid  of  their  rivals  and  reduced  their  heretics,  go  out  of  their 
own  house  and  kingdom,  and  thus  of  being  made  fools  of 
when  they  think  of  coming  back  again.  Let  them  first  exter- 
minate the  heretics  of  France,  and  then  we  will  look  after 
those  of  England  ;  because  'tis  more  important  to  finish  those 
who  are  near  than  those  afar  off.  Perhaps  the  Queen-Mother 
proposes  this  invasion  in  order  to  proceed  more  feebly  with 
matters  in  her  own  kingdom  ;  and  thus  Mucio  (Duke  of 
Guise)  and  his  friends  will  not  have  so  safe  a  game,  and  must 
take  heed  lest  they  be  deceived," 

Thus  it  is  obvious  that  Henry  and  Catharine  intended,  on 
the  whole,  to  deceive  the  English  and  the  Netherlanders,  and 
to  get  al  good  a  bargain  and  as  safe  a  friendship  from  Philip 
as  could  be  manufactured  out  of  the  materials  placed  in  the 
French  King's  hands  by  the  United  Provinces,  Elizabeth 
honestly  wished  well  to  the  States,  but  allowed  Burghley  and 
those   who   acted   with  him   to  flatter  themselves   with  the 


'  '  Philip  IT.  to  Bernardino  de  Men- 
doza,' 17  Aug.  1585.  'Arcliivo  de 
Simaiicas.'  A.  56,  No  28,  MS.,  in  the 
'  Archives  de  I'Empire '  at  Paris. 
"En  lo  de  la  impresa  de  Ingiaterra, 
le  yd  abriendo  los  ojos  para  que  echo 
de  ver  el  peligro  en  que  se  pone,  si 
antes  de  desliazer  sus  emulos  y  redu- 
cir  a  los    hereges  o  echerlos.  se  dexa 


pensasse  bolvcr.  Que  acaben  prim<> 
los  hereses  de  francia.  y  despues  de- 
mos tras  de  Iiiglaterra,  por  que  niaa 
iinporta  a  todos  acabar  los  de  cerca 
que  los  de  lejo.s,  y  quifa  la  Reyna 
niadre  propone  la  nueva  impresa  (do 
Ingiaterra)  por  hazer  afloxar  con  los 
heroges  do  dentro  de  su  Reyno,  y  assi 
pues  Mucio  y  los  suyos  no  ternan  cosa 


sacar  fuera  de  su  casa  y  del  Reyno  y    |   scgiu-a  mientras   estoe  estuvieren  aqui, 
quan  burlado  se  podria  hallar  quaudo    '   mireu  bieii  no  se  dexen  enganar." 


108  TnE    UNITED    NETHERLANDS.  Chak  IY. 

chimera  that  Henry  could  be  induced  to  protect  the  Nether- 
lands without  assuming  the  sovereignty  of  that  commonwealth. 
The  Provinces  were  fighting  for  their  existence,  unconscious 
of  their  latent  strength,  and  willing  to  trust  to  France  or  to 
England,  if  they  could  only  save  themselves  from  being  swal- 
lowed by  Spain.  As  for  Spain  itself,  that  country  was  more 
practised  in  duplicity  even  than  the  government  of  the 
Medici-Valois,  and  was  of  course  more  than  a  match  at  the 
game  of  deception  for  the  franker  jDoliticians  of  England  and 
Holland. 

The  King  of  Navarre  had  meanwhile  been  looking  on  at  a 
distance.  Too  keen  an  observer,  too  subtle  a  reasoner  to 
doubt  the  secret  source  of  the  movements  then  agntatino' 
France  to  its  centre,  he  was  yet  unable  to  foresee  the  turn 
that  all  these  intrigues  were  about  to  take.  He  could  hardly 
doubt  that  Spain  was  playing  a  dark  and  desperate  game 
with  the  unfortunate  Henry  III.  ;  for,  as  we  have  seen,  he 
had  himself  not  long  before  received  a  secret  and  liberal 
oiFer  from  Philip  II.,  if  he  would  agree  to  make  war  upon 
the  King.'  But  the  Bearnese  was  not  the  man  to  play  into 
the  hands  of  Spain,  nor  could  he  imagine  the  possibility  of 
the  Valois  or  even  of  his  mother  taking  so  suicidal  a  course. 

After  the  Netherland  deputies  had  received  their  final 
dismissal  from  the  King,  they  sent  Calvart,  who  had  been 
secretary  to  their  embassy,  on  a  secret  mission  to  Hfenry  of 
Navarre,  then  resident  at  Chartres. 

The  envoy  communicated  to  the  Huguenot  chief  the  meagre 
result  of  the  long  negotiation  with  the  French  court.  Henry 
bade  him  be  of  good  cheer,  and  assured  him  of  his  best 
wishes  for  their  cause.  He  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
King  of  France  would  now  either  attempt  to  overcome  the 
Guise  faction  by  gentle  means,  or  at  once  make  war  upon 
them.  The  Bishop  of  Acqs  had  strongly  recommended  the 
French  monarch  to  send  the  King  of  Navarre,  with  a  strong 
force,  to  the  assistance  of  the  Netherlands,  urging  the  point 

'  Herle  to  Queen  Elizabetli,  22Dd  July,  1584,  S.  P.  Office  MS.  Yide 
ante,  p.  49. 


1586. 


STATES'  MISSION  TO  HENRY  OF  NAVAERE. 


109 


with  much  fervid  eloquence  aud  solid  argument.  Henry  for 
a  moment  had  seemed  impressed,  but  such  a  vigorous  pro- 
ceeding was  of  course  entirely  beyond  his  strength,  and  he 
had  sunk  back  into  his  effeminate  languor  so  soon  as  the 
bold  bishop's  back  was  turned.^ 

The  Bearnese  had  naturally  conceived  but  little  hope  that 
such  a  scheme  would  be  carried  into  effect  ;  but  he  assured 
Calvart,  that  nothing  could  give  him  greater  delight  than  to 
mount  and  ride  in  such  a  cause." 

"  Notwithstanding,"  said  the  Bearnese,  "  that  the  villanous 
intentions  of  the  Guises  are  becoming  plainer  and  plainer, 
and  that  they  are  obviously  supplied  with  S[)anish  dollars, 
I  shall  send  a  special  envoy  to  the  most-  Christian  King,  and, 
although  'tis  somewhat  late,  implore  him  to  throw  his  weight 
into  the  scale,  in  order  to  redeem  your  country  from  its  misery. 
Meantime  be  of  good  heart,  and  defend  as  you  have  done  your 
hearths,  your  liberty,  and  the  honour  of  God."  ^ 

He  advised  the  States  unhesitatingly  to  continue  their 
confidence  in  the  French  King,  and  to  keep  him  informed  of 
their  plans  and  movements  ;  expressing  the  opinion  that 
these  very  intrigues  of  the  Guise  party  would  soon  justify 
or  even  force  Henry  III.  openly  to  assist  the  Netherlands. 

So  far,  at  that  very  moment,  was  so  sharp  a  politician  as 
the  Bearnese  from  suspecting  the  secret  schemes  of  Henry  of 
Valois.  Calvart  urged  the  King  of  Navarre  to  assist  the  States 
at  that  moment  with  some  slight  subsidy.  Antwerp  was  in 
such  imminent  danger  as  to  fill  the  hearts  of  all  true  patriots 
with  dismay  ;  and  a  timely  succour,  even  if  a  slender  one, 
might  be  of  inestimable  value. 

Henry  expressed  profound  regret  that  his  own  means  were 
so  limited,  and  his  own  position  so  dangerous,  as  to  make  it 
difiicult  for  him  to  manifest  in  broad  daylight  the  full  affection 
which  he  bore  the  Provinces. 


»  De  Thou,  ix.  298,  seq. 

'  '  Rapjjort  fait  par  le  Sieur  Calvart, 
aiant  este  envoie  vers  le  roy  de  Na- 
varre de  la  part  des  deputez  des  Ktats 
Geucraux   chez   le  roy  tres  Chretien,' 


11     Juin,     1585.       (Hague    Archiye.s, 
MS. 

3  MS.     Report    of    Calvart,     before 
cited. 


110  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IV. 

"To  my  sorrow,"  said  he,  "  your  proposition  is  made  in  the 
midst  of  such  dark  and  stormy  weather,  that  those  who  have 
clearest  sight  are  unable  to  see  to  what  issue  these  troubles  of 
France  are  tending."  ^ 

Nevertheless,  with  much  generosity  and  manliness,  he  pro- 
mised Calvart  to  send  two  thousand  soldiers,  at  his  own 
charges,  to  the  Provinces  without  delay  ;  and  authorised  that 
envoy  to  consult  with  his  agent  at  the  court  of  the  French 
King,  in  order  to  obtain  the  royal  permission  for  the  troops  to 
cross  the  frontier. - 

The  crownless  and  almost  houseless  King  had  thus,  at  a 
single  interview,  and  in  exchange  for  nothing  but  good  wishes, 
granted  what  the  most  Christian  monarch  of  France  had 
refused,  after  months  of  negociation,  and  with  sovereignty  as 
the  purchase-money.  The  envoy,  well  pleased,  sped  as 
swiftly  as  possible  to  Paris  ;  but,  as  may  easily  be  imagined, 
Henry  of  Valois  forbade  the  movement  contemplated  by 
Henry  of  Navarre. 

"His  Majesty,"  said  Villeroy,  secretary  of  state,  "sees  no 
occasion,  in  so  weighty  a  business,  thus  suddenly  to  change  his 
mind  ;  the  less  so,  because  he  hopes  to  be  able  ere  long  to 
smooth  over  these  troubles  which  have  begun  in  France. 
Should  the  King  either  openly  or  secretly  assist  the  Nether- 
lands or  allow  them  to  be  assisted,  'twould  be  a  reason  for  all 
the  Catholics  now  sustaining  his  Majesty's  party  to  go  over  to 
the  Guise  faction.  The  Provinces  must  remain  firm,  and 
make  no  pacification  with  the  enemy.  Meantime  the  Queen 
of  England  is  the  only  one  to  whom  God  has  given  means  to 
afibrd  you  succour.  One  of  these  days,  when  the  proper 
time  comes,  his  Ma.jesty  will  assist  her  inafi'ording  you  relief."' 

Calvart,  after  this  conference  with  the  King  of  Navarre, 
and  subsequently  with  the  government,  entertained  a  lingering 
hope  that  the  French  King  meant  to  assist  the  Provinces.  "  I 
know   well  who  is   the   author  of  these   troubles,"    said  the 


'  MS.    Report    of     Calvart    before 
cited. 
2  Ibid- 


'  It  will  be  observed  that  the  envoys 
here  speak  of  Villeroy  as  mentioning 
the  Guises  by  name. 


1585. 


SUBSIDIES  OF  PHILIP  TO  GUISE. 


Ill 


iinhap})y  monarch,  who  never  once  mentioned  the  name  of 
Guise  in  all  those  conferences,  "  but,  if  Grod  grant  me  life,  I 
will  give  him  as  good  as  he  sends,  and  make  him  rue  his 
conduct.'" 

They  were  not  aware  after  how  many  strange  vacillations 
Henry  was  one  day  to  wreak  this  threatened  vengeance.  As 
for  Navarre,  he  remained  upon  tlie  watch,  good  humoured  as 
ever,  more  merry  and  hopeful  as  the  tempest  grew  blacker  ; 
manifesting  the  most  frank  and  friendly  sentiments  towards 
the  Provinces,  and  writing  to  Queen  Elizabeth  in  the  chi- 
valrous style  so  dear  to  the  heart  of  that  sovereign,  that  he 
desired  nothing  better  than  to  be  her  "  servant  and  captain- 
general  against  the  common  enemy." 

But,  indeed,  the  French  King  was  not  so  well  informed  as 
he  imagined  himself  to  be  of  the  authorship  of  these  troubles. 
Mucio,  upon  whose  head  he  thus  threatened  vengeance,  was 
but  the  instrument.  The  concealed  hand  that  was  directins: 
all  these  odious  intrigues,  and  lighting  these  flames  of  civil 
war  which  were  so  long  to  make  France  a  scene  of  desolation, 
was  that  of  the  industrious  letter-writer  in  the  Escorial.  That 
which  Henry  of  Navarre  shrewdly  suspected,  when  he  talked 
of  the  Spanish  dollars  in  the  Balafre's  pocket,  that  which  was 
dimly  visible  to  the  Bishop  of  Acqs  when  he  told  Henry  III. 
that  the  "  Tagus  had  emptied  itself  into  the  Seine  and  Loire, 
and  that  the  gold  of  Mexico  was  flowing  into  the  royal 
cabinet,"'"  was  much  more  certain  than  they  supposed. 

Philip,  in  truth,  was  neglecting  his  own  most  pressing 
interests  that  he  might  direct  all  his  energies  towards  enter- 
taining civil  war  in  France.  That  France  should  I'emain 
internally  at  peace  was  contrary  to  all  his  jilans.  He  had 
therefore  long  kept  Guise  and  his  brother,  the  Cardinal  de 
Lorraine,  in  his  pay,  and  he  had  been  spending  large  sums  of 
money  to  bribe  many  of  the  most  considerable  functionaries 
in  the  kinsrdom. 


1  "  Wiert  oock  verwittigt  dat  Z.  M. 
luttel  dagen  voer  myn  vertreck,  we- 
sende  onder  zyne  familieren  seyde — 
je  scay  bien  qui  est  I'autheur  de  ces 


troubles,  mais  si  Dieu  me  donno  vie, 
je  luy  rendrai  pareille  et  I'en  ferai  re- 
pentir."     (MS.  Report  ofCalvart.) 
'■'  De  Thou,  tibi  ,sup. 


112  TIIK   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IV. 

The  most  important  enterprises  in  the  Netherlands  were 
allowed  to  languish,  that  these  subterranean  operations  of  the 
"  prudent"  monarch  of  Spain  should  be  pushed  forward.  The 
most  brilliant  and  original  genius  that  Philip  had  the  good 
fortune  to  have  at  his  disposal,  the  genius  of  Alexander 
Farnese,  was  cramped  and  irritated  almost  to  madness,  by 
the  fetters  imposed  upon  it,  by  the  sluggish  yet  obstinate 
nature  of  him  it  was  bound  to  obey.  Farnese  was  at  that 
moment  engaged  in  a  most  arduous  military  undertaking, 
that  famous  siege  of  Antwerp,  the  details  of  which  will  be 
related  in  future  chapters,  yet  he  was  never  furnished  with 
men  or  money  enough  to  ensure  success  to  a  much  more 
ordinary  operation.  His  complaints,  subdued  but  intense,  fell 
almost  unheeded  on  his  master's  ear.  He  had  not  "  ten 
dollars  at  his  command,"  his  cavalry  horses  were  all  dead  of 
hunger  or  had  been  eaten  by  their  riders,  who  were  starving 
to  death  themselves,  his  army  had  dwindled  to  a  "handful," 
yet  he  still  held  on  to  his  purpose,  in  spite  of  famine,  the 
desperate  efforts  of  indefatigable  enemies,  and  all  the  perils 
and  privations  of  a  deadly  winter.  He,  too,  was  kept  for  a 
long  time  in  profound  ignorance  of  Philip's  designs. 

Meantime,  while  the  Spanish  soldiers  were  starvihg  in 
Flanders,  Philip's  dollars  were  employed  by  Mucio  and  his 
adherents  in  enlisting  troops  in  Switzerland  and  Germany,  in 
order  to  carry  on  the  civil  war  in  France.  The  French  king 
was  held  systematically  up  to  ridicule  or  detestation  in  every 
village-pulpit  in  his  own  kingdom,  while  the  sister  of  Mucio, 
the  Duchess  of  Montpensier,  earned  the  scissors  at  her  girdle^ 
with  which  she  threatened  to  provide  Henry  with  a  third 
crown,  in  addition  to  those  of  France  and  Poland,  which  he 
had  disgraced — the  coronal  tonsure  of  a  monk.  The  convent 
should  be,  it  was  intimated,  the  eventual  fate  of  the  modern 
Childeric,  but  meantime  it  was  more  important  than  ever  to 
supersede  the  ultimate  pretensions  of  Henry  of  Navarre.  To 
prevent  that  heretic  of  heretics,  who  was  not  to  be  bought 
with  Spanish  gold,  from  ever  reigning,  was  the  first  object  of 
Philip  and  Mucio. 


1585.  TREATY  OF  JOINVIlLE.  113 

Accordingly,  on  the  last  day  of  the  year  1584,  a  secret  treaty 
had  been  signed  at  Joinville  between  Henry  of  Guise  and  his 
brother  the  Due  de  Mayenne,  holding  the  proxies  of  their 
brother  the  Cardinal  and  those  of  their  uncles,  Aumale  and 
Elbeuf,  on  the  one  part,  and  John  Baptist  Tassis  and  Com- 
raander  Moreo,  on  the  other,  as  rej^resentatives  of  Philip.^ 
This  transaction, — sufficiently  well  known  now  to  the  most 
superficial  student  of  history, — was  a  profound  mystery  then, 
BO  far  as  regarded  the  action  of  the  Spanish  king.  It  was  not 
a  secret,  however,  that  the  papistical  party  did  not  intend  that 
the  Bearnese  prince  should  ever  come  to  the  throne,  and  the 
matter  of  the  succession  was  discussed,  precisely  as  if  the 
throne  had  been  vacant. 

It  was  decided  that  Charles,  paternal  uncle  to  Henry  of 
Navarre,  commonly  called  the  Cardinal  Bourbon,  should  be 
considered  successor  to  the  crown,  in  place  of  Henry,  whose 
claim  was  forfeited  by  heresy.  Moreover,  a  great  deal  of 
superfluous  money  and  learning  was  expended  in  ordering 
some  elaborate  legal  arguments  to  be  prepared  by  venal  juris- 
consults, proving  not  only  that  the  uncle  ought  to  succeed 
before  the  nephew,  but  that  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  had 
any  claim  to  succeed  at  all.  The  pen  having  thus  been 
employed  to  do  the  work  which  the  sword  alone  could  accom- 
plish, the  poor  old  Cardinal  was  now  formally  established  by 
the  Guise  faction  as  presumptive  heir  to  the  crown.* 

A  man  of  straw,  a  superannuated  court-dangler,  a  credulous 
trifler,  but  an  earnest  Papist  as  his  brother  Antony  had  been, 
sixty-six  years  old,  and  feeble  beyond  his  years,  who,  his  life 
long,  had  never  achieved  one  manly  action,  and  had  now  one 
foot  in  the  grave  ;  this  was  the  puppet  placed  in  the  saddle  to 
run  a  tilt  against  the  Bearnese,  the  man  with  foot  ever  in 
the  stirrup,  with  sword  rarely  in  its  sheath. 

The  contracting  parties  at  Joinville  agreed  that  the  Cardinal 
should  succeed  on  the  death  of  the  reigning  king,  and  that  no 
heretic   should  ever  ascend  the  throne,  or  hold    the  meanest 

'  Perefixe,    58,    59;  De   Thou,     ix.       I       =  De  Thou,  ix.  262,  seq. 
272.  I 

VOL.  I. 


114  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chai'.  INT. 

office  in  the  kingdom.  They  agreed  further  that  all  heretics 
should  be  "exterminated"  without  distinction  throughout 
France  and  the  Netherlands.  In  order  to  procure  the  neces- 
sary reforms  among  the  clergy,  the  council  of  Trent  was 
to  he  fully  carried  into  effect.  Philip  pledged  himself  to 
furnish  at  least  fifty  thousand  crowns  monthly,  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  this  Holy  League,  as  it  was  denominated,  and  as 
much  more  as  should  prove  necessary.  The  sums  advanced 
were  to  be  repaid  by  the  Cardinal  on  his  succeeding  to  the 
throne.  All  the  great  ofiicers  of  the  crown,  lords  and  gentle- 
men, cities,  chapters,  and  universities,  all  Catholics,  in  short, 
in  the  kingdom,  were  deemed  to  be  included  in  the  league.  If 
any  foreign  Catholic  prince  desired  to  enter  the  union,  he 
should  be  admitted  with  the  consent  of  both  parties.  Neither 
his  Catholic  majesty  nor  the  confederated  princes  should 
treat  with  the  most  Christian  King,  either  directly  or  in- 
directly. The  compact  was  to  remain  strictly  secret — one 
copy  of  it  being  sent  to  Philip,  Avhile  the  other  was  to  be 
retained  by  Cardinal  Bourbon  and  his  fellow  leaguers.* 

And  now — in  accordance  with  this  program — Philip  pro- 
ceeded stealthily  and  industriously  to  further  the  schemes  of 
Mucio,  to  the  exclusion  of  more  urgent  business.  Noiseless 
and  secret  himself,  and  delighting  in  nothing  so  much  as  to 
glide,  as  it  were,  throughout  Europe,  wrapped  in  the  mantle 
of  invisibility,  he  was  perpetually  provoked  by  the  noise,  the 
bombast,  and  the  bustle,  which  his  less  prudent  confederates 
permitted  themselves.  While  Philip  for  a  long  time  hesitated 
to  confide  the  secret  of  the  League  to  Parma,  whom  it  most 
imported  to  understand  these  schemes  of  his  master,  the  con- 
federates were  openly  boasting  of  the  assistance  which  they 
were  to  derive  from  Parma's  cooperation.  Even  when  the 
Prince  had  at  last  been  informed  as  to  the  state  of  affairs,  he 
stoutly  denied  the  facts  of  which  the  leaguers  made  their 
vaunt  ;  thus  giving  to  Mucio  and  his  friends  a  lesson  in  dis- 
simulation.* 

*  Perefixe;  De  Thon,  ubi sup. ;    Me-  ^  'Malpierre  a  Henry  III.,'   27  Av. 

teren,  xii.  221,  seq.  Le  Petit,  xlv.  1585.  'BrienneMS.'  "  Et  luy  (Prince 
508,  seq.  de   Parme)  douno  a  entendre   que   lea 


1585.        PARMA  DENIES  PrilLIP'S  SHARE   IN  THE  LEAGUE.         115 

"  Things  have  now  arrived  at  a  f)oint/'  wrote  Philip  to  Tassis, 
15th  Marchj  1585,  "  that  this  matter  of  the  League  cannot 
and  ought  not  to  be  concealed  from  those  who  have  a  right 
to  know  it.  Therefore  you  must  speak  clearly  to  the  Prince 
of  Parma,  informingdiim  of  the  whole  scheme,  and  enjoining 
the  utmost  secrecy.  You  must  concert  with  him  as  to  the 
best  means  of  rendering  aid  to  this  cause,  after  having  apprised 
him  of  the  points  which  regarded  him,  and  also  that  of  the 
security  of  Cardinal  de  Bourbon,  in  case  of  necessity."  ^ 

The  Prince  was  anything  but  pleased,  in  the  midst  of  his 
anxiety  and  his  almost  superhuman  labour  in  the  Antwerp 
siege,  to  be  distracted,  impoverished,  and  weakened,  in  order 
to  carry  out  these  schemes  against  France  ;  but  he  kept  the 
secret  manfully. 

To  Malpierre,  the  French  envoy  in  Brussels — for  there  was 
the  closest  diplomatic  communication  between  Henry  III.  and 
Philip,  while  each  was  tampering  with  the  rebellious  subjects 
of  the  other — to  Malpierre  Parma  flatly  contradicted  all  com- 
plicity on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  King  or  himself  with  the 
Holy  League,  of  which  he  knew  Philip  to  be  the  originator  and 
the  chief. 

"  If  1  complain  to  the  Prince  of  Parma,"  said  the  envoy, 
"  of  the  companies  going  from  Flanders  to  assist  the  League, 
he  will  make  me  no  other  reply  than  that  which  the  President 
has  done — that  there  is  nothing  at  all  in  it — until  they  are 
fairly  arrived  in  France.  The  President  (Kichardot)  said  that 
if  the  Catholic  King  belonged  to  the  League,  as  they  insinuate, 
his  Majesty  would  declare  the  fact  openly."  '■' 

And  a  few  days  later,  the  Prince  himself  averred,  as 
Malpierre  had  anticipated,  that  "as  to  any  intention  on  the 
part  of  himself  or  his  Catholic  Majesty,  to  send  succour  to 
the  League,  according  to  the  boast  of  these  gentlemen,  he  had 
never  thought  of  such  a  thing,  nor  had  received  any  order  on 


seigneurs  de  la  dicto  ligue  se  faisoient 
fortz  d'avoir  secours  de  def;a — a  quoi 
il  ni'a  respoadu  quo  jamais  le  d'  Seign. 
Roy  Catholique  ne  lo  feroit,  et  s'ils 
en  faisoient  oourir  le  bruit,  ce  estoit 
^lour     iloniier     plus    d'appuy    a    Icurs 


affaires,"  &c. 

'  'Pbilip  IT.  to  J.  B.  Tassis,'  15 
March,  1585.  'Archive  do  Simaueas.' 
MS. 

-  '  Malpierre  a  De  Orosne.'  2"  Av 
1585,      'Brioiuio  MS.' 


116  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IV. 

the  subject  from  his  master.  If  the  King  intended  to  do  any- 
thing of  the  kind,  he  would  do  it  openly.  He  protested  that 
he  had  never  seen  anything,  or  known  anything  of  the  League.'" 

Here  was  a  man  who  knew  how  to  keep  a  secret,  and  who 
had  no  scruples  in  tlie  matter  of  dissimulation,  however 
enraged  he  might  be  at  seeing  men  and  money  diverted  from 
his  own  masterly  combinations  in  order  to  carry  out  these 
schemes  of  his  master. 

Mucio,  on  the  contrary,  was  imprudent  and  inchned  to 
boast.  His  contempt  for  Henry  III.  made  him  blind  to  tliQ 
dangers  to  be  apprehended  from  Henry  of  Navarre.  He  did 
little,  but  talked  a  great  deal. 

Philip  was  veiy  anxious  that  the  work  should  be  done  both 
secretly  and  thoroughly.  "  Let  the  business  be  finished  before 
Saint  John's  day,"  said  he  to  Tassis,  when  sending  fifty  thou- 
sand dollars  for  the  use  of  the  brothers  Guise.  "  Tell  Iniquez 
to  warn  them  not  to  be  sluggish.  Let  them  not  begin  in  a 
lukewarm  manner,  but  promise  them  plenty  of  assistance 
from  me,  if  they  conduct  themselves  properly.  Let  them 
beware  of  wavering,  or  of  falling  into  plans  of  conciliation. 
If  they  do  their  duty,  I  will  do  mine."^ 

But  the  Guise  faction  moved  slowly  despite  of  Philip's 
secret  promptings.  The  truth  is,  that  the  means  proposed  by 
the  Spanish  monarch  were  ludicrously  inadequate  to  his  plans, 
and  it  was  idle  to  suppose  that  the  world  was  to  be  turned 
upside  down  for  his  benefit,  at  the  very  low  price  which  he 
was  prepared  to  pay. 

Nothing  less  than  to  exterminate  all  the  heretics  in  Chris- 
tendom, to  place  himself  on  the  thrones  of  France  and  of 
England,  and  to  extinguish  the  last  spark  of  rebellion  in  the 
Netherlands,  was  his  secret  thought,  and  yet  it  was  very  diffi- 
cult to  get  fifty  thousand  dollars  from  him  from  month  to 
month.  Procrastinating  and  indolent  himself,  he  was  for  ever 
rebuking  the  torpid  movements  of  the  Guises. 

"  Let  Mucio  set  his  game  well  at  the  outset,"  said  he  ;   "  let 

'  '  Malpierre  h  Henry  ITI.,'  28  Mai.  I  ^  <  philip  H.  to  Tassis.'  MS.  before 
1585.      '  Brienne  MS.'  cited. 


1584. 


PHlLli'  IN  REALITY   ITS   CHIEF. 


117 


him  lay  the  axe  to  the  root  of  the  tree,  for  to  be  wasting  time 
fruitlessly  is  sharpening  the  knife  for  himself"  ' 

This  was  almost  prophetic.  When  after  so  much  talking 
and  tampering,  there  began  to  be  recrimination  among  the 
leaguers,  Philip  was  very  angry  with  his  subordinate. 

"  Here  is  Mucio,"  said  he,  "  trying  to  throw  the  blame  of  all 
the  difficulties,  which  have  arisen,  upon  us.  Not  hastening, 
hot  keeping  his  secret,  letting  the  execution  of  the  enterprise 
grow  cold,  and  lending  an  ear  to  suggestions  about  peace, 
without  being  sure  of  its  conclusion,  he  has  turned  his  fol- 
lowers into  cowards,  discredited  his  cause,  and  given  the  King 
of  France  opportunity  to  strengthen  his  force  and  improve 
his  party.  These  are  all  very  palpable  things.  I  am  willing 
to  continue  my  friendship  for  them,  but  not,  if,  while  they 
accept  it,  they  permit  themselves  to  complain,  instead  of 
manifesting  gratitude."  "^ 

On  the  whole,  however,  the  affairs  of  the  League  seemed 
prosperous.  There  was  doubtless  too  much  display  among  the 
confederates,  but  there  was  a  growing  uneasiness  among  the 
royalists.  Cardinal  Bourbon,  discarding  his  ecclesiastical 
robes  and  scarlet  stockings,  paraded  himself  daily  in  public, 
clothed  in  military  costume,  with  all  the  airs  of  royalty. 
Many  persons  thought  him  mad.  On  the  other  hand,  Eperg- 
non,  the  haughty  minion-in-chief,  who  governed  Henry  III. 
and  insulted  all  the  world,  was  becoming  almost  polite. 

"  The  progress  of  the  League,"  said  Busbecq,  "  is  teaching 
the  Due  d'  Epergnon  manners,  'Tis  a  youth  of  such  inso- 
lence, that  without  uncovering  he  would  talk  with  men  of 


'  "  Lo  que  sobro  todo  convieno 
jvcordar  y  eucaxgar  a  Mucio  es  quo 
})rocure  poner  bieu  su  juegu  a  los  prin- 
cipios,  cou  acudir  a  la  raiz  porque  lo 
contrario  y  dejarso  consuniir  del  tieni- 
l)o  debalde,  podra  ser  su  cuchillo." 
(Ibid.) 

"^  "  Mucio  no3  quiero  hazer  aca  cargo 
de  todas  las  dificultades  en  que  alia 
se  ban  metido,  al  principio  par  apre- 
surarse  y  no  guardar  bien  su  segreto, 
y  despues  per  haver  se  resfriado  la 
execucion  de  la  empresa,  y  dado  oydos 


a  la  paz,  que  tras  no  los  poder  ser  se- 
gura  la  conclusion  della,  solo  el  trato 
ha  acobardado  los  animos  de  los  quo 
lo  siguieran,  desacreditando  su  causa 
y  dando  lugar  a  que  el  Rey  de  Fran- 
cia  pudiesse  recoger  sus  fuerzas  y  me- 
jorar  su  partido,  que  son  todas  tan 
palpables — mas  no  les  acceptando  quo 
ostan  quexosos  en  lugar  do  obligados." 
Philip  II.  to  Mondoza,  5)  July,  1585. 
'Archivo  de  Simancas  MS.'  In  the 
'Archives  de  I'Empire  at  Paris,'  A.  5G. 
30, 


113  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Ciiap.  IV. 

royal  descent,  while  they  were  bareheaded.  'Tis  a  common 
jest  now  that  he  has  found  out  where  his  hat  is."  ' 

Thus,  for  a  long  time,  a  network  of  secret  political  combina- 
tions had  been  stretching  itself  over  Christendom.  There  were 
great  movements  of  troops  throughout  Grermany,  Switzer- 
land, the  Netherlands,  slowly  concentrating  themselves  upon 
France  ;  yet,  on  the  whole,  the  great  mass  of  the  populations, 
the  men  and  women  who  were  to  pay,  to  fight,  to  starve,  to 
be  trampled  upon,  to  be  outraged,  to  be  plundered,  to  be 
burned  out  of  houses  and  home,  to  bleed,  and  to  die,  were 
merely  ignorant,  gaping  spectators.  That  there  was  some- 
thing very  grave  in  prospect  was  obvious,  but  exactly  what 
was  impending  they  knew  no  more  than  the  generation 
yet  unborn.  Very  noiselessly  had  the  patient  manager  who 
sat  in  the  Escorial  been  making  preparations  for  that  Euro- 
pean tragedy  in  which  most  of  the  actors  had  such  fatal  parts 
assigned  them,  and  of  which  few  of  the  spectators  of  its 
opening  scenes  were  doomed  to  witness  the  conclusion.  A 
shifting  and  glancing  of  lights,  a  vision  of  vanishing  feet,  a 
trampling  and  bustling  of  unseen  crowds,  movements  of  con- 
cealed machinery,  a  few  incoherent  words,  much  noise  and 
confusion  vague  and  incomprehensible,  till  at  last  the  tink- 
hng  of  a  small  bell,  and  a  glimpse  of  the  modest  manager 
stealing  away  as  the  curtain  was  rising — such  was  the  spec- 
tacle presented  at  Midsummer  1585. 

And  in  truth  the  opening  picture  was  eifective.  Sixteen 
black-robed,  long-bearded  Netherland  envoys  stalking  away, 
discomfited  and  indignant  upon  one  side  ;  Catharine  de'  Me- 
dici on  the  other,  regarding  them  with  a  sneer,  painfully  con- 
torted into  a  pathetic  smile ;  Henry  the  King,  robed  in  a  sack 
of  penitence,  trembling  and  hesitating,  leaning  on  the  arm  of 
Epergnon,  but  quailing  even  under  the  protection  of  that 
mighty  swordsman  ;  Mucio,  careering,  truncheon  in  hand,  in 
fall  panoply,  upon  his  war-horse,  waving  forward  a  mingled 
mass  of  G-erman  lanzknechts,  Swiss  musketeers,  and  Lorraine 
pikemen  ;    the  redoubtable   Don   Bernardino  de  Mendoza,  in 

'Busbecqul     'Epist.  ad  Rud.'  25  April,  1585,  p.  154. 


1585.  MANIFESTO   OF    THE    LEAGUE.  119 

front,  frowning  and  ferocious,  with  his  drawn  sword  in  his 
hand  ;  EUzabeth  of  EngUind,  in  the  back  ground,  with  the 
white-bearded  Burghley  and  the  monastic  Walsingliam,  all 
surveying  the  scene  with  eyes  of  deepest  meaning  ;  and, 
somewhat  aside,  but  in  full  view,  silent,  calm,  and  imper- 
turbably  good-humoured,  the  bold  Bearnese,  standing  with  a 
mischievous  but  prophetic  smile  glittering  through  his  blue 
eyes  and  curly  beard — thus  grouped  were  the  personages  of 
the  drama  in  the  introductory  scenes. 

The  course  of  public  events  which  succeeded  the  departure 
of  the  Netherland  deputies  is  sufficiently  well  known.  The 
secret  negotiations  and  intrigues,  however,  by  which  those 
external  facts  were  preceded  or  accompanied  rest  mainly  in 
dusty  archives,  and  it  was  therefore  necessary  to  dwell  some- 
what at  length  upon  them  in  the  preceding  pages. 

The  treaty  of  Joinville  was  signed  on  the  last  day  of  the 
year  1584. 

We  have  seen  the  real  nature  of  the  interview  of  Ambas- 
sador Mendoza  with  Henry  III.  and  his  mother,  which  took 
place  early  in  January,  1585.  Immediately  after  that  confe- 
rence, Don  Bernardino  betook  himself  to  the  Duke  of  Guise, 
and  lost  no  time  in  stimulating  his  confederate  to  prompt 
but  secret  action. 

The  Netherland  envoys  had  their  last  audience  on  the 
18th  March,  and  their  departure  and  disappointment  was  the 
signal  for  the  general  exhibition  and  explosion.  The  great 
civil  war  began,  and  the  man  who  refused  to  annex  the  Ne- 
therlands to  the  French  kingdom  soon  ceased  to  be  regarded 
as  a  king. 

On  the  31st  March,  the  heir  presumptive,  just  manufac- 
tured by  the  Guises,  sent  forth  his  manifesto.  Cardinal 
Bourbon,  by  this  document,  declared  that  for  twenty-four 
years  past  no  proper  measures  had  been  taken  to  extirpate 
the  heresy  by  which  France  was  infested.  There  was  no 
natural  heir  to  the  King.  Those  who  claimed  to  succeed  at 
his  death  had  deprived  themselves,  by  heresy,  of  their  rights. 
Should  they  gain  their  ends,   the  ancient  religion   would  be 


120  '^ItE    UNITED    NETUKIILANDS.  Chap.  IV 

jibolished  throughout  the  kirigdoni,  us  it  had  been  in  England, 
and  Catholics  be  subjected  to  the  same  frightful  tortures 
which  they  were  experiencing  there.  New  men,  admitted  to 
the  confidence  of  the  crown,  clothed  with  the  highest  honours, 
and  laden  with  enormous  emoluments,  had  excluded  the 
ancient  and  honoured  functionaries  of  the  state,  who  had 
been  obliged  to  sell  out  their  offices  to  these  upstart  succes- 
sors. These  new  favourites  had  seized  the  finances  of  the 
kingdom,  all  of  which  were  now  collected  into  the  private 
coffers  of  the  King,  and  shared  by  him  with  his  courtiers. 
The  jjeople  were  groaning  under  new  taxes  invented  every 
day,  yet  they  knew  nothing  of  the  distribution  of  the  public 
treasure,  while  the  King  himself  was  so  impoverished  as 
to  be  unable  to  discharge  his  daily  debts.  Meantime  these 
new  advisers  of  the  crown  had  renewed  to  the  Protestants  of 
the  kingdom  the  religious  privileges  of  which  they  had  so 
justly  been  deprived,  yet  the  religious  peace  Avhich  had  fol- 
lowed had  not  brought  with  it  the  promised  diminution  of  the 
popular  burthens.  Never  had  the  nation  been  so  heavily 
taxed  or  reduced  to  such  profound  misery.  For  these  reasons, 
he.  Cardinal  Bourbon,  with  other  princes  of  the  blood,  peers, 
gentlemen,  cities,  and  universities,  had  solemnly  bound  them- 
selves by  oath  to  extirpate  heresy  down  to  the  last  root,  and 
to  save  the  people  from  the  dreadful  load  under  which  they 
were  languishing.  It  was  for  this  that  they  had  taken  up  arms, 
and  till  that  purpose  was  accoraj)lished  they  would  never  lay 
them  down. 

The  paper  concluded  with  the  hope  that  his  Majesty  would 
not  take  these  warlike  demonstrations  amiss  ;  and  a  copy  of  the 
document  was  placed  in  the  royal  hands.' 

It  was  very  obvious  to  the  most  superficial  observer,  that 
the  manifesto  was  directed  almost  as  much  against  the  reign- 
ing sovereign  as  against  Henry  of  Navarre.  The  adherents 
of  the  Guise  faction,  and  especially  certain  theologians  in 
their  employ,  had  taken  very  bold  grounds  upon  the  relations 
between  king  and   subjects,  and  had   made  the  public  very 

*  De  Thou,  ix,  284,  seq, 


1585.  ATTITUDE  OF  HENRY  III.  AND  OF  NAVARRE.  121 

familiar  with  tlieir  doctrines.  It  was  a  duty,  tliey  said,  "  to 
depose  a  prince  who  did  not  discharge  his  duty.  Authority 
ill  regulated  was  robbery,  and  it  was  as  absurd  to  call  him  a 
king  who  knew  not  how  to  govern,  as  it  was  to  take  a  blind 
man  for  a  guide,  or  to  believe  that  a  statue  could  influence 
the  movements  of  living  men." ' 

Yet  to  the  faction,  inspired  by  such  rebellious  sentiments, 
and  which  was  thundering  in  his  face  such  tremendous  denun- 
ciations, the  unhappy  Henry  could  not  find  a  single  royal  or 
manly  word  of  reply.  He  threw  himself  on  his  knees,  when, 
if  ever,  he  should  have  assumed  an  attitude  of  command.  He 
answered  the  insolence  of  the  men,  who  were  parading  their 
contempt  for  his  authority,  by  humble  excuses  and  supplica- 
tions for  pardon.  He  threw  his  crown  in  the  dust  before  their 
feet,  as  if  such  humility  would  induce  them  to  place  it  again 
upon  his  head.  He  abandoned  the  minions  who  had  been  his 
pride,  his  joy,  and  his  defence,  and  deprecated,  with  an  abject 
Avhimper,  all  responsibility  for  the  unmeasured  ambition  and 
the  insatiable  rapacity  of  a  few  private  individuals.  He  con- 
jured the  party-leaders,  who  had  hurled  defiance  in  his  face, 
to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  promised  that  they  should  find  in 
his  wisdom  and  bounty  more  than  all  the  advantages  which 
they  were  seeking  to  obtain  by  war.- 

Henry  of  Navarre  answered  in  a  different  strain.  The 
gauntlet  had  at  last  been  thrown  down  to  him,  and  he  came 
forward  to  take  it  up  ;  not  insolently  nor  carelessly,  but  with 
the  cold  courtesy  of  a  Christian  knight  and  valiant  gentleman. 
He  denied  the  charge  of  heresy.  He  avowed  detestation  of 
all  doctrines  contrary  to  the  Word  of  God,  to  the  decrees  of 
the  Fathers  of  the  Church,  or  condemned  by  the  Councils. 
The  errors  and  abuses  which  had  from  time  to  time  crept  into 
the  church,  had  long  demanded,  in  the  opinion  of  all  pious 
jiersons,  some  measures  of  reform.  After  many  bloody  wars, 
no  better  remedy  had  been  discovered  to  arrest  the  cause  of 
these  dire  religious  troubles,  whether  in  France  or  Germany, 
than  to  permit  all  men  to  obey  the  dictates  of  their  own  con- 

'  Perefixe,  58,  '  De  Tiiou,  ix.  288. 


122  TIIK    UiNTTKD   NETIIKRLANDS.  Chap.  IT. 

science.  The  Protestants  had  thus  obtamed  in  France  many 
edicts  by  which  the  peace  of  the  kingdom  had  been  secuiTjd. 
He  could  not  himself  be  denounced  as  a  heretic,  for  he  had 
always  held  himself  ready  to  receive  instruction,  and  to  be 
set  right  where  he  had  erred.  To  call  him  "relapsed"  was 
an  outrage.  Were  it  true,  he  were  indeed  unworthy  of  the 
crown,  but  the  world  knew  that  his  change  at  the  Massacre  of 
St.  Bartholomew  had  been  made  under  duresse,  and  that  he 
had  returned  to  the  reformed  faith  wlien  he  had  recovered  his 
liberty.  Religious  toleration  had  been  the  object  of  his  lifa 
In  what  the  tyranny  of  the  popes  and  the  violence  of  the 
Spaniards  had  left  him  of  his  kingdom  of  Navarre,  Catholics 
and  Protestants  enjoyed  a  perfect  religious  liberty.  No  man 
had  the  right,  therefore,  to  denounce  him  as  an  enemy  of  the 
church,  or  a  disturber  of  the  public  repose,  for  he  had  ever 
been  willing  to  accept  all  propositions  of  peace  which  left  the 
rights  of  conscience  protected. 

He  was  a  Frenchman,  a  prince  of  France,  a  living  member 
of  the  kingdom,  feeling  with  its  pains,  and  bleeding  with  its 
wounds.  They  who  denounced  him  were  alien  to  France, 
factitious  i^ortions  of  her  body,  feeling  no  suffering,  even 
should  she  be  consuming  with  living  fire.  The  Leaguers  were 
the  friends  and  the  servants  of  the  Spaniards,  while  he  had 
been  born  the  enemy,  and  with  too  good  reason,  of  the  whole 
Spanish  race. 

"Let  the  name  of  Papist  and  of  Huguenot,"  he  said,  "be 
heard  no  more  among  us.  Those  terms  were  buried  in  the 
edict  of  peace.  Let  us  speak  only  of  Frenchmen  and  of 
Spaniards.  It  is  the  counter-league  which  we  must  all  unite 
to  form,  the  natural  union  of  the  head  with  all  its  members."  | 

Finally,  to  save  the  shedding  of  so  much  innocent  blood, 
to  spare  all  the  countless  miseries  of  civil  war,  he  imijlored 
the  royal  joermission  to  terminate  this  quarrel  in  person,  by 
single  combat  with  the  Duke  of  Guise,  one  to  one,  two  to 
two,  or  in  as  large  a  number  as  might  be  desired,  and  upon 
any  spot  within  or  without  the  kingdom  that  should  be 
assigned.     "  The   Duke   of  Guise,"  said   Henry  of  Navarre, 


1585. 


THE  LEAGUE  DEMANDS  A  llOYAL  DECREE. 


123 


"  cannot  but  accept  my  challenge  as  an  honour,  coming  as  it 
does  from  a  jirince  infinitely  his  superior  in  rank  ;  and  thus, 
may  God  defend  the  right." 

This  paj^er,  drawn  up  by  the  illustrious  Duplessis-Mornay, 
who  was  to  have  been  the  second  of  the  King  of  Navarre  in 
the  proposed  duel,  was  signed  10  June  1585.^ 

The  unfortunate  Henry  III.,  not  so  dull  as  to  doubt  that 
the  true  object  of  the  Guise  party  was  to  reduce  him  to  insig- 
nificance, and  to  oj^en  their  own  way  to  the  throne,  was  too 
impotent  of  purpose  to  follow  the  dictates  which  his  wisest 
counsellors  urged  and  his  own  reason  apj)roved.  His  choice 
had  lain  between  open  hostility  with  his  Spanish  enemy  and 
a  more  terrible  combat  with  that  implacable  foe  wearing  the 
mask  of  friendship.  He  had  refused  to  annex  to  his  crown 
the  rich  and  powerful  Netherlands,  from  dread  of  a  foreign 
war  ;  and  he  was  now  about  to  accept  for  himself  and  kingdom 
all  the  horrors  of  a  civil  contest,  in  which  his  avowed  an- 
tagonist was  the  first  captain  of  the  age,  and  his  nominal 
allies  the  stipendiaries  of  Philij)  II. 

Villeroy,  his  jirime  minister,  and  Catharine  de'  Medici,  his 
mother,  had  both  devoted  him  to  disgrace  and  ruin.  The 
deputies  from  the  Netherlands  had  been  dismissed,  and  now, 
notwithstanding  the  festivities  and  exuberant  demonstrations 
of  friendship  with  which  the  Earl  of  Derby's  splendid  embassy 
had  been  greeted,  it  became  necessary  to  bind  Henry  hand 
and  foot  to  the  conspirators,  who  had  sworn  the  destruction 
of  that  Queen,  as  well  as  his  own,  and  the  extirpation  of 
heresy  and  heretics  in  every  realm  of  Christendom. 

On  the  9th  June  tlie  league  demanded  a  royal  decree,  for- 
bidding the  practice  of  all  religion  but  the  Koman  Catholic, 
on  pain  of  death.  In  vain  had  the  clear-sighted  Bishop  of 
Acqs  uttered  his  eloquent  warnings.  Despite  such  timely 
counsels,  which  he  was  capable  at  once  of  ajipreciating  and  of 
neglecting,  Henry  followed  slavishly  the  advice  of  those  whom 


'  Declaration  du  Roy  de  Navarre 
contre  les  calomnies  de  la  Ligue.  In 
Duplessis-Mornay,    '  Memoires   ct  Cor- 


respoudance,'  ed.    1824,  vol.  iii.  94  seq. 
De  Thou,  ix.  320,  seq. 


124 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


ClIAP.  IV. 


he  knew  in  his  heart  to  be  his  foes,  and  authorised  the  great 
conspiracy  against  Elizabeth,  against  Protestantism,  and 
against   himself. 

On  the  5th  June  Villeroy  had  expressed  a  wish  for  a  very 
secret  interview  with  Mendoza,  on  the  subject  of  the  invasion 
of  England. 

"It  needed  not  this  overture,"  said  that  magniloquent 
Spaniard,  "  to  engender  in  a  person  of  my  talents,  and  with 
the  heart  of  a  Mendoza,  venom  enough  for  vengeance.  I 
could  not  more  desire  than  I  did  already  to  assist  in  so  holy 
a  work  ;  nor  could  I  aspire  to  greater  honour  than  would  be 
gained  in  uniting  those  crowns  (of  France  and  Spain)  in 
strict  friendship,  for  the  purpose  of  extirpating  heresy  through- 
out Europe,  and  of  chastising  the  Queen  of  England — whose 
abominations  I  am  never  likely  to  forget,  having  had  them  so 
long  before  my  eyes — and  of  satisfying  my  just  resentment 
for  the  injuries  she  has  inflicted  on  myself.  It  was  on  this 
subject,"  continued  the  ambassador,  "  that  Monsieur  de  Vil- 
leroy wished  a  secret  interview  with  me,  pledging  himself — 
if  your  Majesty  would  deign  to  unite  yourself  with  this  King, 
and  to  aid  him  with  your  forces — to  a  successful  result."  ' 

Mendoza  accordingly  expressed  a  willingness  to  meet  the 
ingenuous  Secretary  of  State — who  had  so  recently  been 
assisting  at  the  banquets  and  rejoicings  with  Lord  Derby 
and  his  companions,  which  had  so  much  enlivened  the  French 
capital — and  assured  him  that  his  most  Catholic  Majesty 
would  be  only  too  glad  to  draw  closer  the  bonds  of  friendship 


'  "  La  abertura  que  estos  reyes  me 
havian  hecho  ....  no  havia  de  en- 
gendrar  en  una  persona  de  mis  prendas 
y  coragon  de  un  Mendoza  veneno  para 
procurar  vengangas,  y  no  antes  desseo 
de  ayudar  obra  tan  santa,  pues  que 
rae  podria  redundar  mayor  bonra  que 
de  otra  ninguna,  siendo  instrumecto 
para  unir  estas  coronas  con  fimie 
amistad,  debaxo  de  lo  qual  pudiesse 
extirpar  las  heregias  de  Europa,  dando 
privilegio  a  esto,  con  castigar  a  la 
reyna  de  Ingaltierra,  cuyas  abomina- 
ciones  creya  que  yo  no  tendria  olvida- 


das,  como  persona  que  las  havia  tenido 
tantos  alios  adelante  los  ojos,  y  causa 
de  justo  resentimicnto  por  lo  que  havia 
hecho  a  la  propria  mia.  Sobre  esta 
materia  dessara  el  Senor  Villeroy  vene 
secretamentc  conmigo,  y  entender  suyo, 
me  asegurara,  si  V.  M*^.  holgaria  de 
ayudar  con  sus  fuer^as  y  juntarse  con 
este  rey,  para  el  efeto."  Don  Bern'""" 
de  Mendoza  a  Su  Ca'"^"  R  .Mag^.  (de 
gifrada),  Paris,  7  June,  1585.  Arch, 
de  Siniancas,  in  the  'Archives  de  I'Em* 
pire'  at  Paris,  B.  56.  220.  223,  MS. 


1585. 


DESIGNS  OF  FRANCE  AND  SPAIN. 


125 


with  the  most  Christian  King^  for  the  service  of  God  and  the 
glory  of  his  Church. 

The  next  day  the  envoy  and  the  Secretary  of  State  met, 
very  secretly,  in  the  house  of  the  Signer  Gondi.  Villeroy 
commenced  his  harangue  by  an  allusion  to  the  current 
opinion,  that  Mendoza  had  arrived  in  France  with  a  torch  in 
his  hand,  to  light  the  fires  of  civil  war  in  that  kingdom,  as 
he  had  recently  done  in  England.' 

"  I  do  not  believe,"  replied  Mendoza,  "  that  discreet  and 
prudent  persons  in  France  attribute  my  actions  to  any  such 
motives.  As  for  the  ignorant  people  of  the  kingdom,  they  do 
not  appal  me,  although  they  evidently  imagine  that  I  have 
imbibed,  during  my  residence  in  England,  something  of  the 
spirit  of  the  enchanter  Merlin,  that,  by  signs  and  cabalistic 
words  alone,  I  am  thought  capable  of  producing  such  com- 
motions."* 

After  this  preliminary  flourish  the  envoy  proceeded  to  com- 
plain bitterly  of  the  most  Christian  King  and  his  mother,  who, 
after  the  propositions  which  they  had  made  him,  when  on  his 
way  to  Spain,  had,  since  his  return,  become  so  very  cold  and 
dry  towards  him.'  And  on  this  theme  he  enlarged  for  some 
time. 

Villeroy  replied,  by  complaining,  in  his  turn,  about  the 
dealings  of  the  most  Catholic  King,  with  the  leaguers  and 
the  rebels  of  France  ;  and  Mendoza  rejoined  by  an  intimation 
that  harping  upon  past  grievances  and  suspicions  was  hardly 
the  way  to  bring  about  harmony  in  present  matters. 

Struck  with  the  justice  of  this  remark,  the  French  Secretary 
of  State  entered  at  once  upon  business.  He  made  a  very 
long  speech*  upon  the  tyranny  which  "  that  Englishwoman" 


'  "  Con  el  acha  en  la  mano  para 
emprender  fiaego  de  guerra  civil,  corao 
havia  hecho  an  Ingaltierra."  MS.  just 
cited,  7  June,  1585. 

'  '  Y  que  los  ignorantes  de  francia 
no  me  espantarian,  imaginandose  ha- 
verse  me  pegado  del  tiempo  que 
estuve  en  Ingaltierra  algo  del  spiritu 
de    Merlin,  para   ha^er,    con  signos  y 


palabras,  semejantes  commociones." 
(Ibid.) 

'  "  Havellos  hallado  tan  frios  j  se- 
cos."     (Ibid.) 

*  "  Respondio  mo  que  era  bien  pro> 
poniendo  me  con  grande  arenga,  la 
tirannia  con  quo  procedia  contra  los 
catolicos  agora  de  nuevo  la  de  Ingal- 
tierra, oflfensas  que  havia  hecho  a  V. 


126 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS 


Chap.  IY. 


was  anew  inflicting  upon  tho  Catholics  in  her  kingdom,  upon 
the  offences  which  she  had  committed  against  the  King  of 
Spain,  and  against  the  King  of  France  and  his  brothers,  and 
upon  the  aliment  which  she  had  been  yielding  to  the  civil 
war  in  the  Netherlands  and  in  France  for  so  many  years.  He 
then  said  that  if  Mendoza  would  declare  with  sincerity,  and 
"  without  any  of  the  duplicity  of  a  minister  " — that  Philip 
would  league  himself  with  Henry  for  the  purpose  of  invading 
England,  in  order  to  reduce  the  three  kingdoms  to  the  Catholic 
faith,  and  to  place  their  crowns  on  the  head  of  the  Queen  of 
Scotland,  to  whom  they  of  right  belonged  ;  then  that  the 
King,  his  master,  was  most  ready  to  join  in  so  holy  an  enter- 
prise. He  begged  Mendoza  to  say  with  what  number  of 
troops  the  invasion  could  be  made  ;  whether  Philip  could 
send  any  from  Flanders  or  from  Spain  ;  how  many  it  would 
be  well  to  send  from  France,  and  under  Avhat  chieftain  ;  in 
what  manner  it  would  be  best  to  communicate  with  his  most 
Catholic  Majesty ;  whether  it  were  desirable  to  despatch  a 
secret  envoy  to  him,  and  of  what  quality  such  agent  ought  to 
be.  He  also  observed  that  the  most  Christian  King  could  not 
himself  speak  to  Mendoza  on  the  subject  before  having  com- 
municated the  matter  to  the  Queen-Mother,  but  expressed  a 
wish  that  a  special  carrier  might  be  forthwith  despatched  to 
Spain  ;  for  he  might  be  sure  that,  on  an  affair  of  such  weight, 
he  would  not  have  permitted  himself  to  reveal  the  secret 
wishes  of  his  master,  except  by  his  commands.' 

Mendoza  rei^lied,  by  enlarging  with  much  enthusiasm  on 
the  facility  with  which  England  could  be  conquered  by  the 
combined  power  of  France  and  Spain.  If  it  were  not  a  very 
difficult   matter  before — even  with  the  jealousy  between  the 


M'^.,  J  el  mismo  a  este  roy  j  hormanos, 
alimentaLdo  la  guerra  en  los  payses 
baxos,  y  en  francia,  por  lungos  anos, 
que  le  dixesse,  con  Uaneza  y  sin  doblez 
do  ministro,  si  V.  M''.  holgaria  de  juu- 
tarse  y  ligarse  con  este  rey,  para  hazer 
aquella  impresa,  reduziendo  los  tres 
reynos  a  la  fee  Cat''^  Rom"",  y  pouien- 
do  la  corona  a  la  de  la  reyna  ('o 
Escozia,   que  era  a  la  que  de  derecho 


le  tocava,  y  lo  que  el  rey  su  amo  solo 
pretendia,  que  quedasse  a  quel  reyno 
en  la  neutralidad,  que  liasta  aqui,  quo 
por  ser  empresa  tan  santa.  se  prometia 
que  V.  M"^.  no  refusaria  el  assistir  con 
sus  fuerzas  a  ella,  que  de  animo  de  su 
amo  me  aseguraA'a  de  eslar  aparejedis- 
simo  para  ello.'  (MS.  just  cited,  7 
Juno   1585.)  'Ibid. 


1585.  INTERVIEW  OF  MENDOZA  AND  VILLEROY.  127 

two  crowns — how  much  less  so,  now  that  they  could  join  their 
fleets  and  armies  ;  now  that  the  arming  by  the  one  prince 
would  not  inspire  the  other  with  suspicion  ;  now  that  they 
would  be  certain  of  finding  safe  harbour  in  each  other's 
kingdoms,  in  case  of  unfavourable  weather  and  head- winds, 
and  that  they  could  arrange  from  what  ports  to  sail,  in  what 
direction,  and  under  what  commanders.  He  disapproved, 
however,  of  sending  a  special  messenger  to  Spain,  on  the 
ground  of  wishing  to  keep  the  matter  entirely  secret,  but  in 
reality — as  he  informed  Philip — because  he  chose  to  keep  the 
management  in  his  own  hands  ;  because  he  could  always  let 
slip  Mucio  upon  them,  in  case  they  should  play  him  false  ; 
because  he  feared  that  the  leaking  out  of  the  secret  might 
discourage  the  Leaguers,  and  because  he  felt  that  the  bolder 
and  more  lively  were  the  Cardinal  of  Bourbon  and  his  con- 
federates, the  stronger  was  the  party  of  the  King,  his  master, 
and  the  more  intimidated  and  dispirited  would  be  the  mind 
and  the  forces  of  the  most  Christian  King.  "  And  this  is 
precisely  the  point,"  said  the  diplomatist,  "  at  which  a  minister 
of  your  Majesty  should  aim  at  this  season."  ' 

Thus  the  civil  war  in  France — an  indispensable  part  of 
Philip's  policy — was  to  be  maintained  at  all  hazards  ;  and 
although  the  ambassador  was  of  opinion  that  the  most 
Christian  King  was  sincere  in  his  proposition  to  invade  Eng- 
land, it  would  never  do  to  allow  any  interval  of  tranquillity 
to  the  Avretchcd  subjects  of  that  Christian  King. 

"I  cannot  doubt,"  said  Mendoza,  "that  the  making  of  this 
proposal  to  me  with  so  much  warmth  was  the  especial  per- 
suasion of  God,  who,  hearing  the  groans  of  the  CathoKcs  of 
England,  so  cruelly  afflicted,  wished  to  force  the  French  King 
and  his  minister  to  feel,  in  the  necessity  which  surrounds 
them,  that  the  oiFending  Him,  by  impeding  the  grandeur  of 
your  Majesty,  would  be  their  total  ruin,  and  that  their  only 
salvation  is  to  unite  in  sincerity  and  truth  with  your  Majesty 
for  the  destruction  of  the  heretics."  ^ 

'  "  Que    cs,  en  lo  que  en  csta  pazon     I    ta  la   mira."     (MS.  just  cited,  7  June^ 
cl ministro  dc  V.  M<i.  hade  traer  puts-    |    1585.)  *  Ihid. 


128 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


OllAT.   IV. 


Therefore,  although — judging  from  the  nature  of  the  French 
— he  might  imagine  that  they  were  attempting  to  put  him  to 
sleep,  Mendoza,  on  the  whole,  expressed  a  conviction  that 
the  King  was  in  earnest,  having  arrived  at  the  conclusion 
that  he  could  only  get  rid  of  the  Guise  faction  by  sending 
them  over  to  England.  '^  Seeing  that  he  cannot  possibly 
eradicate  the  war  from  his  kingdom,"  said  the  envoy,  "be- 
cause of  the  boldness  with  which  the  Leaguers  maintain  it, 
with  the  strong  assistance  of  your  Majesty,  he  has  deter- 
mined to  embrace  with  much  fervour,  and  without  any  decep- 
tion at  all,  the  enterprise  against  England,  as  the  only  remedy 
to  quiet  his  own  dominions.  The  subjugation  of  those  three 
kingdoms,  in  order  to  restore  them  to  their  rightful  owner,  is 
a  purpose  so  holy,  just,  and  worthy  of  your  Majesty,  and  one 
which  you  have  had  so  constantly  in  view,  that  it  is  super- 
fluous for  me  to  enlarge  upon  the  subject.  Your  Majesty 
knows  that  its  effects  will  be  the  tranquillity  and  preserva- 
tion of  all  your  realms.  The  reasons  for  making  the  attempt, 
even  without  the  aid  of  France,  become  demonstrations  now 
that  she  is  unanimously  in  favour  of  the  scheme.  The  most 
Christian  King  is  resolutely  bent — so  far  as  I  can  comprehend 
the  intrigues  of  Villeroy — to  carry  out  this  project  on  the 
foundation  of  a  treaty  with  the  Guise  party.  It  will  not  take 
much  time,  therefore,  to  put  down  the  heretics  here  ;  nor  will 
it  consume  much  more  to  conquer  England  with  the  armies 
of  two  such  powerful  Princes.'  The  power  of  that  island  is  of 
little  moment,  there  being  no  disciplined  forces  to  oppose  us, 
even  if  they  were  all  unanimous  in  its  defence  ;  how  much 
less  then,  with  so  many  Catholics  to  assist  the  invaders,  see- 
ing them  so  powerful.  If  your  Majesty,  on  account  of  your 
Netherlands,  is  not  afraid  of  putting  arms  into  the  hands  of 
the  Guise  family  in  France,  there  need  be  less   objection  to 


'  "  Los  de  Guisa,  teniendo  las  armas 
en  la  mano,  combaten  a  los  hereges  de 
aqui,  que  no  puede  ser  mucho  tiempo, 
J  assi  mismo,  el  que  se  consumira  en 
reduzir  a  Ingaltierra  con  fuercas  de 
tan  poderosissimos  principes.  y  la  de 
la  isla  no  de  momento,  pare  podelloa 


contrastor  gente  no  exercitada,  si  bien 
estuviessea  todos  uuanimos  para  de- 
fendarse,  quanto  mas,  haviendo  tantas 
Caf^"^  que  han  de  acudir  a  los  estran- 
geros,  vieudo  los  tan  poderosos."  (MS. 
just  cited,  7  June,  1585.) 


1585.  COMPLATXTS  OF  ENGLISH  PP:RSECUTI0N.  129 

sending  one  of  that  liouse  into  England,  particularly  as  you 
will  send  forces  of  your  own  into  that  kingdom,  by  the  reduc- 
tion of  which  the  affairs  of  Flanders  will  be  secured.  "  To 
effect  the  pacification  of  the  Netherlands  the  sooner,  it  would 
be  desirable  to  conquer  England  as  early  as  October."' 

Having  thus  sufficiently  enlarged  upon  the  sincerity  of  the 
French  King  and  his  prime  minister,  in  their  dark  projects 
against  a  friendly  power,  and  upon  the  ease  with  which  that 
friendly  power  could  be  subjected,  the  ambassador  begged 
for  a  reply  from  his  royal  master  without  delay.  He  would 
be  careful,  meantime,  to  keep  the  civil  war  alive  in  France — 
thus  verifying  the  poetical  portrait  of  himself,  the  truth  of 
which  he  had  just  been  so  indignantly  and  rhetorically  deny- 
ing— but  it  was  desirable  that  the  French  should  believe  that 
this  civil  war  was  not  Philip's  sole  object.  He  concluded  by 
drawing  his  master's  attention  to  the  sufferings  of  the  English 
Catholics.  "  I  cannot  refrain,"  he  said,  "  from  placing  before 
your  eyes  the  terrible  persecutions  wdiich  the  Catholics  are 
suffering  in  England  ;  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  flowing  in  so 
many  kinds  of  torments  ;  the  groans  of  the  prisoners,  of  the 
widows  and  orphans  ;  the  general  oppression  and  servitude, 
which  is  the  greatest  ever  endured  by  a  people  of  God,  under 
any  tyrant  whatever.  Your  Majesty,  into  whose  hands  God 
is  now  pleased  to  place  the  means,  so  long  desired,  of  extir- 
pating and  totally  destroying  the  heresies  of  our  time,  can 
alone  liberate  them  from  their  bondage."^ 

The  picture  of  these  kings,  prime  ministers,  and  ambas- 
sadors, thus  plotting  treason,  stratagem,  and  massacre,  is  a 
dark  and  dreary  one.  The  description  of  English  sufferings 
for  conscience'  sake,  under  the  Protestant  Elizabeth,  is  even 


'  MS.  just  cited,  1  June,   1585. 

'  "  Ante  cuyos  ojos  no  puedo  dexar 
do  anteponer  en  esta  la  terible  perse- 
eueion  quo  passan  los  Caf'"  en  In- 
galt*,  con  niucha  sangre  de  martires 
derremada  con  di\ersos  generos  de 
tormentos,  los  gemidos  de  los  pri- 
sonieros,  de  los  viudas  y  liuerfanos,  y 
opression  general  y  servidumbre  que 
es   la  mayor  que  lia   parcscido  jamas 


pueblo  de  Dies,  debaxo  de  ningun 
tirano,  de  euya  mano  espera  solo  ser 
libertados  por  las  de  V.  M''.  a  quien 
Dios  es  servido  de  poner  en  las  pro- 
prias  la  ocasion  que  tantos  dias  lia 
procurado  para  la  extirpacion  y  total 
destruyciou  de  les  heregias  de  u" 
tieinpo,  el  sea  servido  de  remediallos.'' 
(Ibid.) 


130  THE    UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IV. 

more  painful ;  for  it  had  unfortunately  too  much  of  truth, 
although  as  wilfully  darkened  and  exaggerated  as  could  be 
done  by  religious  hatred  and  Spanish  bombast.  The  Queen 
was  surrounded  by  legions  of  deadly  enemies.  Spain,  the 
Pope,  the  League,  were  united  in  one  perpetual  conspiracy 
against  her ;  and  they  relied  on  the  cooperation  of  those 
subjects  of  hers  whom  her  own  cruelty  was  converting  into 
traitors. 

We  read  with  a  shudder  these  gloomy  secrets  of  conspiracy 
and  wholesale  murder,  which  make  up  the  diplomatic  history 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  we  cease  to  wonder  that  a 
woman,  feeling  herself  so  continually  the  mark  at  which  all 
the  tyrants  and  assassins  of  Europe  were  aiming — although 
not  possessing  perhaps  the  evidences  of  her  peril  so  completely 
as  they  have  been  revealed  to  us — should  come  to  consider 
every  English  Papist  as  a  traitor  and  an  assassin.  It  was 
unfortunate  that  she  was  not  able  to  rise  beyond  the  vile 
instincts  of  the  age,  and  by  a  magnanimous  and  sublime 
toleration,  to  convert  her  secret  enemies  into  loyal  subjects. 

And  now  Henry  of  Valois  was  to  choose  between  leagu 
and  counter-league,  between  Henry  of  Guise  and  Henry  oi 
Navarre,  between  France  and  Spain.  The  whole  chivalry  of 
Gascony  and  Guienne,  the  vast  swarm  of  industrious  and 
hardy  Huguenot  artisans,  the  Netherland  rebels,  the  great 
English  Queen,  stood  ready  to  support  the  cause  of  French 
nationality,  and  of  all  nationalities,  against  a  threatening 
world-empire,  of  religious  liberty  against  sacerdotal  abso- 
lutism, and  the  crown  of  a  King,  whose  only  merit  had 
bitherto  been  to  acquiesce  in  a  religious  toleration  dictated  to 
him  by  others,  against  those  who  derided  his  authority  and 
insulted  his  person.  The  bold  knight-errant  of  Christendom, 
the  champion  to  the  utterance  against  Spain,  stood  there  with 
lance  in  rest,  and  the  King  scarcely  hesitated. 

The  League,  gliding  so  long  unheeded,  now  reared  its  crest 
in  the  very  palace  of  France,  and  full  in  the  monarch's  face. 
With  a  single  shudder  the  victim  fell  into  its  coils. 

The  choice  was  made.     On  the   18th  of  Julv  the  edict  of 


1585.  EDICT  OF   NEMOURS.  131 

Nemours  was  published,  revoking  all  previous  edicts  by  which 
religious  peace  had  been  secured.  Death  and  confiscation  of 
property  were  now  proclaimed  as  the  penalty  of  jjractisiug 
any  religious  rites  save  those  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 
Six  months  were  allowed  to  the  Nonconformists  to  put  their 
affairs  in  order,  after  which  they  were  to  make  jDubUc  pro- 
fession of  the  Catholic  rehgion,  with  regular  attendance  upon 
its  ceremonies,  or  else  go  into  perpetual  exile.  To  remain  in 
France  without  abjuring  heresy  was  thenceforth  a  mortal 
crime,  to  be  expiated  upon  the  gallows.  As  a  matter  of 
course,  .all  Huguenots  were  instantaneously  incapacitated 
from  public  office,  the  mixed  chambers  of  justice  were  abol- 
ished, and  the  cautionary  towns  were  to  be  restored.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Guise  faction  were  to  receive  certain  cities 
into  their  possession,  as  joledges  that  this  sanguinary  edict 
should  be  fulfilled.* 

Thus  did  Henry  III.  abjectly  kiss  the  hand  which  smote 
him.  His  mother,  having  since  the  death  of  Anjou  no  further 
interest  in  affecting  to  favour  the  Huguenots,  had  i5th  July, 
arranged  the  basis  of  this  treaty  with  the  Spanish  i»85. 
party.  And  now  the  unfortunate  King  had  gone  solemnly 
down  to  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  to  be  present  at  the  regis- 
tration of  the  edict.  The  counsellors  and  presidents  were  all 
assembled,  and  as  they  sat  there  in  their  crimson  robes,  they 
seemed,  to  the  excited  imagination  of  those  who  loved  their 
country,  like  embodiments  of  the  impending  and  most  san- 
guinary tragedy.  As  the  monarch  left  the  parliament-house 
a  faint  cry  of  'God  save  the  King' was  heard  in  the  street. 
Henry  hung  his  head,  for  it  was  long  since  that  cry  had  met 
his  ears,  and  he  knew  that  it  was  a  false  and  languid  demon- 
stration which  had  been  paid  for  by  the  Leaguers. 

And  thus  was  the  compact  signed — an  unequal  compact. 
Madam  League  was  on  horseback,  armed  in  proof,  said  a  con- 
temporary ;  the  King  was  on  foot,  and  dressed  in  a  shirt  of 
penitence.^     The  aUiance  was  not  an  auspicious   one.     Not 

*  Do  Thou,  ix.  328,  seg.  «  '  L'Estoilc,'  186. 


132 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IV. 


peace,  but  a  firebrand— /acem,  non  pacem — had  the  King  held 
forth  to  his  subjects.' 

When  the  news  came  to  Henry  of  Navarre  that  the  King 
hud  really  promulgated  this  fatal  edict,  he  remained  for  a 
time,  with  amazement  and  sorrow,  leaning  heavily  upon  a 
table,  with  his  face  in  his  right  hand.  When  he  raised  his 
head  again — so  he  afterwards  asserted — one  side  of  his  mous- 
tachio  had  turned  white.* 

Meantime  Gregory  XIII.,  who  had  always  refused  to  sanC'. 
tion  the  League,  was  dead,  and  Cardinal  Peretti,  under  the 
24th  April,  name  of  Sixtus  V.,  now  reigned  in  his  place..  Born 
1585.  of  an  illustrious  house,  as  he  said — for  it  was  a  house 
without  a  rooP — this  monk  of  humble  origin  was  of  inordinate 
ambition.  Feigning  a  humility  which  was  but  the  cloak  to 
his  pride,  he  was  in  reality  as  grasping,  self-seeking,  and 
revengeful,  as  he  seemed  gentle  and  devout.  It  was  inevi- 
table that  a  pontiff  of  this  character  should  seize  the  oppor- 
tunity offered  him  to  mimic  Hildebrand,  and  to  brandish  on 
high  the  thunderbolts  of  the  Church. 

With  a  flaming  prelude  concerning  the  omnipotence  dele- 
gated by  Almighty  God  to  St.  Peter  and  his  successors — an 
authority  infinitely  superior  to  all  earthly  powers — the  decrees 
of  which  were  iiTcsistible  alike  by  the  highest  and  the  mean- 
est, and  which  hurled  misguided  princes  from  their  thrones 
into  the  abyss,  like  children  of  Beelzebub,  the  Pope  proceeded 
to  fulminate  his  sentence  of  excommunication  against  those 
children  of  wrath,  Henry  of  Navarre  and  Henry' of  Conde. 
They  were  denounced  as  heretics,  relapsed,  and  enemies  of 
28th  Aug.,  God.  The  King  was  declared  dispossessed  of  his 
1585.  principality  of  Bearne,  and  of  what  remained  to  him 
of  Navarre.  He  was  stripped  of  all  dignities,  privileges,  and 
property,  and  especially  proclaimed  incapable  of  ever  ascend- 
ing the  throne  of  France.* 

The  Bearnese  replied  by  a  clever  political  squib.     A  terse 


*  fiuisiadis  factum  dum  puto  diccre  paccm, 
Pacetn  non  fiossuin  dicere,  dico  facein." 
VEsioUe,  137. 
'  Mathieu,  anno  1585. 


190. 


De  Thou,  ix.  3(J8,  seq. 
Do    Thou,    ix.    369. 


'  L'Estoile^' 


1585. 


EXCOMMUNICATION  OF  NAVARRK— IIIS  RKPLY. 


133 


and  spirited  paper  found  its  way  to  Rome,  and  was  soon 
aflSxed  to  the  statutes  of  Pasquin  and  Marforio,  and  in  other 
public  places  of  that  city,  and  even  to  the  gates  of  the  papal 
palace.  Without  going  beyond  his  own  doors,  his  Holiness 
had  the  opportunity  of  reading,  to  his  profound  amazement, 
that  Mr.  Sixtus,  calling  himself  Pope,  had  foully  and  ma- 
liciously lied  in  calling  the  King  of  Navarre  a  heretic.  This 
Henry  offered  to  prove  before  any  free  council  legitimately 
chosen.  If  the  Pope  refused  to  submit  to  such  decision,  he 
was  himself  no  better  than  excommunicate  and  Antichrist, 
and  the  King  of  Navarre  thereby  declared  mortal  and  per- 
petual war  upon  him.  The  ancient  kings  of  France  had 
known  how  to  chastise  the  insolence  of  former  popes,  and  he 
hoped,  when  he  ascended  the  throne,  to  take  vengeance  on 
Mr.  Sixtus  for  the  insult  thus  offered  to  all  the  kings  of 
Christendom — and  so  on,  in  a  vein  which  showed  the  Bear- 
nese  to  be  a  man  rather  amused  than  blasted  by  these  papal 
fireworks.^ 

Sixtus  v.,  though  imperious,  was  far  from  being  dull.  He 
knew  how  to  appreciate  a  man  when  he  found  one,  and  he 
rather  admired  tlie  cheerful  attitude  maintained  by  Navarre, 
as  he  tossed  back  the  thunderbolts.  He  often  spoke  after- 
wards of  Henry  with  genuine  admiration,  and  declared  that 
in  all  the  world  he  knew  but  two  persons  fit  to  wear  a  crown — 
Henry  of  NavaiTe  and  Elizabeth  of  England.  "  'Twas  pity," 
he  said,  "that  both  should  be  heretics."^ 

And  thus  the  fires  of  civil  war  had  been  lighted  throughout 
Christendom,  and  the  monarch  of  France  had  thrown  himself 
head  foremost  into  the  flames. 


'  De  Thou,  ix.  316-318.  Perefixe, 
62,  63.  'L'Estoile,'  190.  The  last- 
named  writer  declares  himself  the 
author  of  this  famous  answer  to  the 
bull  of  Sixtus : 

"  Au  susdit  ecrit,  fait  par  I'auteur 
des  presens  memoires,   on  a  fait  faire 


du  palais  do  Paris  un  voyage  a  Rome, 
ou  Ton  I'a  mis,  signifle,  et  affiche,  et 
I'a  t  on  insere  aux  recueils  de  ce  tems, 
irapriraes  a  la  Rochelle,  tant  la  vanittj 
et  curiosite  de  ce  tems  estoit  grande." 
*  De  Thou,  Peretixe,  ubi  sup. 


134  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


CHATTER    V. 

Position  and  Character  of  Famese  —  Preparations  for  Antwerp  Siege  —  Its 
Characteristics  —  Foresight  of  "William  the  Silent  —  Sainte  Aldegonde,  the 
Burgomaster  —  Anarchy  in  Antwerp  —  Character  of  Sainte  Aldegonde  — 
Admiral  Treslong  —  Justiuus  de  Nassau  —  Hohenlo  —  Opposition  to  the 
Plan  of  Orange  —  Lief keushoek  —  Head-Quarters  of  Parma  at  KaUoo  — 
Difficulty  of  supphang  the  City  —  Results  of  not  piercing  the  Dykes  —  Pre- 
liminaries of  the  Siege  —  Successes  of  the  Spaniards  —  Energy  of  Famese 
with  Sword  and  Pen  —  His  Correspondence  with  the  Antwerpers  —  Progress 
of  tlie  Bridge  —  Impoverished  Condition  of  Parma  —  Patriots  attempt  Bois- 
le-Duc  —  Their  Misconduct  —  Failure  of  the  Enterprise  —  The  Scheldt 
Bridge  completed  —  Description  of  the  Structure  —  Position  of  Alexander 
and  his  Army  —  La  Motte  attempts  in  vain  Ostend  —  Patriots  gain  Lief  kens- 
hoek  —  Projects  of  Gianibelli  —  Alarm  on  the  Bridge  —  The  Fire  Ships  — ■ 
The  Explosion  —  Its  Results  —  Death  of  the  Viscount  of  Ghent  —  Perpetual 
Anxiety  of  Famese  —  Impoverished  State  of  the  Spaniards — Intended 
Attack  of  the  Kowenstyn  —  Second  Attack  of  the  Kowenstyn  —  A  Landing 
effected  —  A  sharp  Combat  —  The  Dyke  pierced  —  Rally  of  the  Spaniards 
—  Parma  comes  to  the  Rescue  —  Fierce  Struggle  on  th  a  Dyke  —  The 
Spaniards  successful  —  Premature  Triumph  at  Antwerp  —  Defeat  of  the 
Patriots  — •  The  Ship  War's  End  —  Despair  of  the  Citizens  —  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde discouraged  —  His  Critical  Position  —  His  Negotiations  with  the 
Enemy  —  Correspondence  with  Richardot  —  Commotion  in  the  City  —  In- 
terview of  Marnix  with  Parma  —  Suspicious  Conduct  of  Marnix  —  Deputa- 
tion to  the  Prince  —  Oration  of  Marnix  —  Private  Views  of  Parma  — 
Capitulation  of  Antwerp  —  Mistakes  of  Marnix  —  PhQip  on  the  Religious 
Question  —  Triumphal  Entrance  of  Alexander  —  Rebuilding  of  the  Citadel 
■ —  Gratification  of  Philip  —  Note  on  Sainte  Aldegonde. 

The  negotiations  between  France  and  the  Netherlands  have 
been  massed,  in  order  to  present  a  connected  and  distinct 
view  of  the  relative  attitude  of  the  different  countries  of 
Europe.  The  conferences  and  diplomatic  protocolling  had 
resulted  in  nothing  positive  ;  but  it  is  very  necessary  for  the 
reader  to  understand  the  negative  effects  of  all  this  dissimula- 
tion and  palace-politics  upon  the  destiny  of  the  new  common- 
wealth, and  upon  Christendom  at  large.  The  League  had 
now  achieved  a  great  triumph  ;  the  King  of  France  had  vir- 
tually abdicated,  and  it  was  now  requisite  for  the  King  of 
NavaiTC,    the   Netherlands,    and    Queen   Elizabeth,    to    draw 


1585.  POSITION  AXD  CHARACTER  OF  FARNESE.  I35 

more  closely  together  than  before,  if  the  last  hope  of  forming 
a  counter-league  were  not  to  be  abandoned.  The  next  step 
in  political  combination  was  therefore  a  solemn  embassy  of 
the  States-General  to  England.  Before  detailing  those  nego- 
tiations, however,  it  is  proper  to  direct  attention  to  the  ex- 
ternal public  events  which  had  been  unrolling  themselves  in 
the  Provinces,  contemporaneously  with  the  secret  history 
which  has  been  detailed  in  the  preceding  chapters. 

By  presenting  in  their  natural  groupings  various  distinct 
occurrences,  rather  than  by  detailing  them  in  strict  chrono- 
logical order,  a  clearer  view  of  the  whole  picture  will  be 
furnished  than  could  be  done  by  intermingling  personages, 
transactions,  and  scenery,  according  to  the  arbitrary  command 
of  Time  alone. 

The  Netherlands,  by  the  death  of  Orange,  had  been  left 
without  a  head.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Spanish  party  had 
never  been  so  fortunate  in  their  chief  at  any  period  since  the 
destiny  of  the  two  nations  had  been  blended  with  each  other. 
Alexander  Farnese,  Prince  of  Parma,  was  a  general  and  a 
politician,  whose  character  had  been  steadily  ripening  since 
he  came  into  the  command  of  the  country.  He  was  now 
thirty-seven  years  of  age — with  the  experience  (>f  a  sexagena- 
rian. No  longer  the  impetuous,  arbitrary,  hot-headed  youth, 
whose  intelligence  and  courage  hardly  atoned  for  his  insolent 
manner  and  stormy  career,  he  had  become  pensive,  modest, 
almost  gentle.  His  genius  was  rapid  in  conception,  patient 
in  combination,  fertile  in  expedients,  adamantine  in  the  en- 
durance of  suffering ;  for  never  did  a  heroic  general  and  a 
noble  army  of  veterans  manifest  more  military  virtue  in  the 
support  of  an  infamous  cause  than  did  Parma  and  his  handful 
of  Italians  and  Spaniards.  That  which  they  considered  to  be 
their  duty  they  performed.  The  work  before  them  they  did 
with  all  their  might. 

Alexander  had  vanquished  the  rebellion  in  the  Celtic  pro- 
vinces, by  the  masterly  diplomacy  and  liberal  bribery  which 
have  been  related    in    a  former  work.      Artois,    Hainault, 


136  ^HK   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

Doiiay,  Orchies,  with  the  rich  cities  of  Lille,  Tournay,  Valen- 
ciennes, Arras,  and  other  important  places,  were  now  the  pro- 
perty of  Philip.  These  unhappy  and  misguided  lands,  how- 
ever, were  already  reaping  the  reward  of  their  treason. 
Beggared,  tramjjled  upon,  plundered,  despised,  they  were  at 
once  the  prey  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  cause  that  their  sister- 
states,  which  still  held  out,  were  placed  in  more  desperate 
condition  than  ever.  They  were  also,  even  in  their  abject 
plight,  made  still  more  forlorn  by  the  forays  of  Balagny, 
who  continued  in  command  of  Cambray.  Catharine  de' 
Medici  claimed  that  city  as  her  property,  by  will  of  the  Duke 
of  Anjou.'  A  strange  title — founded  upon  the  treason  and 
cowardice  of  her  favourite  son — but  one  which,  for  a  time,  was 
made  good  by  the  possession  maintained  by  Balagny.  That 
usurper  meantime,  with  a  shrewd  eye  to  his  own  interests, 
pronounced  the  truce  of  Cambray,  which  was  soon  afterwards 
arranged,  from  year  to  year,  by  permission  of  Philip,  as  a 
"  most  excellent  milch-cow  ;"  ^  and  he  continued  to  fill  his 
pails  at  the  expense  of  the  "reconciled"  provinces,  till  they 
were  thoroughly  exhausted. 

This  large  south-western  section  of  the  Netherlands  being 
thus  permanently  re-annexed  to  the  Spanish  crown,  while 
Holland,  Zeeland,  and  the  other  provinces,  already  constituting 
the  new  Dutch  republic,  were  more  obstinate  in  their  hatred 
of  Philip  than  ever,  there  remained  the  rich  and  fertile  terri- 
tory of  Flanders  and  Brabant  as  the  great  debateable  land. 
Here  were  the  royal  and  political  capital,  Brussels,  the  com- 
mercial capital,  Antwerp,  with  Mechlin,  Dendermonde,  Vil- 
voorde,  and  other  places  of  inferior  importance,  all  to  be 
struggled  for  to  the  death.  With  the  subjection  of  this  dis- 
trict the  last  bulwark  between  the  new  commonwealth  and 
the  old  empire  would  be  overthrown,  and  Spain  and  Holland 
would  then  meet  face  to  face. 

If  there  had  ever  been  a  time  when  every  nerve  in  Pro- 

'  Strada,  11.  295.  '  Le  Petit  II.  499. 


1585.  ?REPAilATlONS  S*OR  ANTWERP  SlEGE.  137 

testant  Christendom  should  be  strained  to  weld  all  those 
provinces  together  into  one  great  commonwealth,  as  a  bulwark 
for  European  liberty,  rather  than  to  allow  them  to  be  broken 
into  stepping-stones,  over  which  absolutism  could  stride  across 
France  and  Holland  into  England,  that  moment  had  arrived. 
Every  sacrifice  should  have  been  cheerfully  made  by  all 
Netherlanders,  the  uttermost  possible  subsidies  and  auxiliaries 
should  have  been  furnished  by  all  the  friends  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty  in  every  land  to  save  Flanders  and  Brabant 
from  their  impending  fate. 

No  man  felt  more  keenly  the  importance  of  the  business  in 
which  he  was  engaged  than  Parma.  He  knew  his  work 
exactly,  and  he  meant  to  execute  it  thoroughly.  Antwerp 
was  the  hinge  on  which  the  fate  of  the  whole  country,  perhaps 
of  all  Christendom,  was  to  turn.  "  If  we  get  Antwerp,"  said 
the  Spanish  soldiers — so  frequently  that  the  expression  passed 
into  a  proverb — "you  shall  all  go  to  mass  with  us;  if  you 
save  Antwerp,  we  will  all  go  to  conventicle  with  you." 

Alexander  rose  with  the  difficulty  and  responsibilty  of  his 
situation.  His  vivid,  almost  poetic  intellect  formed  its 
schemes  with  perfect  distinctness.  Every  episode  in  his  great 
and,  as  he  himself  termed  it,  his  "heroic  enterprise,"  was 
traced  out  beforehand  with  the  tranquil  vision  of  creative 
genius  ;  and  he  was  prepared  to  convert  his  conceptions  into 
reality,  with  the  aid  of  an  iron  nature  that  never  knew  fatigue 
or  fear. 

But  the  obstacles  were  many.  Alexander's  master  sat  in 
his  cabinet  with  his  head  full  of  Mucio,  Don  Antonio,  and 
Queen  Elizabeth  ;  while  Alexander  himself  was  left  neglected, 
almost  forgotten.  His  army  was  shrinking  to  a  nullity.  The 
demands  upon  him  were  enormous,  his  finances  delusive, 
almost  exhausted.  To  drain  an  ocean  dry  he  had  nothing 
but  a  sieve.  What  was  his  position  ?  He  could  bring  into 
the  field  perhaps  eight  or  ten  thousand  men  over  and  above 
the  necessary  garrisons.  He  had  before  him  Brussels,  Ant- 
werp, Mechlin,    Ghent,    Dendermonde,    and   other   powerful 


138  THE  UNITKD  NETHERLANDS.  Ouap.  V. 

places,  which  he  was  to  suhjugate.  Here  was  a  problem  not 
easy  of  solution.  Given  an  army  of  eight  thousand,  more  or 
less,  to  reduce  therewith  in  the  least  possible  time,  half-a- 
dozen  cities,  each  containing  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand  men 
able  to  bear  arms.  To  besiege  these  places  in  form  was 
obviously  a  mere  chim^era.  Assault,  battery,  and  surprises — 
these  were  all  out  of  the  question. 

Yet  Alexander  was  never  more  truly  heroic  than  in  this 
position  of  vast  entanglement.  Untiring,  uncomplaining, 
thoughtful  of  others,  prodigal  of  himself,  generous,  modest, 
brave  ;  with  so  much  intellect  and  so  much  devotion  to  what  he 
considered  his  duty,  he  deserved  to  be  a  patriot  and  a  cham- 
pion of  the  right,  rather  than  an  instrument  of  despotism. 

And  thus  he  paused  for  a  moment — with  much  work  already 
accomplished,  but  his  hardest  life-task  before  him  ;  still  in  the 
noon  of  manhood,  a  fine  martial  figure,  standing,  spear  in 
hand,  full  in  the  sunlight,  though  all  the  scene  around  him 
was  wrapped  in  gloom — a  noble,  commanding  shape,  entitled 
to  the  admiration  which  the  energetic  display  of  great  powers, 
however  unscrupulous,  must  always  command.  A  dark, 
meridional  physiognomy,  a  quick,  alert,  imposing  head  ;  jet 
black,  close-clipped  hair ;  a  bold  eagle's  face,  with  full,  bright, 
restless  eye ;  a  man  rarely  reposing,  always  ready,  never 
alarmed  ;  living  in  the  saddle,  with  harness  on  his  back — 
such  was  the  Prince  of  Parma  ;  matured  and  mellowed,  but 
still  unharmed  by  time. 

The  cities  of  Flanders  and  Brabant  he  determined  to  reduce 
by  gaining  command  of  the  Scheldt.  The  five  principal  ones — 
Ghent,  Dendermonde,  Mechlin,  Brussels,  Antwerp,  lie  in  ai 
narrow  circle,  at  distances  from  each  other  varying  from  fi\B 
miles  to  thirty,  and  are  all  strung  together  by  the  great 
Netherland  river  or  its  tributaries.  His  plan  was  immensely 
furthered  by  the  success  of  Bal  thasar  Gerard,  an  ally  whom 
Alexander  had  despised  and  distrusted,  even  while  he  em- 
ployed him.  The  assassination  of  Orange  was  better  to  Parma 
than  forty  thousand  men.     A  crowd  of  allies  instantly  started 


1585.  .  ITS  CHARACTERISTICS.  139 

up  for  him,  in  the  shape  of  treason,  faintheartedness,  envy, 
jealousy,  insubordination,  within  the  walls  of  every  be- 
leaguered city.  Alexander  knew  well  how  to  deal  with  those 
auxiliaries.  Letters,  artfully  concocted,  full  of  conciliation  and 
of  promise,  were  circulated  in  every  council-room,  in  almost 
every  house. 

The  surrender  of  Ghent — brought  about  by  the  governor's 
eloquence,  aided  by  the  golden  arguments  which  he  knew  so 
well  how  to  advance — had  by  the  middle  of  September  19th  Sept.. 
put  him  in  possession  of  West  Flanders,  with  the  1^84. 
important  exception  of  the  coast.  Dendermonde  capitulated 
at  a  still  earlier  day  ;  while  the  fall  of  Brussels,  which  held 
out  till  many  persons  had  been  starved  to  death,  was  deferred 
till  the  10th  March  of  the  following  year,  and  that  of  Mechlin 
till  midsummer.' 

The  details  of  the  military  or  political  operations,  by  which 
the  reduction  of  most  of  these  places  was  effected,  possess  but 
little  interest.  The  siege  of  Antwerp,  however,  was  one  of 
the  most  striking  events  of  the  age  ;  and  although  the  change 
in  military  tactics  and  the  progress  of  science  may  have 
rendered  this  leaguer  of  less  technical  importance  than  it 
possessed  in  the  sixteenth  century,  yet  the  illustration  that  it 
affords  of  the  splendid  abilities  of  Parma,  of  the  most  culti- 
vated mode  of  warfare  in  use  at  that  period,  and  of  the  internal 
politics  by  which  the  country  was  then  regulated,  make  it 
necessary  to  dwell  upon  the  details  of  an  episode  which  must 
ever  possess  enduring  interest. 

It  is  agreeable  to  reflect,  too,  that  the  fame  of  the  general 
is  not  polluted  with  the  wholesale  butchery,  which  has  stained 
the  reputation  of  other  Spanish  commanders  so  indelibly. 
There  was  no  killing  for  the  mere  love  of  slaughter.  With 
but  few  exceptions,  there  was  no  murder  in  cold  blood;  and 
the  many  lives  that  were  laid  down  upon  those  watery  dykes 
were  sacrificed  at  least  in  bold,  open  combat ;  in  a  con- 
test, the  ruling  spirits  of  which  were  patriotism,  or  at  least 
honour. 

*  Meteren,  xii.  217,  se^. 


140  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

It  is  instructive,  too,  to  observe  the  diligence  and  accuracy 
with  which  the  best  lights  of  the  age  were  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  great  problem  which  Parma  had  undertaken  to 
solve.  All  the  science  then  at  command  was  applied  both  by 
the  Prince  and  by  his  burgher  antagonists  to  the  advancement 
of  their  ends.  Hydrostatics,  hydraulics,  engineering,  naviga- 
tion, gunnery,  pyrotechnics,  mining,  geometry,  were  sum- 
moned as  broadly,  vigorously,  and  intelligently  to  the  de- 
struction or  preservation  of  a  trembling  city,  as  they  have 
ever  been,  in  more  commercial  days,  to  advance  a  financial 
or  manufacturing  purpose.  Land  converted  into  water,  and 
water  into  land,  castles  built  upon  the  breast  of  rapid  streams, 
rivers  turned  from  their  beds  and  taught  new  courses  ;  the 
distant  ocean  driven  across  ancient  bulwarks,  mines  dug  below 
the  sea,  and  canals  made  to  percolate  obscene  morasses — 
which  the  red  hand  of  war,  by  the  very  act,  converted  into 
blooming  gardens^ — a  mighty  stream  bridged  and  mastered  in 
the  very  teeth  of  winter,  floating  ice-bergs,  ocean-tides,  and 
an  alert  and  desperate  foe,  ever  ready  with  fleets  and  armies 
and  batteries — such  were  the  materials  of  which  the  great 
spectacle  was  composed  ;  a  spectacle  which  enchained  the 
attention  of  Europe  for  seven  months,  and  on  the  result  of 
which,  it  was  thought,  depended  the  fate  of  all  the  Nether- 
lands, and  perhaps  of  all  Christendom. 

Antwerp,  then  the  commercial  centre  of  the  Netherlands 
and  of  Europe,  stands  upon  the  Scheldt.  The  river,  flowing 
straight,  broad,  and  full  along  the  verge  of  the  city,  subtends 
the  arc  into  which  the  place  arranges  itself  as  it  falls  back 
from  the  shore.  Two  thousand  ships  of  the  largest  capacity 
then  known  might  easily  find  room  in  its  ample  harbours. 
The  stream,  nearly  half  a  mile  in  width,  and  sixty  feet  in' 
depth,  with  a  tidal  rise  and  fall  of  eleven  feet,  moves,  for  a 
few  miles,  in  a  broad  and  steady  current  between  the  provinces 
of  Brabant  and  Flanders.  Then,  dividing  itself  into  many 
ample  estuaries,  and  gathering  up  the  level  isles  of  Zeeland 
into  its  bosom,  it  seems  to  sweep  out  with  them  into  the 
northern  ocean.     Here,  at  the  junction  of  the  river  and  the 


1585.  rORESIGHT  OF  WILLIAM  THE  SILENT.  14X 

sea,  lay  the  perpetual  hope  of  Antwerp,  for  in  all  these  creeks 
and  currents  swarmed  the  fleets  of  the  Zeelanders,  that  hardy 
and  amphibious  race,  with  which  few  soldiers  or  mariners 
could  successfully  contend,  on  land  or  water. 

Even  from  the  beginning  of  the  year  1584  Parma  had  been 
from  time  to  time  threatening  Antwerp.  The  victim  instinc- 
tively felt  that  its  enemy  was  poising  and  hovering  over  head, 
although  he  still  delayed  to  strike.  Early  in  the  summer 
Sainte  Aldegonde,  Recorder  Martini,  and  other  official  per- 
sonages, were  at  Delft,  upon  the  occasion  of  the  christening- 
ceremonies  of  Frederic  Henry,  youngest  child  of  Orange. 
The  Prince,  at  that  moment,  was  aware  of  the  plans  of  Parma, 
and  held  a  long  conversation  with  his  friends  upon  the 
measures  which  he  desired  to  see  immediately  undertaken. 
Unmindful  of  his  usual  hospitality,  he  insisted  that  these 
gentlemen  should  immediately  leave  for  Antwerp.  Alexander 
Farnese,  he  assured  them,  had  taken  the  firm  determination  to 
possess  himself  of  that  jilace,  without  further  delay.  He  had 
privately  signified  his  purpose  of  laying  the  axe  at  once  to 
the  root  of  the  tree,  believing  that  with  the  fall  of  the  com- 
mercial capital  the  infant  confederacy  of  the  United  States 
would  fall  likewise.  In  order  to  accomplish  this  object,  he 
would  forthwith  attempt  to  make  himself  master  of  the  banks 
of  the  Scheldt,  and  would  even  throw  a  bridge  across  the 
stream,  if  his  plans  were  not  instantly  circumvented.^ 

William  of  Orange  then  briefly  indicated  his  plan  ;  adding 
that  he  had  no  fears  for  the  result ;  and  assuring  his  friends, 
who  expressed  much  anxiety  on  the  subject,  that  if  Parma 
really  did  attempt  the  siege  of  Antwerp  it  should  be  his  ruin. 
The  plan  was  perfectly  simple.  The  city  stood  upon  a  river. 
It  was  practicable,  although  extremely  hazardous,  for  the 
enemy  to  bridge  that  river,  and  by  so  doing  ultimately  to 
reduce  the  place.  But  the  ocean  could  not  be  bridged  ;  and 
it  was  quite  possible  to  convert  Antwerp,  for  a  season,  into  an 
ocean-port.      Standing   alone   upon   an   island,  with  the  sea 

*  Bor,  IL  xix,  466. 


142  THE  UNITED  NETUERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

flowing  around  it,  and  with  full  and  free  marine  communica- 
tion with  Zeeland  and  Holland,  it  might  safely  bid  defiance  to 
the  land-forces,  even  of  so  great  a  commander  as  Parma.  To 
the  furtherance  of  this  great  measure  of  defence,  it  was 
necessary  to  destroy  certain  bulwarks,  the  chief  of  loth  June 
■which  was  called  the  Blaw-garen  Dyke  ;  and  Sainte  ^^^*- 
Aldegonde  was  therefore  requested  to  return  to  the  city,  in 
order  to  cause  this  task  to  be  executed  without  delay.' 

Nothing  could  be  more  judicious  than  this  advice.  The 
low  lands  along  the  Scheldt  were  protected  against  marine 
encroachments,  and  the  river  itself  was  confined  to  its  bed, 
by  a  magnificent  system  of  dykes,  which  extended  along  its 
edge  towards  the  ocean,  in  parallel  lines.  Other  barriers  of  a 
similar  nature  ran  in  oblique  directions,  through  the  wide 
open  pasture  lands,  which  they  maintained  in  green  fertility, 
against  the  ever-threatening  sea.  The  Blaw-garen,  to  which 
the  prince  mainly  alluded,  was  connected  with  the  great  dyke 
upon  the  right  bank  of  the  Scheldt.  Between  this  and  the 
city,  another  bulwark  called  the  Kowenstyn  Dyke,  crossed  the 
country  at  right  angles  to  the  river,  and  joined  the  other  two 
at  a  point,  not  very  far  from  Lillo,  where  the  States  had  a 
strong  fortress.' 

The  country  in  this  neighbourhood  was  low,  spongy,  full  of 
creeks,  small  meres,  and  the  old  bed  of  the  Scheldt.  Orange, 
therefore,  made  it  very  clear,  that  by  piercing  the  great  dyke 
just  described,  such  a  vast  body  of  water  would  be  made  to 
j)our  over  the  land  as  to  submerge  the  Kowenstyn  also,  the 
only  other  obstacle  in  the  passage  of  fleets  from  Zeeland  to 
Antwerp.  The  city  would  then  be  connected  with  the  sea 
and  its  islands,  by  so  vast  an  expanse  of  navigable  water, 
that  any  attempt  on  Parma's  part  to  cut  off  supplies  and 
succour  would  be  hopeless.  Antwerp  would  laugh  the  idea 
of  famine  to  scorn  ;  and  although  this  immunity  would  be 
purchased  by  the  sacrifice  of  a  large  amount  of  agricultural 
territory  the  price  so  paid  was  but  a  slender  one,  when  the 

1  Bor,  ubi  sjip.     Meteren,  xiL  216-18. 

'  Bor,  Meteren,  ubi  sup.     Hoofd  Vervolgh,  4,  seq. 


1585.  SAINTE   ALDEGONDE,    BURGOMASTER.  143 

existence  of  the  capital,  and  with  it  perhaps  of  the  whole  con- 
federacy was  at  stake.* 

Sainte  Aldegonde  and  Martini  suggested,  that,  as  there 
would  be  some  opposition  to  the  measure  proposed,  it  might 
be  as  well  to  make  a  similar  attempt  on  the  Flemish  side,  in 
preference,  by  breaking  through  the  dykes  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Saftingen.  Orange  replied,  by  demonstrating  that 
the  land  in  the  region  which  he  had  indicated  was  of  a 
character  to  ensure  success,  while  in  the  other  direction 
there  were  certain  very  unfavourable  circumstances  which 
rendered  the  issue  doubtful.*  The  result  was  destined  to 
prove  the  sagacity  of  the  Prince,  for  it  will  be  shown  in 
the  sequel,  that  the  Saftingen  plan,  afterwards  really  carried 
out,  was  rather  advantageous  than  detrimental  to  the  enemy's 
projects. 

Sainte  Aldegonde,  accordingly,  yielded  to  the  arguments 
and  entreaties  of  his  friend,  and  repaired  without  delay  to 
Antwerp. 

The  advice  of  William  tlie  Silent — as  will  soon  be  related 
— was  not  acted  upon  ;  and,  within  a  few  weeks  after  it  had 
been  given,  he  was  in  his  grave.  Nowhere  was  his  loss  more 
severely  felt  than  in  Antwerp.  It  seemed,  said  a  contempo- 
rary, that  with  his  death  had  died  all  authority.^  The  Prince 
was  the  only  head  which  the  many-membered  body  of  that 
very  democratic  city  ever  spontaneously  obeyed.  Antwerp 
was  a  small  republic — in  time  of  peace  intelligently  and  suc- 
cessfully administered — which  in  the  season  of  a  great  foreign 
war,  amid  jjlagues,  tumults,  famine,  and  internal  rebellion, 
required  the  firm  hand  and  the  clear  brain  of  a  single  chief. 
That  brain  and  hand  had  been  possessed  by  Orange  alone. 

Before  his  death  he  had  desired  that  Sainte  Aldegonde 
should  accept  the  office  of  burgomaster  of  the  city.  Nomi- 
nally, the  position  was  not  so  elevated  as  were  many  of  the 
posts  which  that  distinguished  patriot  had  filled.  In  reality, 
it  was  as  responsible  and  arduous  a  place  as  could  be  ofiered 

'  Bor,  Meteren,  uhi  sup.     Hoofd  Vervolgh,  4  seq. 
'  Ibid.  "  Reyd,  iv.  59. 


144  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

to  any  man's  acceptance  throughout  the  country.  Sainte 
Aldegonde  consented,  not  without  some  reluctance.  He  felt 
that  there  was  odium  to  be  incurred  ;  he  knew  that  much 
would  be  expected  of  him,  and  that  his  means  would  be 
limited.  His  powers  would  be  liable  to  a  constant  and 
various  restraint.  His  measures  were  sure  to  be  the  subject 
of  perpetual  cavil.  If  the  city  were  besieged,  there  were 
nearly  one  hundred  thousand  mouths  to  feed,  and  nearly  one 
hundred  thousand  tongues  to  dispute  about  furnishing  the  food. 

For  the  government  of  Antwerp  had  been  degenerating 
from  a  well-organised  municipal  republicanism  into  anarchy. 
The  clashing  of  the  various  bodies  exercising  power  had 
become  incessant  and  intolerable.'  The  burgomaster  was 
charged  with  the  chief  executive  authority,  both  for  peace 
and  war.  Nevertheless  he  had  but  a  single  vote  in  the  board 
of  magistrates,  where  a  majority  decided.  Moreover,  he  could 
not  always  attend  the  sessions,  because  he  was  also  member 
of  the  council  of  Brabant.  Important  measures  might  there- 
fore be  decided  by  the  magistracy,  not  only  against  his 
judgment,  but  without  his  knowledge.  Then  there  was  a 
variety  of  boards  or  colleges,  all  arrogating  concurrent — 
which  in  truth  was  conflicting — authority.  There  was  the 
board  of  militia-colonels,  which  claimed  great  powers.  Here, 
too,  the  burgomaster  was  nominally  the  chief,  but  he  might 
be  voted  down  by  a  majority,  and  of  course  was  often  absent. 
Then  there  were  sixteen  captains  who  came  into  the  colonels' 
sessions  whenever  they  liked,  and  had  their  word  to  say  upon 
all  subjects  broached.  If  they  were  refused  a  hearing,  they 
were  backed  by  eighty  other  captains,  who  were  ready  at  any 
moment  to  carry  every  disputed  point  before  the  "  broad- 
council." 

•There  were  a  college  of  ward-masters,  a  college  of  select 
men,  a  college  of  deacons,  a  college  of  ammunition,  of  forti- 
fication, of  ship-building,  all  claiming  equal  authority,  and  all 
wrangling  among  themselves  ;  and  there  was  a  college  of 
"  peace-makers,"  who  wrangled  more  than  all  the  rest  together. 

'  Meterep,  xii.  218.    Guicciardini,  in  voce. 


1584.  ANARCHY  IN  ANTWERP.  145 

Once  a  week  there  was  a  session  of  the  board  or  general 
council.  Dire  was  the  hissing  and  confusion,  as  the  hydra 
heads  of  the  multitudinous  government  were  laid  together. 
Heads  of  colleges,  presidents  of  chambers,  militia-chieftains, 
magistrates,  ward-masters,  deans  of  fishmongers,  of  tailors, 
gardeners,  butchers,  all  met  together  pell-mell ;  and  there 
was  no  predominant  authority.  This  was  not  a  convenient 
working  machinery  for  a  city  threatened  with  a  siege  by  the 
first  captain  of  the  age.  Moreover  there  was  a  deficiency  of 
regular  troops.  The  burgher-militia  were  well  trained  and 
courageous,  but  not  distinguished  for  their  docility.  There 
was  also  a  regiment  of  English  under  Colonel  Morgan,  a 
soldier  of  great  experience,  and  much  respected  ;  but,  as 
Stephen  Le  Sieur  said,  "  this  force,  unless  seconded  with  more, 
was  but  a  breakfast  for  the  enemy."  Unfortunately,  too,  the 
insubordination,  which  was  so  ripe  in  the  city,  seemed  to  affect 
these  auxiliaries.  A  mutiny  broke  out  among  the  English 
troops.  Many  deserted  to  Parma,  some  escaped  to  England, 
and  it  was  not  until  Morgan  had  beheaded  Captain  Lee  and 
Captain  Powell,^  that  discipline  could  be  restored. 

And  into  this  scene  of  wild  and  deafening  confusion  came 
Philip  de  Marnix,  Lord  of  Sainte  Aldegonde. 

There  were  few  more  brilliant  characters  than  he  in  all 
Christendom.  He  was  a  man  of  a  most  rare  and  versatile 
genius.  Educated  in  Geneva  at  the  very  feet  of  Calvin,  he 
had  drunk,  like  mother's  milk,  the  strong  and  bitter  waters 
of  the  stern  reformer's  creed  ;  but  he  had  in  after  life 
attempted,  although  hardly  with  success,  to  lift  himself  to 
the  height  of  a  general  religious  toleration.  He  had  also 
been  trained  in  the  severe  and  thorough  literary  culture 
which  characterised  that  rigid  school.  He  was  a  scholar,  ripe 
and  rare  ;  no  holiday  trifler  in  the  gardens  of  learning.  He 
spoke  and  wrote  Latin  like  his  native  tongue.  He  could 
compose  poignant  Greek  epigrams.  He  was  so  familiar  with 
Hebrew,  that  he  had  rendered  the  Psalms  of  David  out  of 
the  original  into  flowing  Flemish  verse,  for  the  use  of  the 

'  Meteren,  xii.  218. 
VOL,  I. — L 


14G  TllK  UNITED  NKniERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

reformed  churches.  That  he  possessed  the  modern  tongues 
of  civilized  Europe,  Spanish,  Italian,  French,  and  German, 
was  a  matter  of  course.  He  was  a  profound  jurisconsult, 
capable  of  holding  debate  against  all  competitors  upon  any 
point  of  theory  or  practice  of  law,  civil,  municipal,  inter- 
national. He  was  a  learned  theologian,  and  had  often 
proved  himself  a  match  for  the  doctors,  bishops,  or  rabbin  of 
Europe,  in  highest  argument  of  dogma,  creed,  or  tradition. 
He  was  a  practised  diplomatist,  constantly  employed  in  deli- 
(ate  and  difficult  negotiations  by  William  the  Silent,  who 
ever  admired  his  genius,  cherished  his  friendship,  and  relied 
upon  his  character.  He  was  an  eloquent  orator,  whose 
memorable  harangue,  beyond  all  his  other  efforts,  at  the  diet 
of  Worms,  had  made  the  German  princes  hang  their  heads 
with  shame,  when,  taking  a  broad  and  philosophical  view  of 
the  Netherland  matter,  he  had  shown  that  it  was  the  great 
question  of  Europe  ;  that  Nether  Germany  was  all  Germany  ; 
that  Protestantism  could  not  be  unravelled  into  shreds  ;  that 
there  was  but  one  cause  in  Christendom — that  of  absolutism 
against  national  liberty.  Papacy  against  the  reform  ;  and  that 
the  seventeen  Provinces  were  to  be  assisted  in  building  them- 
selves into  an  eternal  barrier  against  Spain,  or  that  the 
"  burning  mark  of  shame  would  be  branded  upon  the  forehead 
of  Germany  ; "  that  the  war,  in  short,  was  to  be  met  by  her 
on  the  threshold,  or  else  that  it  would  come  to  seek  her  at 
home — a  prophecy  which  the  horrible  Thirty  Years'  War  was 
in  after  time  most  signally  to  verify. 

He  was  a  poet  of  vigour  and  originality,  for  he  had  accom- 
phshed  what  has  been  achieved  by  few  ;  he  had  composed  a 
national  hymn,  whose  strophes,  as  soon  as  heard,  struck  a 
chord  in  every  Netherland  heart,  and  for  three  centuries  long 
have  rung  like  a  clarion  wherever  the  Netherland  tongue  is 
spoken.  "  Wilhelmus  van  Nassouwe,"  regarded  simply  as  a 
literary  composition,  has  many  of  the  qualities  which  an  ode 
demands  ;  an  electrical  touch  upon  the  sentiments,  a  throb  of 
patriotism,  sympathetic  tenderness,  a  dash  of  indignation, 
with  rhythmical  harmony  and  graceful  expression  ;   and  thus 


1584.  CHARACTER   OF   SAINTE   ALDEGONDE.  147 

it  has  rung  from  millions  of  lips,  from  generation  to  gene- 
ration. 

He  was  a  soldier,  courageous,  untiring,  prompt  in  action, 
useful  in  council,  and  had  distinguished  himself  in  many  a 
hard-fought  field.  Taken  prisoner  in  the  sanguinary  skirmish 
at  Maaslandssluys,  he  had  been  confined  a  year,  and,  for  more 
than  three  months,  had  never  laid  his  head,  as  he  declared, 
ipon  the  pillow  without  commending  his  soul  as  for  the  last 
time  to  his  Maker,  expecting  daily  the  order  for  his  imme- 
iliate  execution,  and  escaping  his  doom  only  because  William 
the  Silent  proclaimed  that  the  proudest  head  among  the 
Bpanish  prisoners  should  fall  to  avenge  his  death  ;  so  that  he 
was  ultimately  exchanged  against  the  veteran  Mondragon. 

From  the  incipient  stages  of  the  revolt  he  had  been  fore- 
most among  the  patriots.  He  was  suppo.sed  to  be  the  author 
of  the  famous  "  Compromise  of  the  Nobles,"  that  earliest  and 
most  consjjicuous  of  the  state-papers  of  the  republic,  and  of 
many  other  important  political  documents  ;  and  he  had  con- 
tributed to  general  Hterature  many  works  of  European 
celebrity,  of  which  the  '  Roman  Bee-Hive'  was  the  most 
universally  known. 

Scholar,  theologian,  diplomatist,  swordsman,  orator,  poet, 
pamphleteer,  he  had  genius  for  all  things,  and  was  eminent 
in  all.  He  was  even  famous  for  his  dancing,  and  had  com- 
posed an  intelligent  and  philosophical  treatise  upon  the  value 
of  that  amusement,  as  an  agent  of  civilisation,  and  as  a  coun- 
teractor  of  the  grosser  pleasures  of  the  table  to  which  Upper 
and  Nether  Germans  were  too  much  addicted. 

Of  ancient  Savoyard  extraction,  and  something  of  a  southern 
nature,  he  had  been  born  in  Brussels,  and  was  national  to 
the  heart's  core. 

A  man  of  interesting,  sympathetic  presence  ;  of  a  phy- 
siognomy where  many  of  the  attaching  and  attractive  qualities 
of  his  nature  revealed  themselves  ;  with  crisp  curling  hair, 
surmounting  a  tall,  expansive  forehead — full  of  benevolence, 
idealism,  and  quick  perceptions  ;  broad,  brown,  melancholy 


148  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

eyes,  overflowing  with  tenderness  ;  a  lean  and  haggard  cheek, 
a  rugged  Flemish  nose  ;  a  thin  flexible  mouth  ;  a  slender 
moustache,  and  a  peaked  and  meagre  beard  ;  so  appeared 
Sainte  Aldegonde  in  the  forty-seventh  year  of  his  age,  when 
he  came  to  command  in  Antwerp. 

Yet  after  all — many-sided,  accomplished,  courageous, 
energetic,  as  he  was — it  may  be  doubted  whether  he  was  the 
man  for  the  hour  or  the  post.  He  was  too  impressionable  ; 
he  had  too  much  of  the  temperament  of  genius.  Without 
being  fickle,  he  had,  besides  his  versatility  of  intellect,  a 
character  which  had  much  facility  in  turning  ;  not,  indeed, 
in  the  breeze  of  self-interest,  but  because  he  seemed  placed 
in  so  high  and  clear  an  atmosphere  of  thought  that  he  was 
often  acted  upon  and  swayed  by  subtle  and  invisible  influences. 
At  any  rate  his  conduct  was  sometimes  inexplicable.  He 
had  been  strangely  fascinated  by  the  ignoble  Duke  of  Anjou  ; 
and,  in  the  sequel,  it  will  be  found  that  he  was  destined  to 
experience  other  magnetic  or  magical  impulses,  which  were 
once  thought  suspicious,  and  have  remained  mysterious  even 
to  the  present  day. 

He  was  imaginative.  He  was  capable  of  broad  and  bound- 
less hopes.  He  was  sometimes  prone  to  deep  despair.  His 
nature  was  exquisitely  tempered  ;  too  fine  and  polished  a 
blade  to  be  wielded  among  those  hydra-heads  by  which  he 
was  now  surrounded ;  and  for  which  the  stunning  sledge- 
hammer of  arbitrary  force  was  sometimes  necessary. 

He  was  perhaps  deficient  in  that  gift,  which  no  training 
and  no  culture  can  bestow,  and  which  comes  from  above 
alone  by  birth-right  divine — that  which  men  willingly  call 
master,  authority ;  the  efiluence  which  came  so  naturally 
from  the  tranquil  eyes  of  William  the  Silent. 

Nevertheless,  Sainte  Aldegonde  was  prepared  to  do  his  best, 
and  all  his  best  was  to  be  tasked  to  the  utmost.  His  position 
was  rendered  still  more  difficult  by  the  unruly  nature  of  some 
of  his  co-ordinates. 

"  From  the  first  day  to  the  last,"  said  one  who  lived  in 


1584  ADMIRAL   TRESLONG.  149 

Antwerp  during  the  siege,  "  the  mistakes  committed  in  the 
city  were  incredible."'  It  had  long  been  obvious  that  a 
siege  was  contemplated  by  Parma.  A  liberal  sum  of  money 
had  been  voted  by  the  States-General,  of  which  Holland  and 
Zeeland  contributed  a  very  large  proportion  (two  hundred 
thousand  florins)  ;  the  city  itself  voted  another  large  subsidy, 
and  an  order  was  issued  to  purchase  at  once  and  import  into 
the  city  at  least  a  year's  supply  of  every  kind  of  provisions  of 
life  and  munitions  of  war.^ 

William  de  Blois,  Lord  of  Treslong,  Admiral  of  Holland 
and  Zeeland,  was  requested  to  carry  out  this  order,  and  super- 
intend the  victualling  of  Antwerp.  But  Treslong  at  once 
became  troublesome.  He  was  one  of  the  old  "  beggars  of  the 
sea,"  a  leader  in  the  wild  band  who  had  taken  possession  of 
the  Brill,  in  the  teeth  of  Alva,  and  so  laid  the  foundation  of 
the  republic.  An  impetuous  noble,  of  wealthy  family,  high 
connections,  and  refractory  temper — a  daring  sailor,  ever 
ready  for  any  rash  adventure,  but  possessed  of  a  very  mode- 
rate share  of  prudence  or  administrative  ability,  he  fell  into 
loose  and  lawless  courses  on  the  death  of  Orange,  whose  firm 
hand  was  needed  to  control  him.  The  French  negociation 
had  excited  his  profound  disgust,  and  knowing  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde  to  be  heart  and  soul  in  favour  of  that  alliance,  he  was 
in  no  haste  whatever  to  carry  out  his  orders  with  regard  to 
Antwerp.^  He  had  also  an  insignificant  quarrel  with  Presi- 
dent Meetkerk.  The  Prince  of  Parma — ever  on  the  watch 
for  such  opportunities — was  soon  informed  of  the  Admiral's 
discontent,  and  had  long  been  acquainted  with  his  turbulent 
character.  Alexander  at  once  began  to  inflame  his  jealousy 
and  soothe  his  vanity  by  letters  and  messengers,  urging  upon 
him  the  propriety  of  reconciling  himself  with  the  King,  and 
promising  him  large  rewards  and  magnificent  employments  in 
the  royal  service.  Even  the  splendid  insignia  of  the  Golden 
Fleece  were  dangled  before  his  eyes.  It  is  certain  that  the 
bold  Hollander  was  not  seduced  by  these  visions,  but  there  is 

•  Le  Petit,  II.  516.  *  Le  Petit,  II.  600.  «  Strado,  II.  332,  seq. 


150  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.   V 

no  doubt  that  he  listened  to  the  voice  of  the  tempter.  He 
unquestionably  neglected  his  duty.  Week  after  week  he 
remained  at  Ostend,  sneering  at  the  French  and  quaffing 
huge  draughts  in  honour  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  At  last,  after 
much  time  had  elapsed,  he  agreed  to  victual  Antwerp  if  he 
could  be  furnished  with  thirty  krom-stevens, — a  peculiar  kind 
of  vessel,  not  to  be  found  in  Zeeland.  The  krom-stevens  were 
sent  to  him  from  Holland.  Then,  hearing  that  his  negligence 
had  been  censured  by  the  States-General,  he  became  more 
obstinate  than  ever,  and  went  up  and  down  proclaiming  that 
if  people  made  themselves  disagreeable  to  him  he  would  do 
that  which  should  make  all  the  women  and  children  in  the 
Netherlands  shriek  and  tremble.  What  this  nameless  horror 
was  to  be  he  never  divulged,  but  meantime  he  went  down  to 
Middelburg,  and  swore  that  not  a  boat-load  of  corn  should 
go  up  to  Antwerp  until  two  members  of  the  magistracy, 
whom  he  considered  unpleasant,  had  been  dismissed  from 
their  office.  Wearied  with  all  this  bluster,  and  imbued  with 
grave  suspicion  as  to  his  motives,  the  States  at  last  rose  upon 
their  High  Admiral  and  threw  him  into  prison.  He  was 
accused  of  many  high  crimes  and  misdemeanours,  and,  it  was 
thought,  would  be  tried  for  his  life.  He  was  suspected  and 
even  openly  accused  of  having  been  tampered  with  by  Spain, 
but  there  was  at  any  rate  a  deficiency  of  proof 

"Treslong  is  apprehended,"  wrote  Davison  to  Burghley, 
"  and  is  charged  to  have  been  the  cause  that  the  fleet  passed 
not  up  to  Antwerp.  He  is  suspected  to  have  otherwise  for- 
gotten himself,  but  whether  justly  or  not  will  appear  by  his 
trial.  Meantime  he  is  kept  in  the  common  prison  of  Middel- 
burg, a  treatment  which  it  is  thought  they  would  not  offer 
him  if  they  had  not  somewhat  of  importance  against  him."  ^ 

He  was  subsequently  released  at  the  intercession  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  and  passed  some  time  in  England.  He  was  after- 
wards put  upon  trial,  but  no  accuser  appearing  to  sustain  the 
charges  against  him,  he  was  eventually  released.  He  never 
received  a  command  in  the  navy  again,  but  the  very  rich 

'  Davison  to  Burghley  and  "Walsingham,  Feb.  28,  1585.     S.  P.  Office  MS. 


1^84.  JUSTINUS  DE  NASSAU.— HO HEXLO.  I5I 

sinecures  of  Grand  Falconer  and  Chief  Forester  of  Holland 
were  bestowed  upon  him,  and  he  appears  to  have  ended  his 
days  in  peace  and  plenty.  * 

He  was  succeeded  in  the  post  of  Admiral  of  Holland  and 
Zeeland  by  Justinus  de  Nassau,  natural  son  of  William  the  Si- 
lent, a  young  man  of  much  promise  but  of  little  exj)erience.  * 

General  Count  Hohenlo,  too,  lieutenant  for  young  Maurice, 
and  virtual  commander-in-chief  of  the  States'  forces,  was  apt 
to  give  much  trouble.  A  German  noble,  of  ancient  descent 
and  princely  rank,  brave  to  temerity,  making  a  jest  of  dan- 
ger, and  riding  into  a  foray  as  if  to  a  merry-making  ;  often 
furiously  intoxicated,  and  always  turbulent  and  uncertain  ;  a 
handsome,  dissipated  cavalier,  with  long  curls  floating  over 
his  shoulders,  an  imposing  aristocratic  face,  and  a  graceful, 
athletic  figure,  he  needed  some  cool  brain  and  steady  hand  to 
guide  him — valuable  as  he  was  to  fulfil  any  daring  project 
— ^but  was  hardly  willing  to  accept  the  authority  of  a  burgo- 
master. While  the  young  Maurice  yet  needed  tutelage, 
while  "  the  sapling  was  growing  into  the  tree,"  Hohenlo  was 
a  dangerous  chieftain  and  a  most  disorderly  lieutenant. 

With  such  municipal  machinery  and  such  coadjutors  had 
Sainte  Aldegonde  to  deal,  while,  meantime,  the  delusive 
French  negociation  was  dragging  its  slow  length  along,  and 
while  Parma  was  noiselessly  and  patiently  proceeding  with 
his  preparations. 

The  burgomaster — for  Sainte  Aldegonde,  in  whom  vulgar 
ambition  was  not  a  foible,  had  refused  the  dignity  and  title 
of  Margrave  of  Antwerp,  which  had  been  tendered  him — 
had  neglected  no  eifort  towards  carrying  into  efiect  the  ad- 
vice of  Orange,  given  almost  with  his  latest  breath.  The 
manner  in  which  that  advice  was  received  furnished  a  strik- 
ing illustration  of  the  defective  machinery  which  has  been 
pourtrayed. 

Upon  his  return  from  Delft,  Sainte  Aldegonde  had  sum- 
moned a   meeting  of  the   magistracy  of  Antwerp.      He   laid 

'  Strada,  IT.  332,  seq.  Reyd,  iv.  59.  Bor.  II.  xx.  570-594.  Wagenaar,  viiL 
84-87.     Meteren,  xii.  218.  '  Ibid. 


152  THE   UNITED    NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

before  the  board  the  information  communicated  by 
'  '  Orange  as  to  Parma's  intentions.  He  also  ex- 
plained the  scheme  proposed  for  their  frustration,  and  urged 
the  measures  indicated  with  so  much  earnestness  that  his 
fellow-magistrates  were  convinced.  The  order  was  passed 
for  piercing  the  Blauw-garen  Dyke,  and  Sainte  Aldegonde, 
with  some  engineers,  was  requested  to  view  the  locality,  and 
to  take  order  for  the  immediate  fulfilment  of  the  plan. ' 

Unfortunately  there  were  many  other  boards  in  session 
besides  that  of  the  Schepens,  many  other  motives  at  work 
besides  those  of  patriotism.  The  guild  of  butchers  held  a 
meeting,  so  soon  as  the  plan  suggested  was  known,  and  re- 
solved with  all  their  strength  to  oppose  its  execution. 

The  butchers  were  indeed  furious.  Twelve  thousand  oxen 
grazed  annually  upon  the  pastures  which  were  about  to  be 
submerged,  and  it  was  represented  as  unreasonable  that  all 
this  good  flesh  and  blood  should  be  sacrificed.  At  a  meeting 
of  the  magistrates  on  the  following  day,  sixteen  butchers, 
delegates  from  their  guild,  made  their  appearance,  hoarse 
with  indignation.  They  represented  the  vast  damage  which 
would  be  inflicted  upon  the  estates  of  many  private  indivi- 
duals by  the  proposed  inundation,  by  this  sudden  conversion 
of  teeming  meadows,  fertile  farms,  thriving  homesteads,  pro- 
lific orchards,  into  sandy  desolation.  Above  all  they  depicted, 
in  glowing  colours  and  with  natural  pathos,  the  vast  destruc- 
tion of  beef  which  was  imminent,  and  they  urged — with  some 
show  of  reason — that  if  Parma  were  really  about  to  reduce 
Antwerp  by  famine,  his  scheme  certainly  would  not  be  ob- 
structed by  the  premature  annihilation  of  these  wholesome 
supplies.^ 

That  the  Scheldt  could  be  closed  in  any  manner  was, 
however,  they  said,  a  preposterous  conception.  That  it  could 
be  bridged  was  the  dream  of  a  lunatic.  Even  if  it  were  pos- 
sible to  construct  a  bridge,  and  probable  that  the  Zeelanders 
and   Antwerpers  would  look  on  with  folded  arms  while  the 

'  Bor.  II.  467. 
'  Bor,  II.  467,  seq.     Meteren,  xii.  216-218,  seq.     Hoofd  Vervolgh,  4,  aeq. 


1585.  OPPOSITION  TO  THE   PLAN   OP   ORANGE.  153 

work  proceeded,  the  fabric,  when  completed,  would  be  at  the 
mercy  of  the  ice-floods  of  the  winter  and  the  enormous  power 
of  the  ocean-tides.  The  Prince  of  Orange  himself,  on  a 
former  occasion,  when  Antwerp  was  Spanish,  had  attempted 
to  close  the  river  with  rafts,  sunken  piles,  and  other  obstruc- 
tions, but  the  whole  had  been  swept  away,  like  a  dam  of 
bulrushes,  by  the  first  descent  of  the  ice-blocks  of  winter.  It 
was  witless  to  believe  that  Parma  contemplated  any  such 
measure,  and  utterly  monstrous  to  believe  in  its  success/ 
I  Thus  far  the  butchers.  Soon  afterwards  came  sixteen 
colonels  of  militia,  as  representatives  of  their  branch  of  the 
multiform  government.  These  personages,  attended  by  many 
officers  of  inferior  degree,  sustained  the  position  of  the  but- 
chers with  many  voluble  and  vehement  arguments.  Not  the 
least  convincing  of  their  conclusions  was  the  assurance  that  it 
would  be  idle  for  the  authorities  to  attempt  the  destruction  of 
the  dyke,  seeing  that  the  municipal  soldiery  itself  would  pre- 
vent the  measure  by  main  force,  at  all  hazards,  and  without 
regard  to  their  own  or  others'  lives. 

The  violence  of  this  opposition,  and  the  fear  of  a  serious 
internecine  conflict  at  so  critical  a  juncture,  proved  fatal  to 
the  project.  Much  precious  time  was  lost,  and  when  at  last 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city  awoke  from  their  delusion,  it  was 
to  find  that  repentance,  as  usual,  had  come  many  hours  too 
late.' 

For  Parma  had  been  acting  while  his  antagonists  had  been 
wrangling.  He  was  hampered  in  his  means,  but  he  was 
assisted  by  what  now  seems  the  incredible  supineness  of  the 
Netherlanders.  Even  Sainte  Aldegonde  did  not  believe  in  the 
possibility  of  erecting  the  bridge  ;  not  a  man  in  Antwerp 
seemed  to  believe  it.  "  The  preparations,"  said  one  who 
lived  in  the  city,  "  went  on  before  our  very  noses,  and  every 
one  was  ridiculing  the  Spanish  commander's  folly."* 

A  very  great  error  was,  moreover,  committed  in  abandoning 
Herenthals   to  the   enemy.     The    city  of  Antwerp  governed 

•  Bor.  Moteren,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.     Le  Petit,  IT.  500.  seq.  '  Ibid. 

3  Le  Petit,  IL  498,  499. 


154  THE    UNITED    NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.   V. 

Brabant,  and  it  would  have  been  far  better  for  the  authorities 
of  the  commercial  capital  to  succour  this  small  but  important 
city,  and,  by  so  doing,  to  protract  for  a  long  time  their 
own  defence.  Mondragon  saw  and  rejoiced  over  the  mistaka 
"  Now  'tis  easy  to  see  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  is  dead," 
said  the  veteran,  as  he  took  possession,  in  the  King's  name,  of 
the  forsaken  Herenthals.^ 

Early  in  the  summer,  Parma's  operations  had  been,  of  ne- 
cessity, desultory.  He  had  sprinkled  forts  up  and  down  the 
Scheldt,  and  had  gradually  been  gaining  control  of  the  naviga- 
tion upon  that  river.  Thus  Ghent  and  Dendermonde,  Vil- 
voorde,  Brussels,  and  Antwerp,  had  each  been  isolated,  and 
all  prevented  from  rendering  mutual  assistance.  Below 
Antwerp,  however,  was  to  be  the  scene  of  the  great  struggle. 
Here,  within  nine  miles  of  the  city,  were  two  forts  belonging 
to  the  States,  on  opposite  sides  of  the  stream,  Lillo  and  Lief- 
kenshoek.  It  was  important  for  the  Spanish  commander  to 
gain  possession  of  both,  before  commencing  his  contemplated 
bridge. 

Unfortunately  for  the  States,  the  fortifications  of  Liefkens- 
hoek,  on  the  Flemish  side  of  the  river,  had  not  been  entirely 
completed.  Eight  hundred  men  lay  within  it,  under  Colonel 
John  Pettin  of  Arras,  an  old  patriotic  officer  of  much  ex- 
perience. Parma,  after  reconnoitring  the  place  in  person, 
despatched  the  famous  Viscount  of  Ghent — now  called  Marquis 
of  Koubaix  and  Richebourg — to  carry  it  by  assault.  The 
Marquis  sent  one  hundred  men  from  his  Walloon  legion,  under 
two  officers,  in  whom  he  had  confidence,  to  attempt  a  surprise, 
with  orders,  if  not  successful,  to  return  without  delay.  They 
were  successful.  The  one  hundred  gained  entrance  into  the 
fort  at  a  point  where  the  defences  had  not  been  put  into  suffi- 
cient repair. 

They  were  immediately  followed  by  Richebourg,  at  the 
head  of  his  regiment.      The   day  was  a  fatal   one.      It  was 

loth  July,  the  10th  July,  and  William  of  Orange  was  falling 
1^^^-    '    at  Delft  by  the  hand  of  Balthazar  Gerard.     Lief- 

'  Reyd,  iv.  59. 


1584. 


CAPTURE  OF  LIEFKENSHOEK. 


155 


kenshoek  was  carried  at  a  blow.  Of  the  eight  hundred  patriots 
in  the  place,  scarcely  a  man  escaped.  Four  hundred  were 
put  to  the  sword,  the  others  were  hunted  into  the  river,  when 
nearly  all  were  drowned.  Of  the  royalists  a  single  man  was 
killed,  and  two  or  three  more  were  wounded.  "  Our  Lord  was 
pleased,"  wrote  Parma  piously  to  Philip,  that  we  "  should  cut 
the  throats  of  four  hundred  of  them  in  a  single  instant,  and 
that  a  great  many  more  should  be  killed  upon  the  dykes  ;  so 
that  I  believe  very  few  to  have  escaped  with  life.  We  lost 
one  man,  besides  two  or  three  wounded."  ^  A  few  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  among  them  was  the  commander  John  Pettin. 
He  was  at  once  brought  before  Richebourg,  who  was  standing 
in  the  presence  of  the  Prince  of  Parma.  The  Marquis  drew 
his  sword,  walked  calmly  up  to  the  captured  Colonel,  and  ran 
him  through  the  body.  Pettin  fell  dead  upon  the  spot.  The 
Prince  was  displeased.  "  Too  much  choler.  Marquis,  too 
much  choler," — said  he  reprovingly.  "  Troppa  colera.  Signer 
Marchese,  e  questa."  *  But  Richebourg  knew  better.  He 
had,  while  still  Viscount  of  Ghent,  carried  on  a  year  pre- 
viously a  parallel  intrigue  with  the  royalists  and  the  patriots. 
The  Prince  of  Parma  had  bid  highest  for  his  services,  and 
had,  accordingly,  found  him  a  most  effectual  instrument  in 
completing  the  reduction  of  the  Walloon  Provinces.  The 
Prince  was  not  aware,  however,  that  his  brave  but  venal  ally 
had,  at  the  very  same  moment,  been  secretly  treating  with 
William  of  Orange ;  and  as  it  so  happened  that  Colonel 
Pettin  had  been  the  agent  in  tlie  unsuccessful  negotiation,  it 
was  possible  that  his  duplicity  would  now  be  exposed.^  The 
Marquis  had,  therefore,  been  prompt  to  place  his  old  con- 
federate in  the  condition  wherein  men  tell  no  tales,  and  if 
contemporary  chronicles  did  not  bely  him,  it  was  not  the  first 


*  "  Y  fue  nuestro  Seiior  servido  que 
entrasaen  con  sola  perdida  de  uu 
muerto  y  2  o  3  heridos,  y  que  se  de- 
gollasen  hasta  400  hombres  en  el 
mismo  instante,  y  que  se  matasaen  en 
los  diques  muchos — de  manera  que 
creo    que     ban     quedado    pocos    con 


vida."  Parma  to  Pliilip  II.,  15  July, 
1584.  Arciiivo  de  Simancas  MS. 
Compare  Bor,  II.  469,  seq.  Meteren, 
xii.  218vo.     Strada,  II.  304,  seq. 

2  Meteren,  xii.  218. 

3  Ibid. 


J5G  TJIK    ITNITKD   NETHERLANDS.  Cuaf,   V 

time  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  such  cold-blooded   murder 
The  choler  had  not  been  superfluous. 

The  fortress  of  Lillo  was  garrisoned  by  the  Antwerp  volun- 
teers, called  the  "  Young  Bachelors."  Teligny,  the  brave  son 
of  the  illustrious  "  Iron-armed "  La  Noue,  commanded  in 
chief :  and  he  had,  besides  the  militia,  a  company  of  French 
under  Captain  Gascoigne,  and  four  hundred  Scotchmen  under 
Colonel  Morgan — perhaps  two  thousand  men  in  all. 

Mondragon,  hero  of  the  famous  submarine  expeditions  of 
Philipsland  and  Zierickzee,  was  ordered  by  Parma  to  take 
the  place  at  every  hazard.  With  five  thousand  men — a  large 
proportion  of  the  Spanish  effective  force  at  that  moment — 
the  veteran  placed  himself  before  the  fort,  taking  possession 
of  the  beautiful  country-house  and  farm  of  Lillo,  where  he 
planted  his  batteries,  and  commenced  a  regular  cannonade. 
The  place  was  stronger  than  Liefkenshoek,  however,  and 
Teligny  thoroughly  comprehended  the  importance  of  main- 
taining it  for  the  States.  Mondragon  dug  mines,  and  Teligny 
countermined.  The  Spanish  daily  cannonade  was  cheerfully 
responded  to  by  the  besieged,  and  by  the  time  Mondragon 
had  shot  away  fifty  thousand  pounds  of  powder,  he  found  that 
he  had  made  no  impression  upon  the  fortress,  while  the 
number  of  his  troops  had  been  diminishing  with  great  ra- 
pidity. Mondragon  was  not  so  impetuous  as  he  had  been  on 
many  former  occasions.  He  never  ventured  an  assault.  At 
last  Teligny  made  a  sortie  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  force. 
A  warm  action  succeeded,  at  the  conclusion  of  which,  without 
a  decided  advantage  on  either  side,  the  sluice-gate  in  the 
fortress  was  opened,  and  the  torrent  of  the  Scheldt,  swollen  by 
a  high  tide,  was  suddenly  poured  upon  the  Spaniards.  As- 
sailed at  once  by  the  fire  from  the  Lillo  batteries,  and  by  the 
waters  of  the  river,  they  were  forced  to  a  rapid  retreat.  This 
they  effected  with  great  loss,  but  with  signal  courage,  strug- 
gling breast  high  in  the  waves,  and  bearing  off"  their  field- 
pieces  in  their  arms  in  the  very  face  of  the  enemy.' 

•  Hoofd,  Vervolgh,  7,  8.  Strada,  II.  304,  seq.  Bor.,  II.  469,  seq.  Meteren. 
xii.  218. 


1584.  HEAD-QUARTERS  OF  PARMA  AT  KALLOO.  I57 

Three  weeks  long  Mondragon  had  been  before  Fort  Lillo, 
and  two  thousand  of  his  soldiers  had  been  slain  in  the  trenches. 
The  attempt  was  now  abandoned.  Parma  directed  permanent 
batteries  to  be  established  at  Lillo-house,  at  Oordam,  and  at 
other  places  along  the  river,  and  proceeded  quietly  with  his 
carefully- matured  plan  for  closing  the  river.' 

His  own  camp  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  villages  of 
Beveren,  Kalloo,  and  Borght.  Of  the  ten  thousand  foot  and 
seventeen  hundred  horse,  which  composed  at  the  moment  his 
whole  army,  about  one-half  lay  with  him,  while  the  remainder 
were  with  Count  Peter  Ernest  Mansfeld,  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Stabroek.  Thus  the  Prince  occupied  a  position  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Scheldt,  nearly  opposite  Antwerp,  while 
Mansfeld  was  stationed  upon  the  right  bank,  and  ten  miles 
farther  down  the  river.  From  a  point  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Kalloo,  Alexander  intended  to  throw  a  fortified  bridge  to 
the  opposite  shore.  When  completed,  all  traffic  up  the  river 
from  Zeeland  would  be  cut  off;  and  as  the  country  on  the 
land-side,  about  Antwerp,  had  been  now  reduced,  the  city  would 
be  effectually  isolated.  If  the  Prince  could  hold  his  bridge 
until  famine  should  break  the  resistance  of  the  burghers, 
Antwerp  would  fall  into  his  hands. 

His  head-quarters  were  at  Kalloo,  and  this  obscure  spot 
soon  underwent  a  strange  transformation.  A  drowsy  placid 
little  village — with  a  modest  parish  spire  peeping  above  a 
clump  of  poplars,  and  with  half  a  dozen  cottages,  with  storks'- 
nests  on  their  roofs,  sprinkled  here  and  there  among  pastures 
and  orchards — suddenly  saw  itself  changed  as  it  were  into  a 
thriving  bustling  town  ;  for,  saving  the  white  tents  which 
dotted  the  green  turf  in  every  direction,  the  aspect  of  the 
scene  was,  for  a  time,  almost  pacific.  It  was  as  if  some  gi-eat 
manufacturing  enterprise  had  been  set  on  foot,  and  the 
world  had  suddenly  awoke  to  the  hidden  capabilities  of  the 
situation. 

A  great  dockyard  and  arsenal  suddenly  revealed  them- 
selves— rising  like    an   exhalation — where    ship-builders,    ar- 

1  Meteren,  xii.  218. 


158 


THE   UXITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  "V. 


mourers,  blacksmiths,  joiners,  carpenters,  caulkers,  gravers, 
were  hard  at  work  all  day  long.  The  din  and  hum  of  what 
seemed  a  peaceful  industry  were  unceasing.  From  Kalloo, 
Parma  dug  a  canal  twelve  miles  long  to  a  place  called  Steeken, 
hundreds  of  pioneers  being  kept  constantly  at  work  with  pick 
and  spade  till  it  was  completed.  Through  this  artificial 
channel — so  soon  as  Ghent  and  Dendermonde  had  fallen — 
came  floats  of  timber,  fleets  of  boats  laden  with  provisions  of 
life  and  munitions  of  death,  building-materials,  and  every 
*  other  requisite  for  the  great  undertaking,  all  to  be  disem- 
barked at  Kalloo.  The  object  was  a  temporary  and  destructive 
one,  but  it  remains  a  monument  of  the  great  general's  energy 
and  a  useful  public  improvement.  The  amelioration  of  the 
fenny  and  barren  soil,  called  the  Waesland,  is  dated  from 
that  epoch  ;  and  the  spot  in  Europe  which  is  the  most  pro- 
lific, and  which  nourishes  the  largest  proportion  of  inhabitants 
to  the  square  mile,  is  precisely  the  long  dreary  swamp  which 
the  Prince  thus  drained  for  military  purposes,  and  converted 
into  a  garden.  Drusus  and  Corbulo,  in  the  days  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  had  done  the  same  good  service  for  their  barbarian 
foes. 

At  Kalloo  itself,  all  the  shipwrights,  cutlers,  masons,  brass- 
founders,  rope-makers,  anchor-forgers,  sailors,  boatmen,  of 
Flanders  and  Brabant,  with  a  herd  of  bakers,  brewers,  and 
butchers,  were  congregated  by  express  order  of  Parma.  In 
the  little  church  itself  the  main  workshop  was  established, 
and  all  day  long,  week  after  week,  month  after  month,  the 
sound  of  saw  and  hammer,  adze  and  i)lane,  the  rattle  of 
machinery,  the  cry  of  sentinels,  the  cheers  of  mariners,  re- 
sounded, where  but  lately  had  been  heard  nothing  save  the 
drowsy  homily  and  the  devout  hymn  of  rustic  worship.^ 

Nevertheless  the  summer  and  autumn  wore  on,  and  still 
the  bridge  was  hardly  commenced.  The  navigation  of  the 
river — although    impeded    and    rendered    dangerous  by   the 


^  Hoofd,  Bor.  Meteren,  uhi  sup. 
Le  Petit,  II,  509,  seq.  Reyd,  iv.  58, 
59.    Strada,  II.  321,  seq.    V.  d.  Kampeu, 


I.  482.     Bentivoglie,  'Guerra  di  Fian. 
dra,'  P.  II.  L.  IIJ. 


1584, 


DIFFICULTY  OF  SUPPLYING  THE  CITY 


159 


forts  which  Parma  held  along  the  banks — was  still  open  ; 
and,  so  long  as  the  price  of  corn  in  Antwerp  remained  three 
or  four  times  as  high  as  the  sum  for  which  it  could  be  pur- 
chased in  Holland  and  Zeeland,  there  were  plenty  of  dare- 
devil skippers  ready  to  bring  cargoes.  Fleets  of  fly-boats, 
convoyed  by  armed  vessels,  were  perpetually  running  the 
gauntlet.  Sharp  actions  on  shore  between  the  forts  of  the 
patriots  and  those  of  Parma,  which  were  all  intermingled 
promiscuously  along  the  banks,  and  amphibious  and  most 
bloody  encounters  on  ship-board,  dyke,  and  in  the  stream 
itself,  between  the  wild  Zeelanders  and  the  fierce  pikemen  of 
Italy  and  Spain,  were  of  repeated  occurrence.  Many  a 
lagging  craft  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands,  when,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  the  men,  women,  and  children,  on  board,  were 
horribly  mutilated  by  the  Spaniards,  and  were  then  sent 
drifting  in  their  boat  with  the  tide — their  arms,  legs,  and 
ears  lopped  off — up  to  the  city,  in  order  that  the  dangerous 
nature  of  this  provision- trade  might  be  fully  illustrated.' 

Yet  that  traffic  still  went  on.  It  would  have  continued 
until  Antwerp  had  been  victualled  for  more  than  a  year,  had 
not  the  city  authorities,  in  the  plentitude  of  their  25th  Oct., 
wisdom,  thought  proper  to  issue  orders  for  its  regu-  ^^^^• 
lation.  On  the  25th  October  a  census  was  taken,  when  the 
number  of  persons  inside  the  walls  was  found  to  be  ninety 
thousand.  For  this  population  it  was  estimated  that  300,000 
veertels,  or  about  900,000  bushels  of  corn,  would  be  required 
annually.^  The  grain  was  coming  in  very  ftist,  notwithstand- 
ing the  perilous  nature  of  the  trade  ;  for  wheat  could  be 
bought  in  Holland  for  fifty  florins  the  last,  or  about  fifteen 
pence  sterling  the  bushel,  while  it  was  worth  five  or  six  florins 
the  veertel,  or  about  four  shillings  the  bushel,  in  Antwerp.^ 

The  magistrates   now  committed  a  folly  more  stupendous 
than  it  seemed  possible  for  human  creatures,  under  such  cir- 


1  "Bien  est  vray  qu'il  en  arrivait 
journellement  aucunes  qui  amenoient 
des  hommes  et  des  femmes,  les  uiis 
tuez,  les  autres  sans  bras,  ny  jambes, 
maia  tout  cela  n'empeschoit  point  lo 


passajye  pourtant,"  &c.  Le  Petit,  iv, 
500.  The  historian  was  in  Antwerp 
during  the  siege. 

'  Bor,  TIL  500. 

*  Meteren,  Bor,  ubi  sup. 


1(30  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Ciiai-.  V 

ciimstances,  to  compass.  They  established  a  maximum  upon 
corn.'  The  skippers  who  had  run  their  cargoes  through  the 
gauntlet,  all  the  way  from  Flushing  to  Antwerp,  found  on 
their  arrival,  that,  instead  of  being  rewarded,  according  to 
the  natural  laws  of  demand  and  supply,  they  were  required 
to  exchange  their  wheat,  rye,  butter,  and  beef,  against  the 
exact  sum  which  the  Board  of  Schepens  thought  proper  to 
consider  a  reasonable  remuneration.  Moreover,  in  order  to 
prevent  the  accumulation  of  provisions  in  private  magazines, 
it  was  enacted,  that  all  consumers  of  grain  should  be  com- 
pelled to  make  their  purchases  directly  from  the  ships.' 
These  two  measures  were  almost  as  fatal  as  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Blaw-garen  Dyke,  in  the  interest  of  the  butchers. 
Winter  and  famine  were  staring  the  city  in  the  face,  and 
the  maximum  now  stood  sentinel  against  the  gate,  to  pre- 
vent the  admission  of  food.  The  traffic  ceased  without  a 
struggle.  Parma  himself  could  not  have  better  arranged  the 
blockade. 

Meantime  a  vast  and  almost  general  inundation  had  taken 
place.  The  aspect  of  the  country  for  many  miles  around 
was  strange  and  desolate.  The  sluices  had  been  opened  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Saftingen,  on  the  Flemish  side,  so  that 
all  the  way  from  Hulst  the  waters  were  out,  and  flowed  nearly 
to  the  gates  of  Antwerp.  A  wide  and  shallow  sea  rolled  over 
the  fertile  plains,  while  church-steeples,  the  tops  of  lofty  trees, 
and  here  and  there  the  turrets  of  a  castle,  scarcely  lifted 
themselves  above  the  black  waters  ;  the  peasants'  houses,  the 
granges,  whole  rural  villages,  having  entirely  disappeared. 
The  high  grounds  of  Doel,  of  Kalloo,  and  Beveren,  where 
Alexander  was  established,  remained  out  of  reach  of  the  flood. 
Far  below,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  other  sluices  had 
been  opened,  and  the  sea  had  burst  over  the  wide,  level  plain. 
The  villages  of  Wilmerdonk,  Orderen,  Ekeren,  were  changed 
to  islands  in  the  ocean,  while  all  the  other  hamlets,  for  miles 
around,  were  utterly  submerged.* 

'  Reyd,  iv.  59.     Bor,  Meteren,  uhi  sup.  '  Reyd,  Bor,  Meteren, 

'  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  Le  Petit,  Reyd,  ubi  sup. 


1584.  RESULTS  OF  NOT  PIERCING  THE  DYKES.  IQl 

Still,  however,  the  Blaw-garen  Dyke  and  its  companion  the 
Kowenstyn  remained  obstinately  above  the  waters,  forming 
a  present  and  more  fatal  obstruction  to  the  communication 
between  Antwerp  and  Zeeland  than  would  be  furnished  even 
by  the  threatened  and  secretly-advancing  bridge  across  the 
Scheldt.  Had  Orange's  prudent  advice  been  taken,  the  city 
had  been  safe.  Over  the  prostrate  dykes,  whose  destruction 
he  had  so  warmly  urged,  the  ocean  would  have  rolled  quite 
to  the  gates  of  Antwerp,  and  it  would  have  been  as  easy  to 
bridge  the  North  Sea  as  to  control  the  free  navigation  of  the 
patriots  over  so  wide  a  surface. 

When  it  was  too  late,  the  butchers,  and  colonels,  and 
captains,  became  penitent  enough.  An  order  was  passed,  by 
acclamation,  in  November,  to  do  what  Orange  had  recom- 
mended in  June.  It  was  decreed  that  the  Blaw-garen  and 
the  Kowenstyn  should  be  pierced.'  Alas,  the  hour  had  long 
gone  by.  Alexander  of  Parma  was  not  the  man  to  undertake 
the  construction  of  a  bridge  across  the  river,  at  a  vast  expense, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  permit  the  destruction  of  the  already 
existing  barrier.  There  had  been  a  time  for  such  a  deed. 
The  Seigneur  de  Kowenstyn,  who  had  a  castle  and  manor  on 
and  near  the  dyke  which  bore  his  name,  had  repeatedly  urged 
upon  the  Antwerp  magistracy  the  propriety  of  piercing  this 
bulwark,  even  after  their  refusal  to  destroy  the  outer  barrier. 
Sainte  Aldegonde,  who  vehemently  urged  the  measure,  protested 
that  his  hair  had  stood  on  end,  when  he  found,  after  repeated 
entreaty,  that  the  project  was  rejected.^  The  Seigneur  de 
Kowenstyn,  disgusted  and  indignant,  forswore  his  patriotism, 
and  went  over  to  Parma.^  The  dyke  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  And  now  from  Stabroek,  where  old  Mansfeld 
lay  with  his  army,  all  the  way  across  the  flooded  country,  ran 
the  great  bulwark,  strengthened  with  new  palisade-work  and 
block-houses,  bristling  with  Spanish  cannon,  pike,  and  arque- 


'  Bor,  II.  500.  I   '  Annales  Antwerpienses,'  iv.  100,  seq. 

*  Mertens    en    Torp.  Geschiedenis  '  Bor,    Meteren    Mertens    eu   Torp, 

yaa  Antwerpen,  v.   20G.  Paoebroehii,    |  tihi  sup. 

yoL.  i.—M 


162  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V 

bus,  even  to  the  bank  of  the  Scheldt,  in  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  Fort  Lillo.  At  the  angle  of  its  junction  with  the  main 
dyke  of  the  river's  bank,  a  strong  fortress  called  Holy  Cross 
(Santa  Cruz)  had  been  constructed.  That  fortress  and  the 
whole  line  of  the  Kowenstyn  were  held  in  the  iron  grip  of 
Mondragon.  To  wrench  it  from  him  would  be  no  child's 
play.  Five  new  strong  redoubts  upon  the  dyke,  and  five 
or  six  thousand  Spaniards  established  there,  made  the  enter- 
prise more  formidable  than  it  would  have  been  in  June.  It 
had  been  better  to  sacrifice  the  twelve  thousand  oxen.  Twelve 
thousand  Hollanders  might  now  be  slaughtered,  and  still  the 
dyke  remain  above  the  waves. 

Here  was  the  key  to  the  fate  of  Antwerp. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  opening  of  the  Saftingen  Sluice 
had  done  Parma's  work  for  him.  Even  there,  too.  Orange 
had  been  prophetic.  Kalloo  was  high  and  dry,  but  Alexander 
had  experienced  some  difficulty  in  bringing  a  fleet  of  thirty 
vessels,  laden  with  cannon  and  other  valuable  materials,  from 
Ghent  along  the  Scheldt,  into  his  encampment,  because  it 
was  necessary  for  them,  before  reaching  their  destination,  to 
pass  in  front  of  Antwerp.  The  inundation,  together  with  a 
rupture  in  the  Dyke  of  Borght,  furnished  him  with  a  watery 
road,  over  which  his  fleet  completely  avoided  the  city,  and 
came  in  triumph  to  Kalloo.' 

Sainte  Aldegonde,  much  provoked  by  this  masterly  move- 
ment on  the  part  of  Parma,  had  followed  the  little  squadron 
closely  with  some  armed  vessels  from  the  city.  A  sharp 
action  had  succeeded,  in  which  the  burgomaster,  not  being 
properly  sustained  by  the  Zeeland  ships  on  which  he  relied, 
had  been  defeated.  Admiral  Jacob  Jacobzoon  behaved  with 
so  little  spirit  on  the  occasion  that  he  acquired  with  the 
Antwerp  populace  the  name  of  "  Run-away  Jacob,"  "  Koppen 
gaet  loppen  ; "  and  Sainte  Aldegonde  declared,  that,  but  for  his 
cowardice,  the  fleet  of  Parma  would  have  fallen  into  their 
hands.     The  biirgomaster  himself  narrowly  escaped   becoming 

'  Meteren,  lii.  218.     Bor,  11.  501. 


1584. 


PRELIMINARIES  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


163 


a  prisoner,  and  owed  his  safety  only  to  the  swiftness  of  his 
barge,  which  was  called  the  '  Flying  Devil.' ' 

The  patriots,  in  order  to  counteract  similar  enterprises  in 
future,  now  erected  a  sconce,  which  they  called  Fort  Teligny, 
upon  the  ruptured  dyke  of  Borght,  directly  in  front  of  the 
Borght  blockhouse,  belonging  to  the  Spaniards,  and  just 
opposite  Fort  Hoboken.  Here,  in  this  narrow  passage,  close 
under  the  walls  of  Antwerp,  where  friends  and  foes  were 
brought  closely,  face  to  face,  was  the  scene  of  many  a  sangui- 
nary skirmish,  from  the  commencement  of  the  siege  until  its 
close.' 

Still  the  bridge  was  believed  to  be  a  mere  fable,  a  chimaera. 
Parma,  men  said,  had  become  a  lunatic  from  pride.  It  was 
as  easy  to  make  the  Netherlands  submit  to  the  yoke  of  the 
Inquisition  as  to  put  a  bridle  on  the  Scheldt.  Its  depth, 
breadth,  the  ice-floods  of  a  northern  winter,  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  Zeeland  fleets,  the  activity  of  the  Antwerp  author- 
rities,  all  were  pledges  that  the  attempt  would  be  signally 
frustrated.* 

And  they  should  have  been  pledges — more  than  enough. 
Unfortunately,  however,  there  was  dissension  within,  and  no 
chieftain  in  the  field,  no  sage  in  the  council,  of  sufficient 
authority  to  sustain  the  whole  burthen  of  the  war,  and  to 
direct  all  the  energies  of  the  commonwealth.  Orange  was 
dead.  His  son,  one  day  to  become  the  most  illustrious  mili- 
tary commander  in  Europe,  was  a  boy  of  seventeen,  nominally 
captain-general,  but  in  reality  but  a  youthful  apprentice  to 
his  art.  Hohenlo  was  wild,  wilful,  and  obstinate.  Young 
William  Lewis  Nassau,  already  a  soldier  of  marked  abilities, 
was  fully  occupied  in  Friesland,  where  he  was  stadholder, 
and  where  he  had  quite  enough  to  do  in  making  head  against 
the  Spanish  governor  and  general,  the  veteran  Verdugo. 
Military  operations  against  Zutphen  distracted  the  attention 
of  the  States,  which  should  have  been  fixed  upon  Antwerp. 


'Haraei,    'Ann.    Turn.    Belg.,'    III. 
369.     Bor,  II.  501.     Meteron,  xii.  218, 


seq. 


Ibid. 


^Strada,   II.   312,   313.       Reyd,   ir. 
58,  59. 


164  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

Admiral  Treslong,  as  we  have  seen,  was  refractory,  the  cause 
of  great  delinquency  on  the  part  of  the  fleets,  and  of  infi- 
nite disaster  to  the  commonwealth.  More  than  all,  the  French 
negotiation  was  betraying  the  States  into  indolence  and  hesi- 
tation ;  and  creating  a  schism  between  the  leading  politicians 
of  the  country.  Several  thousand  French  troops,  under 
Monsieur  d'Allaynes,  were  daily  expected,  but  never  arrived  ; 
and  thus,  while  English  and  French  partisans  were  plotting 
and  counter-plotting,  while  a  delusive  diplomacy  was  u^irping 
the  place  of  lansquenettes  and  gun-boats — the  only  possible 
agents  at  that  moment  to  preserve  Antwerp — the  bridge  of 
Parma  was  slowly  advancing.  Before  the  winter  had  closed 
in,  the  preparatory  palisades  had  been  finished. 

Between  Kalloo  and  Ordam,  upon  the  opposite  side,  a  sand- 
bar had  been  discovered  in  the  river's  bed,  which  diminished 
the  depth  of  the  stream,  and  rendered  the  pile-driving  com- 
paratively easy.  The  breadth  of  the  Scheldt  at  this  passage 
was  twenty-four  hundred  feet ;  its  depth,  sixty  feet.  Upon 
the  Flemish  side,  near  Kalloo,  a  strong  fort  was  erected,  called 
Saint  Mary,  in  honour  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  to  whom  the 
whole  siege  of  Antwerp  had  been  dedicated  from  the  begin- 
ning. On  the  opposite  bank  was  a  similar  fort,  named  Philip, 
for  the  King.  From  each  of  these  two  points,  thus  fortified, 
a  framework  of  heavy  timber,  supported  upon  huge  piles,  had 
been  carried  so  far  into  the  stream  on  either  side  that  the  dis- 
tance between  the  ends  had  at  last  been  reduced  to  thirteen 
hundred  feet.  The  breadth  of  the  roadway — ^formed  of  strong 
sleepers  firmly  bound  together — was  twelve  feet,  along  which 
block-houses  of  great  thickness  were  placed  to  defend  the 
whole  against  assault.^ 

Thus  far  the  work  had  been  comparatively  easy.  To  bridge 
the  remaining  open  portion  of  the  river,  however,  where  its 
current  was  deepest  and  strongest,  and  where  the  action  of 
tide,  tempest,  and  icebergs,  would  be  most  formidable,  seemed 
a  desperate  undertaking  ;  for  as  the  enterprise  advanced,  this 

'  Bor,  II.  501,  seq.  Meteren,  xii.  218,  seq.  Strada.  II.  313,  seq.  Benti. 
TOglio,  P.  II.  L.  III.  288,  seq. 


1584.  SUCCESSES   OF   THE    SPANIARDS.  Ig5 

narrow  open  space  became  the  scene  of  daily  amphibious 
encounters  between  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  Parma  and  the 
forces  of  the  States.  Unfortunately  for  the  patriots,  it  was 
only  skirmishing.  Had  a  strong,  concerted  attack,  in  large 
force,  from  Holland  and  Zeeland  below  and  from  the  city 
above,  been  agreed  upon,  there  was  hardly  a  period,  until  very 
late  in  the  winter,  when  it  might  not  have  had  the  best  chances 
of  success.  With  a  vigorous  commander  against  him,  Parma, 
weak  in  men,  and  at  his  wits'  end  for  money,  might,  in  a  few 
hours,  have  seen  the  labour  of  several  months  hopelessly  anni- 
hilated. On  the  other  hand,  the  Prince  was  ably  seconded  by 
his  lieutenant.  Marquis  Richebourg,  to  whom  had  been  dele- 
gated the  immediate  superintendence  of  the  bridge-building 
in  its  minutest  details.  He  was  never  idle.  Audacious,  inde- 
fatigable, ubiquitous,  he  at  least  atoned  by  energy  and  bril- 
liant courage  for  his  famous  treason  of  the  preceding  year, 
while  his  striking  and  now  rapidly  approaching  doom  upon 
the  very  scene  of  his  present  labours,  made  him  appear  to 
have  been  building  a  magnificent  though  fleeting  monument 
to  his  own  memory.' 

Sainte  Aldegonde,  shut  up  in  Antwerp,  and  hampered  by 
dissension  within  and  obstinate  jealousy  without  the  walls, 
did  all  in  his  power  to  frustrate  the  enemy's  enterprise  and 
animate  the  patriots.  Through  the  whole  of  the  autumn  and 
early  winter,  he  had  urged  the  States  of  Holland  and  Zeeland 
to  make  use  of  the  long  winter  nights,  when  moonless  and 
stormy,  to  attempt  the  destruction  of  Parma's  undertaking, 
but  the  fatal  influences  already  indicated  were  more  efficient 
against  Antwerj)  than  even  the  genius  of  Farnese  ;  and  no- 
thing came  of  the  burgomaster's  entreaties  save  desultory 
skirmishing  and  unsuccessful  enterprises.  An  especial  mis- 
fortune happened  in  one  of  these  midnight  undertakings. 
Teligny  ventured  forth  in  a  row-barge,  with  scarcely  any 
companions,  to  notify  the  Zeelanders  of  a  contemplated  move- 
ment, in  which  their  co-operation  was  desired.  It  was  pro- 
posed that  the  Antwerp  troops  should  make  a  fictitious  demon- 

*  Bentivoglio,  Strada,  uli  sup. 


X66  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

stration  upon  Fort  Ordam,  while  at  the  same  moment  the 
States'  troops  from  Fort  Lillo  should  make  an  assault  upon 
the  forts  on  Kowenstyn  Dyke  ;  and  in  this  important  enter- 
prise the  Zeeland  vessels  were  requested  to  assist.  But  the 
brave  Tcligny  nearly  forfeited  his  life  by  his  rashness,  and  his 
services  were,  for  a  long  time,  lost  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  It 
had  been  better  to  send  a  less  valuable  officer  upon  such 
hazardous  yet  subordinate  service.  The  drip  of  his  oars  was 
heard  in  the  darkness.  He  was  pursued  by  a  number  of 
armed  barges,  attacked,  wounded  severely  in  the  shoulder, 
and  captured.  He  threw  his  letters  overboard,  but  they  were 
fished  out  of  the  water,  carried  to  Parma,  and  deciphered,  so 
that  the  projected  attack  upon  the  Kowenstyn  was  disco- 
vered, and,  of  necessity,  deferred.  As  for  Teligny,  he  was 
taken,  as  a  most  valuable  prize,  into  the  enemy's  camp,  and 
was  soon  afterwards  thrust  into  prison  at  Tournay,  where  he 
remained  six  years — one  year  longer  than  the  period  which  his 
illustrious  father  had  been  obliged  to  consume  in  the  infamous 
dungeon  at  Mons.  Few  disasters  could  have  been  more  keenly 
felt  by  the  States  than  the  loss  of  this  brilliant  and  devoted 
French  chieftain,  who,  young  as  he  was,  had  already  become  very 
dear  to  the  republic;  and  Sainte  Aldegonde  was  severely  blamed 
for  sending  so  eminent  a  personage  on  that  dangerous  expe- 
dition, and  for  sending  him,  too,  with  an  insufficient  convoy.' 

Still  Alexander  felt  uncertain  as  to  the  result.  He  was 
determined  to  secure  Antwerp,  but  he  yet  thought  it  possible 
to  secure  it  by  negotiation.  The  enigmatical  policy  main- 
tained by  France  perplexed  him  ;  for  it  did  not  seem  possible 
that  so  much  apparent  solemnity  and  earnestness  were  destined 
to  lead  to  an  impotent  and  infamous  conclusion.  He  was  left, 
too,  for  a  long  time  in  ignorance  of  his  own  master's  secret 
schemes,  he  was  at  liberty  to  guess,  and  to  guess  only,  as  to 
the  projects  of  the  league,  he  was  without  adequate  means  to 
carry  out  to  a  certain  triumph  his  magnificent  enterprise,  and 
he  was  in  constant  alarm  lest  he  should  be  suddenly  assailed 
by  an  overwhelming  French  force.     Had  a  man  sat  upon  the 

*  Bor,  II.  607,  508.     Meteren,  xU.  218.    Strada,  II.  319,  320. 


1584.  ENERGY  OF  FARNESE  WITil  SWORD  AND  PEN.  167 

throne  of  Henry  III.  at  that  moment,  Parma's  bridge-making 
and  dyke-fortifying — skilful  as  they  were — would  have  been 
all  in  vain.  Meantime,  in  uncertainty  as  to  the  great  issue, 
but  resolved  to  hold  firmly  to  his  purpose,  he  made  repeated 
conciliatory  offers  to  the  States  with  one  hand,  while  he 
steadily  prosecuted  his  aggressive  schemes  with  the  other. 

Parma  had  become  really  gentle,  almost  affectionate,  to- 
wards the  Netherlanders.  He  had  not  the  disposition  of  an 
Alva  to  smite  and  to  blast,  to  exterminate  the  rebels  and 
heretics  with  fire  and  sword,  with  the  axe,  the  rack,  and  the 
gallows.  Provided  they  would  renounce  the  great  object  of 
the  contest,  he  seemed  really  desirous  that  they  should  escape 
further  chastisement;  but  to  admit  the  worship  of  God  accord- 
ing to  the  reformed  creed,  was  with  him  an  inconceivable 
idea.  To  do  so  was  both  unrighteous  and  impolitic.  He  had 
been  brought  up  to  believe  that  mankind  could  be  saved  from 
eternal  perdition  only  by  believing  in  the  infallibility  of  the 
Bishop  of  Rome  ;  that  the  only  keys  to  eternal  paradise  were 
in  the  hands  of  St.  Peter's  representative.  Moreover,  he  in- 
stinctively felt  that  within  this  religious  liberty  which  the 
Netherlanders  claimed  was  hidden  the  germ  of  civil  liberty ; 
and  though  no  bigger  than  a  grain  of  mustard-seed,  it  was 
necessary  to  destroy  it  at  once  ;  for  of  course  the  idea  of  civil 
liberty  could  not  enter  the  brain  of  the  brilliant  general  of 
Philip  II. 

On  the  13th  of  November  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
magistracy  and  broad-council  of  Antwerp.  He  asserted  that 
the  instigators  of  the  rebellion  were  not  seeking  to  i3th  Nov., 
further  the  common  weal,  but  their  own  private  i^^^. 
ends.  Especially  had  this  been  the  ruling  motive  with  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  both  of  whom  God 
had  removed  from  the  world,  in  order  to  manifest  to  the  States 
their  own  weakness,  and  the  omnipotence  of  Philip,  whose 
prosperity  the  Lord  was  constantly  increasing.  It  was  now 
more  than  time  for  the  authorities  of  the  country  to  have 
regard  for  themselves,  and  for  the  miseries  of  the  poor  people. 
The  affection  which  he  bad  always  felt  for  the  Provinces^ 


168  THE  tJNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

from  which  he  had  himself  sprung — and  the  favours  which  he 
had  received  from  them  in  his  youth,  had  often  moved  him  to 
propose  measures,  which,  before  God  and  his  conscience,  he 
beUeved  adequate  to  the  restoration  of  peace.  But  his  letters 
had  been  concealed  or  falsely  interpreted  by  the  late  Prince 
of  Orange,  who  had  sought  nothing  but  to  spread  desolation 
over  the  land,  and  to  shed  the  blood  of  the  innocent.  He 
now  wrote  once  more,  and  for  the  last  time,  in  all  fervour  and 
earnestness,  to  implore  them  to  take  compassion  on  their  own 
wives  and  children  and  forlorn  fatherland,  to  turn  their  eyes 
backward  on  the  peace  and  prosperity  which  they  had  for- 
merly enjoyed  when  obedient  to  his  Majesty,  and  to  cast  a 
glance  around  them  upon  the  miseries  which  were  so  universal 
since  the  rebellion.  He  exhorted  them  to  close  their  ears 
to  the  insidious  tongues  of  those  who  were  leading  them  into 
delusion  as  to  the  benevolence  and  paternal  sweetness  of  then- 
natural  lord  and  master,  which  were  even  now  so  boundless 
that  he  did  not  hesitate  once  more  to  offer  them  his  entire 
forgiveness.  If  they  chose  to  negotiate,  they  would  find 
everything  granted  that  with  right  and  reason  could  be  pro- 
posed. The  Prince  concluded  by  declaring  that  he  made 
these  advances  not  from  any  doubt  as  to  the  successful  issue 
of  the  military  operations  in  which  he  was  engaged,  but 
simply  out  of  paternal  anxiety  for  the  happiness  of  the  Pro- 
vinces. Did  they  remain  obstinate,  their  ultimate  conditions 
would  be  rendered  still  more  severe,  and  themselves,  not  he, 
would  be  responsible  for  the  misery  and  the  bloodshed  to 
ensue.  ^ 

Ten  days  afterwards,  the  magistrates,  thus  addressed — after 
communication   with   the   broad-council — answered    Parma's 
23r(i  Nov.,  letter  manfully,  copiously,  and  with  the  customary 
1584.      hut    superfluous   historical    sketch.      They   begged 
leave  to  entertain  a  doubt  as  to  the  paternal  sweetness  of 
a  king  who  had  dealt  so  long   in  racks  and  gibbets.     With 
Parma's  own  mother,  as  they  told  the  Prince,  the  Nether- 
landers  had  once  made  a  treaty,  by  which  the  right  to  wor- 
*  See  the  letters  in  Meteren,  xii.  219,  Bor,  II.  502,  503.     Hoofd  Vervolgh,  60. 


1584.  HIS  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  THE  ANTWERPERS.         169 

ship  God  according  to  their  conscicDces  had  been  secured  ; 
yet  for  maintaining  that  treaty  they  had  been  devoted  to 
indiscriminate  destruction,  and  their  land  made  desolate  with 
fire  and  sword.  Men  had  been  massacred  by  thousands,  who 
had  never  been  heard  in  their  own  defence,  and  wlio  had 
never  been  accused  of  any  crime,  "  save  that  they  had  assem- 
bled together  in  the  name  of  Grod,  to  pray  to  Him  through 
their  only  mediator  and  advocate  Jesus  Christ,  according  to 
His  command."  ^ 

The  axis  of  the  revolt  was  the  religious  question  ;  and  it 
was  impossible  to  hope  anything  from  a  monarch  who  was 
himself  a  slave  of  the  Inquisition,  and  who  had  less  independ- 
ence of  action  than  that  enjoyed  by  Jews  and  Turks,  accord- 
ing to  the  express  permission  of  the  Pope.  Therefore  they 
informed  Parma  that  they  had  done  with  Philip  for  ever,  and 
that  in  consequence  of  the  extraordinary  wisdom,  justice,  and 
moderation,  of  the  French  King,  they  had  offered  him  the 
sovereignty  of  their  land,  and  had  implored  his  protection. 

They  paid  a  tribute  to  the  character  of  Farnese,  who  after 
gaining  infinite  glory  in  arms,  had  manifested  so  much 
gentleness  and  disposition  to  conciliate.  They  doubted  not 
that  he  would,  if  he  possessed  the  power,  have  guided  the 
royal  councils  to  better  and  more  generous  results,  and  pro- 
tested that  they  would  not  have  delayed  to  throw  themselves 
into  his  arms,  had  they  been  assured  that  he  was  authorized  to 
admit  that  which  alone  could  form  the  basis  of  a  successful 
negotiation — religious  freedom.  They  would  in  such  case 
have  heeii  ivilling  to  close  with  him,  without  talking  about  other 
conditions  than  such  as  his  Highness  in  his  discretion  and 
sweetness  might  think  reasonable. 

Moreover,  as  they  observed  in  conclusion,  they  were  pre- 
cluded, by  their  present  relations  with  France,  from  entering 
into  any  other  negotiation  ;  nor  could  they  listen  to  any  such 
proposals  without  deserving  to  be  stigmatized  as  the  most 
lewd,  blasphemous,  and  thankless  mortals,  that  ever  cumbered 
the  earth. 


VOL.   I. — 7 


'  Letters  in  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  ubi  sitp. 


170  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap   V 

Being  under  equal  obligations  both  to  the  Union  and  to 
France,  they  announced  that  Parma's  overtures  would  be  laid 
before  the  French  government  and  the  assembly  of  the 
States-General.' 

A  day  was  to  come,  perhaps,  when  it  would  hardly  seem 
lewdness  and  blasphemy  for  the  Netherlanders  to  doubt  the 
extraordinary  justice  and  wisdom  of  the  French  King.  Mean- 
time, it  cannot  be  denied  that  they  were  at  least  loyal  to  their 
own  engagements,  and  long-suffering  where  they  had  trusted 
and  given  their  hearts. 

Parma  replied  by  another  letter,  dated  December  3rd.      He 

assured  the  citizens  that  Henry  III.  was  far  too  discreet,  and 

loth  Dec,  much  too  good  a  friend  to  Philip  II.,  to  countenance 

1584.  ijjjjg  rebellion.  If  he  were  to  take  up  their  quarrel, 
however,  the  King  of  Spain  had  a  thousand  means  of  foiling 
all  his  attempts.  As  to  the  religious  question — which  they 
affirmed  to  be  the  sole  cause  of  the  war — he  was  not  inclined 
to  waste  words  upon  that  subject ;  nevertheless,  so  far  as  he  in 
his  simplicity  could  understand  the  true  nature  of  a  Christian, 
he  could  not  believe  that  it  comported  with  the  doctrines  of 
Jesus,  whom  they  called  their  only  mediator,  nor  with  the 
dictates  of  conscience,  to  take  up  arms  against  their  lawful 
king,  nor  to  burn,  rob,  plunder,  pierce  dykes,  overwhelm  their 
fatherland,  and  reduce  all  things  to  misery  and  chaos,  in  the 
name  of  religion.'^ 

Thus  moralizing  and  dogmatizing,  the  Prince  concluded 
his  letter,  and  so  the  correspondence  terminated.  This  last 
despatch  was  communicated  at  once  both  to  the  States-General 
and  to  the  French  government,  and  remained  unanswered. 
Soon  afterwards  the  Netherlands  and  England,  France  and 
Spain,  were  engaged  in  that  vast  game  of  delusion  which  has 
been  described  in  the  preceding  chapters.  Meantime  both 
Antwerp  and  Parma  remained  among  the  deluded,  and  were 
left  to  fight  out  their  battle  on  their  own  resources. 

Having  found  it  impossible  *  to  subdue  Antwerp  by  his  rhe- 
toric, Alexander  proceeded  with  his  bridge.      It  is  impossible 

—         '  Letters  in  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  vhi  sup.  '  Ibid. 


1584.  PROGRESS  OF  THE  BRIDGE.  171 

uot  to  admire  the  steadiness  and  ingenuity  with  which  the 
Prince  persisted  in  his  plans,  the  courage  with  which  he  bore 
up  against  the  parsimony  and  neglect  of  his  sovereign,  the 
compassionate  tenderness  which  he  manifested  for  his  patient 
little  army.  So  much  intellectual  energy  commands  enthu- 
siasm, while  the  supineness  on  the  other  side  sometimes  ex- 
cites indignation.  There  is  even  a  danger  of  being  entrapped 
into  sympathy  with  tyranny,  when  the  cause  of  tyranny  is 
maintained  by  genius  ;  and  of  being  surprised  into  indiffer- 
ence for  human  liberty,  when  the  sacred  interests  of  liberty 
are  endangered  by  self-interest,  perverseness,  and  folly. 

Even  Sainte  Aldegonde  did  not  believe  that  the  bridge  could 
be  completed.  His  fears  were  that  the  city  would  be  ruined 
rather  by  the  cessation  of  its  commerce  than  by  want  of  daily 
food.  Already,  after  the  capture  of  Lief  kenshoek  and  the  death 
of  Orange,  the  panic  among  commercial  people  had  been  so 
intense  that  seventy  or  eighty  merchants,  representing  the 
most  wealthy  mercantile  firms  in  Antwerp,  made  their  escape 
from  the  place,  as  if  it  had  been  smitten  with  pestilence,  or 
were  already  in  the  hands  of  Parma.'  All  such  refugees 
were  ordered  to  return  on  peril  of  forfeiting  their  property. 
Few  came  back,  however,  for  they  had  found  means  of  con- 
verting and  transferring  their  funds  to  other  more  secure 
places,  despite  the  threatened  confiscation.  It  was  insinuated 
that  Holland  and  Zeeland  were  indifferent  to  the  fate  of 
Antwerp,  because  in  the  sequel  the  commercial  cities  of  those 
Provinces  succeeded  to  the  vast  traffic  and  the  boundless 
wealth  which  had  been  forfeited  by  the  Brabantine  capital. 
The  charge  was  an  unjust  one.  At  the  very  commencement 
of  the  siege  the  States  of  Holland  voted  two  hundred  thousand 
florins  for  its  relief ;  and,  moreover,  these  wealthy  refugees 
were  positively  denied  admittance  into  the  territory  of  the 
United  States,  and  were  thus  forced  to  settle  in  Germany  or 
England.^  This  cessation  of  traffic  Avas  that  which  principally 
excited  the  anxiety  of  Aldegonde.  He  could  not  bring  him- 
self to  believe  in  the  possibility  of  a  blockade,  by  an  army  of 
>  Baudartii  '  Polemographia/  II,  24-  '  Ibid- 


172  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

eight  or  ten  thousand  men,  of  a  great  and  wealthy  city,  where 
at  least  twenty  thousand  citizens  were  capable  of  bearing  arms. 
Had  he  thoroughly  understood  the  deprivations  under  which 
Alexander  was  labouring,  perhaps  he  would  have  been  even 
more  confident  as  to  the  result. 

"With  regard  to  the  affair  of  the  river  Scheldt,"  wrote 
Parma  to    Philip,    "  I   should  like  to  send   your  Majesty  a 

15  Jan.    drawing  of  the  whole  scheme  ;  for  the  work  is  too 

1585.  yast  to  be  explained  by  letters.  The  more  I 
examine  it,  the  more  astonished  I  am  that  it  should  have 
been  conducted  to  this  point ;  so  many  forts,  dykes,  canals, 
new  inventions,  machinery,  and  engines,  have  been  necessarily 
required." ' 

He  then  proceeded  to  enlighten  the  King — as  he  never 
failed  to  do  in  all  his  letters — as  to  his  own  impoverished, 
almost  helpless  condition.  Money,  money,  men  !  This  was 
his  constant  cry.  All  would  be  in  vain,  he  said,  if  he  were 
thus  neglected.  "  Tis  necessary,"  said  he,  "  for  your  Majesty 
fully  to  comprehend,  that  henceforth  the  enterprise  is  your 
own,  I  have  done  my  work  faithfully  thus  far  ;  it  is  now  for 
your  Majesty  to  take  it  thoroughly  to  heart  ;  and  embrace  it 
with  the  warmth  with  which  an  affair  involving  so  much  of 
your  own  interests  deserves  to  be  embraced."  ^ 

He  avowed  that  without  full  confidence  in  his  sovereign's 
sympathy  he  would  never  have  conceived  the  project.  "  I 
confess  that  the  enterprise  is  great,"  he  said,  "  and  that  by 
many  it  will  be  considered  rash.  Certainly  I  should  not  have 
undertaken  it,  had  I  not  felt  certain  of  your  Majesty's  full 
support."  ^ 

But  he  was  already  in  danger  of  being  forced  to  abandon 
the  whole  scheme — although  so  nearly  carried  into  effect — 
for  want  of  funds.  "  The  million  promised,"  he  wrote,  "  has 
arrived  in  bits  and  morsels,  and  with  so  many  ceremonies, 
that  I  haven't  ten  crowns  at  my  disposal.  How  I  am  to 
maintain    even    this    handful   of    soldiers — for   the   army   is 

'  Prince  of  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  15  Jan.  1585.     Archive  de  Simancaa  MS. 
■•'  Ibid.  '  Ibid. 


1586.  IMPOVERISHED   CONDITION   OP   PARMA.  I73 

diminished  to  such  a  mere  handful  that  it  would  astonish 
your  Majesty — I  am  unable  to  imagine.  It  would  move  you 
to  witness  their  condition.  They  have  suffered  as  much  as 
is  humanly  possible." ' 

Many  of  the  troops,  indeed,  were  deserting,  and  making 
their  escape,  beggared  and  desperate,  into  France,  where, 
with  natural  injustice,  they  denounced  their  General,  whose 
whole  heart  was  occupied  with  their  miseries,  for  the  delin- 
quency of  his  master,  whose  mind  was  full  of  other  schemes. 

"  There  past  this  way  many  Spanish  soldiers,"  wrote  Staf- 
ford from  Paris,  "  so  poor  and  naked  as  I  ever  saw  any. 
There  have  been  within  this  fortnight  two  hundred 

29  Dec 

at  a  time  in  this  town,  who  report  the  extremity  of     9  Jan. 
want  of  victuals  in  their  camp,  and  that  they  have      ^^^^' 
been  twenty-four  months  without  pay.     They  exclaim  greatly 
upon  the  Prince  of  Parma.     Mendoza  seeks  to  convey  them 
away,  and  to  get  money  for  them  by  all  means  he  can."  ^ 

Stafford  urged  upon  his  government  the  propriety  of  being 
at  least  as  negligent  as  Philip  had  showed  himself  to  be 
of  the  Spaniards.  By  prohibiting  supplies  to  the  besieging 
army,  England  might  contribute,  negatively,  if  not  otherwise, 
to  the  relief  of  Antwerp.  "  There  is  no  place,"  he  wrote 
to  Walsingham,  "  whence  the  Spaniards  are  so  thoroughly 
victualled  as  from  us.  English  boats  go  by  sixteen  and 
seventeen  into  Dunkirk,  well  laden  with  provisions." 

This  was  certainly  not  in  accordance  with  the  interests  nor 
the  benevolent  professions  of  the  English  ministers. 

These  supplies  were  not  to  be  regularly  depended  upon 
however.  They  were  likewise  not  to  be  had  without  paying 
a  heavy  price  for  them,  and  the  Prince  had  no  money  in  his 
coffer.  He  lived  from  hand  to  mouth,  and  was  obliged  to 
borrow  from  every  private  individual  who  had  anything  to 
lend.  Merchants,  nobles,  official  personages,  were  all  obliged 
to  assist  in  eking  out  the  scanty  pittance  allowed  by  the 
sovereign. 

'  Prince  of  Parma  to  Philip  IT.,  &c.  MS.  just  cited. 

'  Stafford  to  Walsingham,  !j'"'"^'/i!'*'  in  Murdin,  II.  434. 

"  '     8  J»n. 1685.  ' 


174  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

"  The  million  is  all  gone,"  wrote  Parma  to  his  master ; 
"  some  to  Verdugo  in  Friesland  ;  some  to  repay  the  advances 
of  Marquis  Kichebourg  and  other  gentlemen.  There  is  not 
a  farthing  for  the  garrisons.  I  can't  go  on  a  month  longer, 
and,  if  not  supplied,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  abandon  the  work. 
I  have  not  money  enough  to  pay  my  sailors,  joiners,  car- 
penters, and  other  mechanics,  from  week  to  week,  and  they 
will  all  leave  me  in  the  lurch,  if  I  leave  them  unpaid.  I 
have  no  resource  but  to  rely  on  your  Majesty.  Otherwise 
the  enterprise  must  wholly  fail.'" 

In  case  it  did  fail,  the  Prince  wiped  his  hands  of  the  repon- 
sibility.     He  certainly  had  the  right  to  do  so. 

One  of  the  main  sources  of  supply  was  the  city  of  Herto- 
genbosch,  or  Bois-le-Duc.  It  was  one  of  the  four  chief  cities 
of  Brabant,  and  still  held  for  the  King,  although  many  towns 
in  its  immediate  neighbourhood  had  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  republic.  The  States  had  long  been  anxious  to  effect  a 
diversion  for  the  relief  of  Antwerp,  by  making  an  attack  on 
Bois-le-Duc.  Could  they  carry  the  place,  Parma  would  be 
almost  inevitably  compelled  to  abandon  the  siege  in  which 
he  was  at  present  engaged,  and  he  could  moreover  spare  no 
troops  for  its  defence.  Bois-le-Duc  was  a  populous,  wealthy, 
thriving  town,  situate  on  the  Deeze,  two  leagues  above  its 
confluence  with  the  Meuse,  and  about  twelve  leagues  from 
Antwerp.  It  derived  its  name  of  'Duke's  Wood'  from  a 
magnificent  park  and  forest,  once  the  favourite  resort  and 
residence  of  the  old  Dukes  of  Brabant,  of  which  some  beau- 
tiful vestiges  still  remained.  It  was  a  handsome  well-built 
city,  with  two  thousand  houses  of  the  better  class,  besides 
more  humble  tenements.  Its  citizens  were  celebrated  for- 
their  courage  and  belligerent  skill,  both  on  foot  and  on 
horseback.  They  were  said  to  retain  more  of  the  antique 
Belgic  ferocity  which  Caesar  had  celebrated  than  that 
which  had  descended  to  most  of  their  kinsmen.  The  place 
was,  moreover,  the  seat  of  many  prosperous  manufac- 
tures.     Its   clothiers   sent  the  products  of  their  looms  over 

*  MS.  Letter  of  Parma,  before  cited. 


1585.  PATRIOTS   ATTEMPT   BOIS-LE-DUC.  175 

all    Christendom,    and    its    linen   and    cutlery   were   equally 
renowned.' 

It  would  be  a  most  fortunate  blow  in  the  cause  of  freedom 
to  secure  so  thriving  and  conspicuous  a  town,  situated  thus  in 
the  heart  of  what  seemed  the  natural  territory  of  the  United 
States  ;  and,  by  so  doing,  to  render  nugatory  the  mighty 
preparations  of  Parma  against  Antwerp.  Moreover,  it  was 
known  that  there  was  no  Spanish  or  other  garrison  within  its 
walls,  so  that  there  was  no  opposition  to  be  feared,  except 
from  the  warlike  nature  of  the  citizens. 

Count  Hohenlo  was  entrusted,  early  in  January,  with  this 
important  enterprise.  He  accordingly  collected  a  force  of 
four  thousand  infantry,  together  with  two  hundred  January, 
mounted  lancers  ;  having  previously  reconnoitered  1^85. 
the  ground.  He  relied  very  much,  for  the  success  of  the 
undertaking,  on  Captain  Kleerhagen,  a  Brussels  nobleman, 
whose  wife  was  a  native  of  Bois-le-Duc,  and  who  was 
thoroughly  familiar  with  the  locality.  One  dark  winter's 
night,  Kleerhagen,  with  fifty  picked  soldiers,  advanced  to  the 
Antwerp  gate  of  Bois-le-Duc,  while  Hohenlo,  with  his  whole 
force,  lay  in  ambuscade  as  near  as  possible  to  the  city. 

Between  the  drawbridge  and  the  jjortcullis  were  two  small 
guard-houses,  which,  very  carelessly,  had  been  left  empty, 
Kleerhagen,  with  his  fifty  followers,  successfully  climbed  into 
these  lurking-places,  where  they  quietly  ensconced  them- 
selves for  the  night.  At  eight  o'clock  of  the  following 
morning  (20th  January)  the  guards  of  the  gate  20th  Jan., 
drew  up  the  portcullis,  and  reconnoitered.  At  the  1585. 
same  instant,  the  ambushed  fifty  sprang  from  their  conceal- 
ment, put  them  to  the  sword,  and  made  themselves  masters 
of  the  gate.  None  of  the  night-watch  escaped  with  life,  save 
one  poor  old  invalided  citizen,  whose  business  had  been  to 
draw  up  the  portcullis,  and  who  was  severely  wounded,  and 
left  for  dead.  The  fifty  immediately  summoned  all  of 
Hohenlo's  ambuscade  that  were  within  hearing,  and  then, 
without  waiting  for  them,  entered  the  town  pell-mell  in  the 

'  Guicciardini,  in  voce. 


176  THE  UNITED  NKTHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

best  of  Spirits,  and  shouting  victory  !  victory  !  till  they  were 
hoarse.  A  single  corporal,  with  two  men,  was  left  to  guard 
the  entrance.  Meantime,  the  old  wounded  gate-opener, 
bleeding  and  crippled,  crept  into  a  dark  comer,  and  laid  him- 
self down,  unnoticed,  to  die. 

Soon  afterwards  Hohenlo  galloped  into  the  town,  clad  in 
complete  armour,  his  long  curls  floating  in  the  wind,  with 
about  two  hundred  troopers  clattering  behind  him,  closely 
followed  by  five  hundred  pike-men  on  foot. 

Very  brutally,  foolishly,  and  characteristically,  he  had 
promised  his  followers  the  sacking  of  tlie  city  so  soon  as 
it  should  be  taken.  They  accordingly  set  about  the  sacking, 
before  it  was  taken.  Hardly  had  the  five  or  six  hundred 
effected  their  entrance,  than  throwing  off  all  control,  they 
dispersed  through  the  principal  streets,  and  began  bursting 
open  the  doors  of  the  most  opulent  households.  The  cries 
of  "victory!"  "gained  city!"  "down  with  the  Spaniards!" 
resounded  on  all  sides.  Many  of  the  citizens,  panic-struck, 
fled  from  their  homes,  which  they  thus  abandoned  to  pillage, 
while,  meantime,  the  loud  shouts  of  the  assailants  reached 
the  ears  of  the  sergeant  and  his  two  companies  who  had  been 
left  in  charge  of  the  gate.  Fearing  that  they  should  be 
cheated  of  their  rightful  share  in  the  plunder,  they  at  once 
abandoned  their  post,  and  set  forth  after  their  comrades,  as 
fast  as  their  legs  could  carry  them. 

Now  it  so  chanced — although  there  was  no  garrison  in  the 
town — ^that  forty  Burgundian  and  Italian  lancers,  with  about 
thirty  foot-soldiers,  had  come  in  the  day  before  to  escort 
a  train  of  merchandise.  The  Seigneur  de  Haultepenne^ 
governor  of  Breda,  a  famous  royalist  commander — son  of 
old  Count  Berlaymont,  who  first  gave  the  name  of  "beggars" 
to  the  patriots — had  accompanied  them  in  the  expedition. 
The  little  troop  were  already  about  to  mount  their  horses  to 
depart,  when  they  became  aware  of  the  sudden  tumult. 
Elmont,  governor  of  the  city,  had  also  flown  to  the  rescue,  and 
had  endeavoured  to  rally  the  burghers.  Not  unmindful  of 
their  ancient  warlike  fame,  they  had  obeyed  his  entreatiea. 


1585.  THEIR  MISCONDUCT.  I77 

Elmont,  with  a  strong  party  of  armed  citizens,  joined  himself 
to  Haultepenne's  little  band  of  lancers.  They  fired  a  few- 
shots  at  straggling  parties  of  plunderers,  and  pursued  others 
up  some  narrow  streets.  They  were  but  an  handful  in  com- 
parison with  the  number  of  the  patriots,  who  had  gained 
entrance  to  the  city.  They  were,  however,  compact,  united, 
and  resolute.  The  assailants  were  scattered,  disorderly,  and 
bent  only  upon  plunder.  When  attacked  by  an  armed  and 
regular  band,  they  were  amazed.  They  had  been  told  that 
there  was  no  garrison  ;  and  behold  a  choice  phalanx  of 
Spanish  lancers,  led  on  by  one  of  the  most  famous  of  Philip's 
Netherland  chieftains.  They  thought  themselves  betrayed 
by  Kleerhageu,  entrapped  into  a  deliberately  arranged 
ambush.  There  was  a  panic.  The  soldiers,  dispersed  and 
doubtful,  could  not  be  rallied.  Hohenlo,  seeing  that  nothing 
was  to  be  done  with  his  five  hundred,  galloped  furiously  out 
of  the  gate,  to  bring  in  the  rest  of  his  troops  who  had 
remained  outside  the  walls.  The  prize  of  the  wealthy  city  of 
Bois-le-Duc  was  too  tempting  to  be  lightly  abandoned  ;  but 
he  had  much  better  have  thought  of  making  himself  master 
of  it  himself  before  he  should  present  it  as  a  prey  to  his 
followers. 

During  his  absence  the  panic  spread.  The  States'  troops, 
bewildered,  astonished,  vigorously  assaulted,  turned  their 
backs  upon  their  enemies,  and  fled  helter-skelter  towards  the 
gates,  through  which  they  had  first  gained  admittance.  But 
unfortunately  for  them,  so  soon  as  the  corporal  had  left  his 
position,  the  wounded  old  gate-opener,  in  a  dying  condition, 
had  crawled  forth  on  his  hands  and  knees  from  a  dark  hole 
in  the  tower,  cut,  with  a  pocket-knife,  the  ropes  of  the  port- 
cullis, and  then  given  up  the  ghost.  Most  effective  was  that 
blow  struck  by  a  dead  man's  hand.  Down  came  the  port- 
cullis. The  flying  plunderers  were  entrapped.  Close  behind 
them  came  the  excited  burghers — their  antique  Belgic 
ferocity  now  fully  aroused — firing  away  with  carbine  and 
matchlock,  dealing  about  them  with  bludgeon  and  cutlass, 
and   led  merrily  on   by  Haultepenne  and   Elmont   armed  in 

VOL.  I. — N 


178 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


CUAP.    V 


proof,  at  the  head  of  their  squadron  of  lancers.  The  unfortu- 
nate patriots  had  risen  very  early  in  the  morning  only  to 
shear  the  wolf.  Some  were  cut  to  pieces  in  the  streets  ;  others 
climbed  the  walls,  and  threw  themselves  head  foremost  into 
the  moat.  Many  were  drowned,  and  but  a  very  few  effected 
their  escape.  Justinus  de  Nassau  sprang  over  the  parapet, 
and  succeeded  in  swimming  the  ditch.  Kleerhagen,  driven 
into  the  Holy  Cross  tower,  ascended  to  its  roof,  leaped,  all 
accoutred  as  he  was,  into  the  river,  and,  with  the  assistance 
of  a  Scotch  soldier,  came  safe  to  land.  Ferdinand  Truchsess, 
brother  of  the  ex-elector  of  Cologne,  was  killed.  Four  or 
five  hundred  of  the  assailants — nearly  all  who  had  entered 
the  city — were  slain,  and  about  fifty  of  the  burghers. 

Hohenlo  soon  came  back,  with  Colonel  Ysselstein,  and  two 
thousand  fresh  troops.  But  their  noses,  says  a  contemporary, 
grew  a  hundred  feet  long  with  surprise  when  they  saw  the 
gate  shut  in  their  faces. ^  It  might  have  occurred  to  the 
Count,  when  he  rushed  out  of  the  town  for  reinforcements, 
that  it  would  be  as  well  to  replace  the  guard,  which — as  he 
must  have  seen — had  abandoned  their  post. 

Cursing  his  folly,  he  returned,  mavellously  discomfited, 
and  deservedly  censured,  to  Gertruydenberg.  And  thus  had 
a  most  important  enterprise,  which  had  nearly  been  splendidly 
successful,  ended  in  disaster  and  disgrace.  To  the  reckless- 
ness of  the  general,  to  the  cupidity  which  he  had  himself 
awakened  in  his  followers,  was  the  failure  alone  to  be  attri- 
buted. Had  he  taken  possession  of  the  city  with  a  firm  grasp 
at  the  head  of  his  four  thousand  men,  nothing  could  have 
resisted  him  ;  Haultepenne,  and  his  insignificant  force,  would 
have  been  dead,  or  his  prisoners  ;  the  basis  of  Parma's  magni- 
ficent operations  would  have  been  withdrawn  ;  Antwerp  would 
have  been  saved.* 


'  Le  Petit  II.  506. 

'  For  the  enterprise  against  Bois-lo- 
Duc,  see  Le  Petit,  ii.  505-506  ;  Bau- 
dartii  Polemog.  ii.  39;  Meteren,  xii. 
222;  Strada,  ii.  326,  327  (wlio  by  a 
singular  lapse  of  the  pen  represents 
Justinus    de   Nassau    as   haviri;j;    been 


killed,  "  Reperti  inter  eos,  qui  deside- 
rati  sunt,  Ferd.  Truchsesius,  et  nothiLS 
Orangii  jilius"  &c.  327  ;)  Bor.  ii.  558; 
Van  Wyn  op  Wageuaar,  viiL  34,  seq. ; 
Letter  of  Parma  to  the  King,  12  Feb. 
1585.     (Archive  do  Simancas  MS.) 


1585.  FAILURE  OF  THE  ENTERPRISE.  179 

"  Infinite  gratitude/'  wrote  Parma  to  Philip,  "  should  be 
rendered  to  the  Lord.  Great  thanks  are  also  due  to  Haulte- 
penne.  Had  the  rebels  succeeded  in  their  enterprise  against 
Bolduc,  I  should  have  been  compelled  to  abandon  the  siege  of 
Antwerp.  The  town,  by  its  strength  and  situation,  is  of 
infinite  importance  for  the  reduction  both  of  that  place  and 
of  Brussels,  and  the  rebels  in  possession  of  Bolduc  would 
have  cut  off  my  supplies."  ' 

The  Prince  recommended  Haultepenne  most  warmly  to 
the  King  as  deserving  of  a  rich  '^  merced."  The  true  hero  of 
the  day,  however — at  least  the  chief  agent  in  the  victory — ■ 
was  the  poor,  crushed,  nameless  victim  who  bad  cut  the  ropes 
of  the  portcullis  at  the  Antwerp  gate. 

Hohenlo  was  deeply  stung  by  the  disgrace  which  he  had  in- 
curred. For  a  time  he  sought  oblivion  in  hard  drinking  ;  but — 
brave  and  energetic,  though  reckless — he  soon  became  desirous 
of  retrieving  bis  reputation  by  more  successful  enterprises. 
There  was  no  lack  of  work,  and  assuredly  his  hands  were 
rarely  idle. 

"  Hollacb  (Hohenlo)  is  gone  from  hence  on  Friday  last," 
wrote  Davison  to  Walsingham,  "he  will  do  what  he  may  to 
recover  his  reputation  lost  in  the  attempt  of  Bois-le-Duc  ; 
which,  for  the  grief  and  trouble  he  hath  conceived  thereof, 
hath  for  the  time  greatly  altered  him."  "^ 

Meantime  the  turbulent  Scheldt,  lashed  by  the  storms  of 
winter,  was  becoming  a  more  formidable  enemy  to  Parma's 
great  enterprise  than  the  military  demonstrations  of  his 
enemies,  or  the  famine  which  was  making  such  havoc  with 
his  little  army.  The  ocean-tides  were  rolling  huge  ice-blocks 
up  and  down,  which  beat  against  his  palisade  with  the  noise 
of  thunder,  and  seemed  to  threaten  its  immediate  destruction. 
But  the  work  stood  firm.  The  piles  supporting  the  piers, 
which  had  been  thrust  out  from  each  bank  into  the  stream, 
had  been  driven  fifty  feet  into  the  river's  bed,  and  did  their 
duty  well.      But  in  the  space  between,  twelve  hundred  and 

*  MS.  Letter  of  Parma  just  cited. 

•>  Payison  toWalsiugham,  Feb,  12,  1585,    (S,  P,  Office  MS.) 


180  THE    UNITED    NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

forty  feet  in  width,  the  current  was  too  deep  for  pile-drivino-. 
and  a  permanent  bridge  was  to  be  established  upon  boats. 
And  that  bridge  was  to  be  laid  across  the  icy  and  tempestuous 
Hood,  in  the  depth  of  winter,  in  the  teeth  of  a  watchful  enemy, 
with  the  probability  of  an  immediate  invasion  from  France, 
— where  the  rebel  envoys  were  known  to  be  negotiating  on 
express  invitation  of  the  King — by  half-naked,  half-starving 
soldiers  and  sailors,  unpaid  for  years,  and  for  the  sake  of  a 
master  who  seemed  to  have  forgotten  their  existence. 

"  Thank  God,"  wrote  Alexander,  "  the  palisade  stands  firm 
in  spite  of  the  ice.  Now  with  the  favour  of  the  Lord,  we 
shall  soon  get  the  fruit  we  have  been  hoping,  if  your  Majesty 
is  not  wanting  in  that  to  which  your  grandeur,  your  great 
Christianity,  your  own  interests,  oblige  you.  In  truth  'tis  a 
great  and  heroic  work,  worthy  the  great  power  of  your 
Majesty."  "  For  my  own  part,"  he  continued,  "  I  have  done 
what  depended  upon  me.  From  your  own  royal  hand  must 
emanate  the  rest ; — men,  namely,  sufficient  to  maintain  the 
posts,  and  money  enough  to  support  them  there." ' 

He  expressed  himself  in  the  strongest  language  concerning 
the  danger  to  the  royal  cause  from  the  weak  and  gradually 
sinking  condition  of  the  army.  Even  without  the  French 
intrigues  with  the  rebels,  concerning  which,  in  his  ignorance 
of  the  exact  state  of  aifairs,  he  expressed  much  anxiety,  it 
would  be  impossible,  he  said,  to  save  the  royal  cause  without 
men  and  money. 

"  I  have  spared  myself,"  said  the  Prince,  "  neither  day  nor 
night.  Let  not  your  Majesty  impute  the  blame  to  me  if  we 
fail.  Verdugo  also  is  uttering  a  perpetual  cry  out  of  Friesland 
for  men — men  and  money." 

Yet,   notwithstanding  all  these  obstacles,   the  bridge  was 

25  Feb.     finished  at  last.     On  the  25th  February,   the  day 

^^^^'       sacred  to  Saint  Matthew,  and  of  fortunate  augury 

to  the  Emperor  Charles,  father  of  Philip  and  grandfather  of 

Alexander,  the  Scheldt  was  closed.^ 

'  MS.  Letter  of  Parma  before  cited.  '  Ibid. 

'  Parma  to  Philip,  27  Feb.  1585.     (Arcliivo  de  Simancas  MS.) 


1585.  THE   SCHELDT   BRIDGE   COMPLETED.  181 

As  already  stated,  from  Fort  Saint  Mary  on  the  Kalloo 
side,  and  from  Fort  Philip,  not  far  from  Ordam  on  the  Brabant 
shore  of  the  Scheldt,  strong  structures,  supported  upon  piers, 
had  been  projected,  reaching,  respectively,  five  hundred  feet 
into  the  stream.  These  two  opposite  ends  were  now  con- 
nected by  a  permanent  bridge  of  boats.  There  were  thirty- 
two  of  these  barges,  each  of  them  sixty-two  feet  in  length  and 
twelve  in  breadth,  the  spaces  between  each  couple  being 
twenty-two  feet  wide,  and  all  being  bound  together,  stem, 
stern,  and  midships,  by  quadruple  hawsers  and  chains.  Each 
boat  was  anchored  at  stem  and  stern  with  loose  cables. 
Strong  timbers,  with  cross  rafters,  were  placed  upon  the 
boats,  upon  which  heavy  frame-work  the  planked  pathway 
was  laid  down.  A  thick  parapet  of  closely-fitting  beams  was 
erected  along  both  the  outer  edges  of  the  whole  fabric.  Thus 
a  continuous  and  well-fortified  bridge,  two  thousand  four 
hundred  feet  in  length,  was  stretched  at  last  from  shore  to 
shore.  Each  of  the  thirty-two  boats  on  which  the  central 
portion  of  the  structure  reposed,  was  a  small  fortress  provided 
with  two  heavy  pieces  of  artillery,  pointing,  the  one  up,  the 
other  down  the  stream,  and  manned  by  thirty-two  soldiers 
and  four  sailors,  defended  by  a  breastwork  formed  of  gabions 
of  great  thickness. 

The  forts  of  Saint  Philip  and  St.  Mary,  at  either  end  of 
the  bridge,  had  each  ten  great  guns,  and  both  were  filled 
with  soldiers.  In  front  of  each  fort,  moreover,  was  stationed 
a  fleet  of  twenty  armed  vessels,  carrying  heavy  pieces  of 
artillery  ;  ten  anchored  at  the  angle  towards  Antwerp,  and 
as  many  looking  down  the  river.  One  hundred  and  seventy 
great  guns,  including  the  armaments  of  the  boats  under  the 
bridge  of  the  armada  and  the  forts,  protected  the  whole 
structure,  pointing  up  and  down  the  stream. 

But,  besides  these  batteries,  an  additional  precaution  had 
been  taken.  On  each  side,  above  and  below  the  bridge,  at  a 
moderate  distance — a  bow  shot — was  anchored  a  heavy  raft 
floating  upon  empty  barrels.  Each  raft  was  composed  of 
heavy   timbers,    bound    together    in    bunches  of    three,    the 


182  THE    UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

spaces  between  being  connected  by  ships'  masts  and  lighter 
spar- work,  and  with  a  tooth-like  projection  along  the  whole 
outer  edge,  formed  of  strong  rafters,  pointed  and  armed  with 
sharp  prongs  and  hooks  of  iron.  Thus  a  serried  phalanx,  as 
it  were,  of  spears  stood  ever  on  guard  to  protect  the  precious 
inner  structure.  Vessels  coming  from  Zeeland  or  Antwerp, 
and  the  floating  ice-masses,  which  were  almost  as  formidable, 
were  obliged  to  make  their  first  attack  upon  these  dangerous 
outer  defences.  Each  raft,  floating  in  the  middle  of  the 
stream,  extended  twelve  hundred  and  fifty-two  feet  across, 
thus  protecting  the  whole  of  the  bridge  of  boats  and  a  portion 
of  that  resting  upon  piles.' 

Such  was  the  famous  bridge  of  Parma.  The  magnificent 
undertaking  has  been  advantageously  compared  with  the 
celebrated  Rhine-bridge  of  Julius  Caesar.  When  it  is  remem- 
bered, however,  that  the  Roman  work  was  performed  in 
summer,  across  a  river  only  half  as  broad  as  the  Scheldt,  free 
from  the  disturbing  action  of  the  tides,  and  flowing  through 
an  unresisting  country  ;  while  the  whole  character  of  the 
structure,  intended  only  to  serve  for  the  single  passage  of  an 
army,  was  far  inferior  to  the  massive  solidity  of  Parma's 
bridge  ;  it  seems  not  unreasonable  to  assign  the  superiority 
to  the  general  who  had  surmounted  all  the  obstacles  of  a 
northern  winter,  vehement  ebb  and  flow  from  the  sea,  and 
enterprising  and  desperate  enemies  at  every  point. 

When  the  citizens,  at  last,  looked  upon  the  completed 
fabric,  converted  from  the  "dream,"  which  they  had  pro- 
nounced it  to  be,  into  a  terrible  reality  ;  when  they  saw  the 
shining  array  of  Spanish  and  Italian  legions  marching  and 
counter-marching  upon  their  new  road,  and  trampling,  as  it 
were,  the  turbulent  river  beneath  their  feet ;  when  they 
witnessed  the  solemn  military  spectacle  with  which  the 
Governor-General  celebrated  his  success,  amid  peals  of 
cannon  and  shouts  of  triumph  from  his  army,  they  bitterly 


'  MS.  Letter  of  Parma  before  cited. 
Compare  Strada,  ii.  312  seq. ;  Benti- 
voglio,  P.  ii.  and  L.  iii.  988-900;  Mete- 
ren,  xii.  218  seq. ;  Bor.  ii.  L.  xx.  690  scq.  j 


(with  admirable  plans,  etchings  and 
maps) ;  Baudartii  Polemog.  ii.  22,  seq. 
(with  very  good  engravings.) 


1585.  DESCRIPTION   OF   THE   STRUCTURE.  183 

bewailed  their  own  folly.  Yet  even  then  they  could  hardly 
believe  that  the  work  had  been  accomplished  by  human 
agency,  but  they  loudly  protested  that  invisible  demons  had 
been  summoned  to  plan  and  perfect  this  fatal  and  preter- 
human work.  They  were  wrong.  There  had  been  but  one 
demon — one  clear,  lofty  intelligence,  inspiring  a  steady  and 
untiring  hand.  The  demon  was  the  intellect  of  Alexander 
Farnese ;  but  it  had  been  assisted  in  its  labour  by  the 
hundred  devils  of  envy,  covetousness,  jealousy,  selfishness, 
distrust,  and  discord,  that  had  housed,  not  in  his  camp,  but 
in  the  ranks  of  those  who  were  contending  for  their  hearths 
and  altars. 

And  thus  had  the  Prince  arrived  at  success  in  spite  of 
every  obstacle.  He  took  a  just  pride  in  the  achievement, 
yet  he  knew  by  how  many  dangers  he  was  still  surrounded, 
and  he  felt  hurt  at  his  sovereign's  neglect.  "  The  enterprise 
at  Antwerp,"  he  wrote  to  Philip  on  the  day  the  bridge  was 
completed,"  "is  so  great  and  heroic  that  to  celebrate  it  would 
require  me  to  speak  more  at  large  than  I  like  to  do,  for  fear 
of  being  tedious  to  your  Majesty.  What  I  will  say,  is  that  the 
labours  and  difficulties  have  been  every  day  so  great,  that  if 
your  Majesty  knew  them,  you  would  estimate  what  we  have 
done  more  highly  than  you  do  ;  a7id  not  forget  us  so  bitterly, 
leaving  us  to  die  of  hunger."  ^ 

He  considered  the  fabric  in  itself  almost  impregnable, 
provided  he  were  furnished  with  the  means  to  maintain  what 
he  had  so  painfully  constructed. 

"  The  whole  is  in  such  condition,"  said  he,  "that  in  opinion  of 
all  competent  military  judges  it  would  stand  though  all  Holland 
and  Zeeland  should  come  to  destroy  our  palisades.  Their 
attacks  must  be  made  at  immense  danger  and  disadvantage,  so 
severely  can  we  play  upon  them  with  our  artillery  and 
musketry.  Every  boat  is  garnished  with  the  most  dainty 
captains  and  soldiers,  so  that  if  the  enemy  should  attempt  to 
assail  us  now,  they  would  come  back  with  broken  heads.''" 


'  "  Y  no  nos  tenia  tan  olvidados,  ni 
permitiria  dexarnos  en  tanta  necessidad 
que  no  habemos  de  morir  de  hambre,' 
&C.    (MS.   Letter  of  Parma   to  Philip, 


27  Feb.  1585.) 

-  I'aniia  to  Philip  II.,  28  Feb.  158a 
(Archivo  de  Simaucas  MS.) 


184  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V 

Yet  in  the  midst  of  his  apparent  triumph  he  had,  at  times, 
almost  despair  in  his  heart.  He  felt  really  at  the  last  gasp. 
His  troops  had  dwindled  to  the  mere  shadow  of  an  army,  and 
they  were  forced  to  live  almost  upon  air.  The  cavalry  had 
nearly  vanished.  The  garrisons  in  the  different  cities  were 
starving.  The  hurghers  had  no  food  for  the  soldiers  nor  for 
themselves.  "  As  for  the  rest  of  the  troops,"  said  Alexander, 
"  they  are  stationed  where  they  have  nothing  to  suhsist  upon, 
save  salt  water  and  the  dykes,  and  if  the  Lord  does  not  grant 
a  miracle,  succour,  even  if  sent  by  your  Majesty,  will  arrive 
too  late."'  He  assured  his  master,  that  he  could  not  go  on 
more  than  five  or  six  days  longer,  that  he  had  been  feeding 
his  soldiers  for  a  long  time  from  hand  to  mouth,  and  that  it 
would  soon  he  impossible  for  him  to  keep  his  troops  together. 
If  he  did  not  disband  them  they  would  run  away.'' 

His  pictures  were  most  dismal,  his  supplications  for  money 
very  moving,  but  he  never  alluded  to  himself  All  his  anxiety, 
all  his  tenderness,  were  for  his  soldiers.  "  They  must  have 
food,"  he  said.  "  'Tis  impossible  to  sustain  them  any  longer 
by  driblets,  as  I  have  done  for  a  long  time.  Yet  how  can  I 
do  it  without  money  ?  And  I  have  none  at  all,  nor  do  I  see 
where  to  get  a  single  florin." 

But  these  revelations  were  made  only  to  his  master's  most 
secret  ear.  His  letters,  deciphered  after  three  centuries, 
alone  make  manifest  the  almost  desperate  condition  in  which 
the  apparently  triumphant  general  was  placed,  and  the 
facility  with  which  his  antagonists,  had  they  been  well  guided 
and  faithful  to  themselves,  might  have  driven  him  into  the 
sea. 

But  to  those  adversaries  he  maintained  an  attitude  of  serene 
and  smiling  triumph.  A  spy,  sent  from  the  city  to  obtain 
intelligence  for  the  anxious  burghers,  had  gained  admission 
into  his  lines,  was  captured  and  brought  before  the  Prince. 
He  expected,  of  course,  to  be  immediately  hanged.  On  the 
contrary,  Alexander  gave  orders  that  he  should  be  conducted 
over  every  part  of  the  encampment.     The  forts,  the  palisades, 

'  Same  to  same,  27  Feb.  1585.     (Archivo  de  Simancas  MS.)  "  Ibid 


1585.  POSITION  OF  ALEXANDER  AND  HIS  ARMY.  I85 

the  bridge,  were  all  to  be  carefully  exhibited  and  explained 
to  him  as  if  he  had  been  a  friendly  visitor  entitled  to  every 
information.  He  was  requested  to  count  the  pieces  of  artillery 
in  the  forts,  on  the  bridge,  in  the  armada.  After  thoroughly 
studying  the  scene  he  was  then  dismissed  with  a  safe-conduct 
to  the  city. 

"  Go  back  to  those  who  sent  you,"  said  the  Prince.  "  Con- 
vey to  them  the  information  in  quest  of  which  you  came. 
Aj)i)rize  them  of  every  thing  which  you  have  inspected, 
counted,  heard  explained.  Tell  them  further,  that  the  siege 
will  never  be  abandoned,  and  that  this  bridge  will  be  my 
sepulchre  or  my  pathway  into  Antwerp."  ^ 

And  now  the  aspect  of  the  scene  was  indeed  portentous. 
The  chimera  had  become  a  very  visible  bristling  reality. 
There  stood  the  bridge  which  the  citizens  had  ridiculed  while 
it  was  growing  before  their  faces.  There  scowled  the  Ko- 
wenstyn — black  with  cannon,  covered  all  over  with  fortresses 
— which  the  butchers  had  so  sedulously  preserved.  From 
Parma's  camp  at  Beveren  and  Kalloo  a  great  fortified  road  led 
across  the  river  and  along  the  fetal  dyke  all  the  way  to  the 
entrenchments  at  Stabroek,  where  Mansfeld's  army  lay. 
Grim  Mondragon  held  the  "  holy  cross  "  and  the  whole  Ko- 
wenstyn  in  his  own  iron  grasp.  A  chain  of  forts,  built  and 
occupied  by  the  contending  hosts  of  the  patriots  and  the 
Spaniards,  were  closely  packed  together  along  both  banks  of 
the  Scheldt,  nine  miles  long  from  Antwerp  to  Lillo,  and  inter- 
changed perpetual  cannonades.  The  country  all  around,  once 
fertile  as  a  garden,  had  been  changed  into  a  wild  and  wintry 
sea,  where  swarms  of  gun-boats  and  other  armed  vessels 
manoeuvred  and  contended  with  each  other  over  submerged 
villages  and  orchards,  and  among  half-drowned  turrets  and 
steeples.  Yet  there  rose  the  great  bulwark — whose  early 
destruction  would  have  made  all  this  desolation  a  blessing — 
unbroken  and  obstinate  ;  a  perpetual  obstacle  to  communica- 
tion between  Antwerp  and  Zeeland.  The  very  spirit  of  the 
murdered  Prince  of  Orange  seemed  to  rise  sadly  and  reproach- 

'  Strada.  ii.  325.  326. 


186 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  V. 


fully  out  of  the  waste  of  waters,  as  if  to  rebuke  the  men  who 
had  been  so  deaf  to  his  solemn  warnings. 

Brussels,  too,  wearied  and  worn,  its  heart  sick  with  hope 
deferred,  now  fell  into  despair  as  the  futile  result  of  the 
French  negotiation  became  apparent.  The  stately  and  opulent 
city  had  long  been  in  a  most  abject  condition.  Many  of  its 
inhabitants  attempted  to  escape  from  the  horrors  of  starving 
by  flying  from  its  walls.  Of  the  fugitives,  the  men  were 
either  scourged  back  by  the  Spaniards  into  the  city,  or  hanged 
up  along  the  road-side.  The  women  were  treated  leniently, 
even  playfully,  for  it  was  thought  an  excellent  jest  to  cut  off 
the  petticoats  of  the  unfortunate  starving  creatures  up  to 
their  knees,  and  then  command  them  to  go  back  and  starve 
at  home  with  their  friends  and  fellow-citizens.  A  great 
many  persons  literally  died  of  hunger.  Matrons  with  large 
families  poisoned  their  children  and  themselves  to  avoid  the 
more  terrible  death  by  starving.'  At  last,  when  Vilvoorde 
was  taken,  when  the  baseness  of  the  French  King  was 
13  March  thoroughly  understood,    when   Parma's   bridge   was 

1585.  completed  and  the  Scheldt  bridled,  Brussels  capi- 
tulated on  as  favourable  terms  as  could  well  have  been 
expected.- 

Notwithstanding  these  triumphs,  Parma  was  much  incon- 
venienced by  not  possessing  the  sea-coast  of  Flanders. 
Ostend  was  a  perpetual  stumbling-block  to  him.  He  there- 
fore assented,  with  pleasure  to  a  proposition  made  by 
La  Motte,  one  of  the  most  experienced  and  courageous  of  the 
Walloon  royalist  commanders,  to  attempt  the  place  by  surprise. 
And  La  Motte,  at  the  first  blow,  was  more  than  half  successful 
29  March  On  the  night  of  the  29th  March,  with  two  thousand 

1585.  foot  ajj^  twelve  hundred  cavalry,  he  carried  the 
whole  of  the  old  port  of  Ostend.  Leaving  a  Walloon  officer, 
in  whom  he  had  confidence,    to  guard  the    position  already 


1  Strada,  ii.  329,  330. 

'  Ibid. ;  Meteren,  xii.  22^<>:  Le  Petit, 
iu  511.  The  burghers  were  allowed 
two  j'curs,  during  which  they  were  to 
decide  between    the    Papacy  and  per- 


petual exile.  The  municipal  liberties 
were  to  depend  upon  the  pleasure  of 
the  King.  The  houses  of  Cardinal 
Ciranville  and  of  Count  Mansfeld  wer^ 
10  be  rebuilt  and  refurnished. 


1585. 


IlA.  motte  attempts  in  vain  ostend. 


187 


gained,  he  went  back  in  person  for  reinforcements.  During 
his  advance,  the  same  ill  luck  attended  his  enterprise  which 
had  blasted  Hohenlo's  achievement  at  Bois-le-Duc.  The 
soldiers  he  left  behind  him  deserted  their  posts  for  the  sake 
of  rifling  the  town.  The  oflficer  in  command,  instead  of  keep- 
ing them  to  their  duty,  joined  in  the  chase.  The  citizens 
roused  themselves,  attacked  their  invaders,  killed  many  of 
them,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight.  When  La  Motte  returned, 
he  found  the  panic  general.  His  whole  force,  including  the 
fresh  soldiers  just  brought  to  the  rescue,  were  beside  them- 
selves with  fear.  He  killed  several  with  his  own  hand,  but 
the  troops  were  not  to  be  rallied.  His  quick  triumph  was 
changed  into  an  absolute  defeat. 

Parma,  furious  at  the  ignominious  result  of  a  plan  from 
which  so  much  had  been  expected,  ordered  the  Walloon 
captain,  from  whose  delinquency  so  much  disaster  had 
resulted,  to  be  forthwith  hanged.  "  Such  villainy,"  said  he, 
"  must  never  go  unpunished." ' 

It  was  impossible  for  the  Prince  to  send  a  second  expedi- 
tion to  attempt  the  reduction  of  Ostend,  for  the  patriots  were 
at  last  arousing  themselves  to  the  necessity  of  exertion.  It 
was  very  obvious — now  that  the  bridge  had  been  built,  and 
the  Kowenstyn  fortified — that  one  or  the  other  was  to  be 
destroyed,  or  Antwerp  abandoned  to  its  fate. 

The  patriots  had  been  sleeping,  as  it  were,  all  the  winter, 
hugging  the  delusive  dream  of  French  sovereignty  and 
French  assistance.  No  language  can  exaggerate  the  deadly 
effects  from  the  slow  poison  of  that  negotiation.  At  any  rate, 
the  negotiation  was  now  concluded.  The  dream  was  dispelled. 
Antwerp  must  now  fall,  or  a  decisive,  blow  must  be  struck  by 
the  patriots  themselves,  and  a  telling  blow  had  been  secretly 
and  maturely  meditated.  Certain  preparatory  steps  were 
however  necessary. 


'  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  10  Apr.,  1585. 
(Archive  de  Simancas  MS.)  Compare 
Strada,  ii.  332,  who  says  that  three  of 
the  officers  were  condemned  to  be  ex- 
ecuted, but  that  all  were  subsequently- 


pardoned  on  account  of  tho  previous 
good  conduct  of  one  of  them.  Alex- 
ander in  his  letter  informs  the  King 
that  he  had  ordered  one  to  be  executed 
forthwith,  as  an  example  to  the  others. 


188  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

The  fort  of  Liefkenshoek,  "  darling's  corner,"  was  a  most 
important  post.  The  patriots  had  never  ceased  to  regret  that 
precious  possession,  lost,  as  we  have  seen,  in  so  tragical  a 
manner  on  the  very  day  of  Orange's  death.  Fort  Lillo, 
exactly  opposite,  on  the  Brabant  shore  of  the  Scheldt,  had 
always  been  securely  held  by  them,  and  was  their  strongest 
position.  Were  both  places  in  their  power,  the  navigation  of 
the  river,  at  least  as  far  as  the  bridge,  would  be  compara- 
tively secure. 

A  sudden  dash  was  made  upon  Liefkenshoek.     A  number 

4  April,  of  armed  vessels  sailed  up  from  Zeeland,  under  com- 
1585.  mand  of  Justinus  de  Nassau.  They  were  assisted  from 
Fort  Lillo  by  a  detachment  headed  by  Count  Hohenlo.  These 
two  officers  were  desirous  of  retrieving  the  reputation  which 
they  had  lost  at  Bois-le-Duc.  They  were  successful,  and  the 
"  darling  "  fort  was  carried  at  a  blow.  After  a  brief  cannonade, 
the  patriots  made  a  breach,  effected  a  landing,  and  sprang  over 
the  ramparts.  The  Walloons  and  Spaniards  fled  in  dismay  ; 
many  of  them  were  killed  in  the  fort,  and  along  the  dykes  ; 
others  were  hurled  into  the  Scheldt.  The  victors  followed  up 
their  success  by  reducing,  with  equal  impetuosity,  the  fort  of 
Saint  Anthony,  situate  in  the  neighbourhood  farther  down 
the  river.  They  thus  gained  entire  command  of  all  the 
high  ground,  which  remained  in  that  quarter  above  the  inun- 
dation, and  was  called  the  Doel.' 

The  dyke,  on  which  Liefkenshoek  stood,  led  up  the  river 
towards  Kalloo,  distant  less  than  a  league.  There  were 
Parma's  head-quarters  and  the  famous  bridge.  But  at  Fort 
Saint  Mary,  where  the  Flemish  head  of  that  bridge  rested, 
the  dyke  was  broken.  Upon  that  broken  end  the  commanders 
of  the  expedition  against  Liefkenshoek  were  ordered  to  throw 
up  an  entrenchment,  without  loss  of  a  moment,  so  soon  as 
they  should  have  gained  the  fortresses  which  they  were 
ordered  first  to  assault.  Sainte  Aldegonde  had  given  urgent 
written  directions  to  this  effect.  From  a  redoubt  situated 
thus,   in  the  very  face  of  Saint  Mary's,  that  position,  the 

'  Le  Petit,  n.  511 ;  Strada,  ii.  383. 


1585. 


PATRIOTS  GAIN  LIEFKENSHOEK. 


189 


palisade-work,  the  whole  bridge,  might  be  battered  with  all 
the  artillery  that  could  be  brought  from  Zeeland. 

But  Parma  was  beforehand  with  them.  Notwithstanding 
his  rage  and  mortification  that  Spanish  soldiers  should  have 
ignominiously  lost  the  important  fortress  which  Richebourg 
had  conquered  so  brilliantly  nine  mouths  before,  he  was  not 
the  man  to  spend  time  in  unavailing  regrets.  His  quick  eye 
instantly  detected  the  flaw  which  might  soon  be  fatal.  In 
the  very  same  night  of  the  loss  of  Liefkenshoek,  he  sent  as 
strong  a  party  as  could  be  spared,  with  plenty  of  sappers  and 
miners,  in  flat-bottomed  boats  across  from  Kalloo.  As  the 
morning  dawned,  an  improvised  fortress,  with  the  Spanish 
flag  waving  above  its  bulwarks,  stood  on  the  broken  end  of 
the  dyke.  That  done,  he  ordered  one  of  the  two  captains 
who  had  commanded  in  Liefkenshoek  and  Saint  Anthony  to 
be  beheaded  on  the  same  dyke.  The  other  was  dismissed 
with  ignominy.^  Ostend  was,  of  course,  given  up  ;  "  but  it 
was  not  a  small  matter,"  said  Parma,  "  to  fortify  ourselves 
that  very  night  upon  the  ruptured  place,  and  so  prevent  the 
rebels  from  doing  it,  which  would  have  been  very  mal-a- 
propos.' 

Nevertheless,  the  rebels  had  achieved  a  considerable  suc- 
cess ;  and  now  or  never  the  telling  blow,  long  meditated,  was 
to  be  struck. 

There  lived  in  Antwerp  a  subtle  Mantuan,  Gianibelli  by 
name,  who  had  married  and  been  long  settled  in  the  city. 
He  had  made  himself  busy  with  various  schemes  for  victual- 
ling the  place.  He  had  especially  urged  upon  the  authorities, 
at  an  early  period  of  the  siege,  the  propriety  of  making  large 
purchases  of  corn  and  storing  it  in  magazines  at  a  time  when 
the  famine-price  had  by  no  means  been  reached.^  But  the 
leading  men  had  then  their  heads  full  of  a  great  ship,  or 
floating  castle,  which    they   were    building,  and  which    they 


1  Strada,  ii.  333.  Bor,  ii.  596,  and 
Bentivoglio,  P.  ii.  L.  iii.  p.  291,  say 
that  both  the  commandants  were  be- 
headed. The  Prince  himself  (MS. 
Letter  to    PhiUp,   10    April,    1585)  re- 


lates the  loss  of  the  forts,  but  says  no- 
thing of  the  punishment  inflicted  upoD 
the  culprits. 

'■'  MS.  Letter  of  Parma,  just  cited. 

'  Bor,  u.  500. 


190  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

had  pompously  named  the  '  War's  End/  '  Fin  de  la  Guerre.' 
We  shall  hear  something  of  this  phenomenon  at  a  later  period. 
Meanwhile,  Gianibelli,  who  knew  something  of  shipbuilding, 
as  he  did  of  most  other  useful  matters,  ridiculed  the  design, 
which  was  likely  to  cost,  in  itself  before  completion,  as  much 
money  as  would  keep  the  city  in  bread  for  a  third  of  a  year. 

Gianibelli  was  no  patriot.  He  was  purely  a  man  of  science 
and  of  great  acquirements,  who  was  looked  upon  by  the  igno- 
rant populace  alternately  as  a  dreamer  and  a  wizard.  He 
was  as  indifferent  to  the  cause  of  freedom  as  of  despotism, 
but  he  had  a  great  love  for  chemistry.  He  was  also  a  pro- 
found mechanician,  second  to  no  man  of  his  age  in  theoretic 
and  practical  engineering. 

He  had  gone  from  Italy  to  Spain  that  he  might  offer  his 
services  to  Philip,  and  give  him  the  benefit  of  many  original 
and  ingenious  inventions.  Forced  to  dance  attendance,  day 
after  day,  among  sneering  courtiers  and  insolent  placemen, 
and  to  submit  to  the  criticism  of  practical  sages  and  philoso- 
phers of  routine,  while  he  was  constantly  denied  an  oppor- 
tunity of  explaining  his  projects,  the  quick-tempered  Italian 
had  gone  away  at  last,  indignant.  He  had  then  vowed 
revenge  upon  the  dulness  by  which  his  genius  had  been 
slighted,  and  had  sworn  that  the  next  time  the  Spaniards 
heard  the  name  of  the  man  whom  they  had  dared  to  deride, 
they  should  hear  it  with  tears.' 

He  now  laid  before  the  senate  of  Antwerp  a  plan  for  some 
vessels  likely  to  prove  more  effective  than  the  gigantic 
'  War's  End,'  which  he  had  prophesied  would  prove  a  failure. 
With  these  he  pledged  himself  to  destroy  the  bridge.  He 
demanded  three  ships  which  he  had  selected  from  the  city 
fleet — the  '  Orange,'  the  '  Post,'  and  the  '  Golden  Lion,' — 
measuring,  respectively,  one  hundred  and  fifty,  three  hundred 
and  fifty,  and  five  hundred  tons.  Besides  these,  he  wished 
sixty  flat-bottomed  scows,  which  he  proposed  to  send  down 
the  river,  partially  submerged,  disposed  in  the  shape  of  a 
half  moon,  with  innumerable  anchors  and  grapnells  tlirusting 

}  Strada,  ii.  334,  335, 


1585 


PROJECTS  OF  GIANIBELLI. 


191 


themselves  out  of  the  water  at  every  point.  This  machine 
was  intended  to  operate  against  the  raft. 

Ignorance  and  incredulity  did  their  work,  as  usual,  and 
Gianbelli's  request  was  refused.  As  a  quarter-measure, 
nevertheless,  he  was  allowed  to  take  two  smaller  vessels  of 
seventy  and  eighty  tons.  The  Italian  was  disgusted  with 
this  parsimony  upon  so  momentous  an  occasion,  but  he  at 
the  same  time  determined,  even  with  these  slender  materials, 
to  give  an  exhibition  of  his  power.* 

Not  all  his  the  glory,  however,  of  the  ingenious  project. 
Associated  with  him  were  two  skilful  artizans  of  Antwerp  ;  a 
clockmakcr  named  Bory,  and  a  mechanician  named  Timmer- 
man  ; '  but  Gianibelli  was  the  chief  and  superintendent  of 
the  whole  daring  enterprise. 

He  gave  to  his  two  ships  the  cheerful  names  of  the 
'  Fortune '  and  the  '  Hope,'  and  set  himself  energetically 
to  justify  their  titles  by  their  efficiency.  They  were  to  be 
floating  marine  volcanos,  which,  drifting  down  the  river  with 
the  ebb  tide,  were  to  deal  destruction  where  the  Spaniards 
deemed  themselves  most  secure. 

In  the  hold  of  each  vessel,  along  the  whole  length,  was 
laid  down  a  solid  flooring  of  brick  and  mortar,  one  foot 
thick,  and  five  feet  wide.  Upon  this  was  built  a  chamber 
of  marble  mason-work,  forty  feet  long,  three  and  a  half  feet 
broad,  as  many  high,  and  with  side-walks  five  feet  in  thick- 
ness. This  was  the  crater.  It  was  filled  with  seven  thousand 
pounds  of  gunpowder,  of  a  kind  superior  to  anything  known, 
and  prepared  by  Gianibelli  himself  It  was  covered  with  a 
roof,  six  feet  in  thickness,  formed  of  blue  tombstones,  placed 
edgewise.  Over  this  crater,  rose  a  hollow  cone,  or  pyramid, 
made   of  heavy   marble   slabs,    and   filled   with    mUl-stones, 


»  Bor,  ii.  596,  597  ;  Hoofd  Vervolgh, 
91. 

»  Bor,  ii.  596,  597  ;  Hoofd  Vervolgh, 
91 ;  Strada,  ii.  344  seq.;  Meteren,  xii. 
223"°;  Baudartii  Polemoof.  ii.  24-27, 
with  very  curious  illustrative  plates; 
Bentivogiio,  P.  ii.  L.  iii.  291,  292; 
Reyd,   iv.    60.      (Letter  of  Parma    to 


Philip,  10  April,   1585.     Arch,  de  Sim. 
MS. 

3  Hondius,  '  Korte  Beschryving  ende 
'  Afbeelding  van  de  generale  Regeleu 
der  Fortificatie.'  'SGravenhage,  1624, 
fol,  cited  in  Mertens  and  Torfs'  Gesch, 
V.  Antwerpen,  v.  223  seq. 


192  TllHl    UNITED   NKrilKRL.lNDS.  Chap.  V 

cannon  balls,  blocks  of  marble,  chain-shot,  iron  hooks,  plough- 
coulters,  and  every  dangerous  missile  that  could  be  imagined. 
The  spaces  between  the  mine  and  the  sides  of  each  ship  were 
likewise  filled  with  paving  stones,  iron-bound  stakes,  har- 
poons, and  other  projectiles.  The  whole  fabric  was  then 
covered  by  a  smooth  light  flooring  of  planks  and  brick-work, 
upon  which  was  a  pile  of  wood.  This  was  to  be  lighted  at 
the  proper  time,  in  order  that  the  two  vessels  might  present 
the  appearance  of  simple  fire-ships,  intended  only  to  excite  a 
conflagration  of  the  bridge.  On  the  '  Fortune  '  a  slow  match, 
very  carefully  prepared,  communicated  with  the  submerged 
mine,  which  was  to  explode  at  a  nicely-calculated  moment 
The  eruption  of  the  other  floating  volcano  was  to  be  regu- 
lated by  an  ingenious  piece  of  clock-work,  by  which,  at  the 
appointed  time,  fire,  struck  from  a  flint,  was  to  inflame  the 
hidden  mass  of  gunpowder  below. 

In  addition  to  these  two  infernal  machines,  or  "hell-burners," 
as  they  were  called,  a  fleet  of  thirty-two  smaller  vessels  was 
prepared.  Covered  with  tar,  turpentine,  rosin,  and  filled  with 
inflammable  and  combustible  materials,  these  barks  were  to 
be  sent  from  Antwerp  down  the  river  in  detachments  of  eight 
every  half  hour  with  the  ebb  tide.  The  object  was  to  clear 
the  way,  if  possible,  of  the  raft,  and  to  occupy  the  attention 
of  the  Spaniards,  until  the  '  Fortune '  and  the  '  Hope '  should 
come  down  upon  the  bridge. 

The  5th  April,  being  the  day  following  that  on  which  the 
5  April     successful    assault    upon    Liefkenshoek   and    Saint 

1585.  Anthony  had  taken  place,  was  fixed  for  the  descent 
of  the  fire-ships.  So  soon  as  it  should  be  dark,  the  thirty-two 
lesser  burning- vessels,  under  the  direction  of  Admiral  Jacob 
Jacobzoon,  were  to  be  sent  forth  from  the  neighborhood  of 
the  '  Boor's  Sconce ' — a  fort  close  to  the  city  walls — in 
accordance  with  the  Italian's  plan.  "  Run-a-way  Jacob,"  how- 
ever, or  "  Koppen  Loppen,"  had  earned  no  new  laurels  which 
could  throw  into  the  shade  that  opprobrious  appellation.  He 
was  not  one  of  Holland's  naval  heroes,  but,  on  the  whole,  a 
very  incompetent   officer  ;   exactly  the  man  to  damage  the 


1585  ALARM   ON   THE   BRIDGE.  193 

best  concerted  scheme  which  the  genius  of  others  could 
invent.  Accordingly,  Koppen-Loppen  began  with  a  grave 
mistake.  Instead  of  allowing  the  precursory  fire-ships  to 
drift  down  the  stream,  at  the  regular  intervals  agreed  upon, 
he  despatched  |;hem  all  rapidly,  and  belter  skelter,  one  after 
another,  as  fast  as  they  could  be  set  forth  on  their  career. 
Not  long  afterwards,  he  sent  the  two  "  bell-burners,"  the 
'  Fortune'  and  the  '  Hope,'  directly  in  their  wake.  Thus 
the  whole  fiery  fleet  had  set  forth,  almost  at  once,  upon  its 
fatal  voyage. 

It  was  known  to  Parma  that  preparations  for  an  attack 
were  making  at  Antwerj),  but  as  to  the  nature  of  the  danger 
he  was  necessarily  in  the  dark.  He  was  anticipating  an 
invasion  by  a  fleet  from  the  city  in  combination  with  a 
squadron  of  Zeelanders  coming  up  from  below.  So  soon  as 
the  first  vessels,  therefore,  with  their  trains  not  yet  lighted, 
were  discovered  bearing  down  from  the  city,  he  was  confirmed 
in  his  conjecture.  His  drums  and  trumpets  instantly  called 
to  arms,  and  the  whole  body  of  his  troops  was  mustered  upon 
the  bridge,  the  palisades,  and  in  the  nearest  forts.  Thus  the 
preparations  to  avoid  or  to  contend  with  the  danger,  were 
leading  the  Spaniards  into  the  very  jaws  of  destruction. 
Alexander,  after  crossing  and  recrossing  the  river,  giving 
minute  directions  for  repelling  the  expected  assault,  finally 
stationed  himself  in  the  block-house  at  the  point  of  junction, 
on  the  Flemish  side,  between  the  palisade  and  the  bridge  of 
boats.  He  was  surrounded  by  a  group  of  superior  ofiicers, 
among  whom  Richebourg,  Billy,  Gaetano,  Cessis,  and  the 
Englishman  Sir  Rowland  Yorke,  were  conspicuous. 

It  was  a  dark,  mild  evening  of  early  spring.  As  the  fleet 
of  vessels  dropped  slowly  down  the  river,  they  suddenly 
became  luminous,  each  ship  flaming  out  of  the  darkness,  a 
phantom  of  living  fire.  The  very  waves  of  the  Scheldt  seemed 
glowing  with  the  conflagration,  while  its  banks  were  lighted 
up  with  a  preternatural  glare.  It  was  a  wild,  pompous,  thea- 
trical spectacle.  The  array  of  soldiers  on  both  sides  the 
river,   along   the  dykes  and  upon    tlie  bridge,   with  bunuery 

YOL,  I.— 0 


194  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

waving,  and  spear  and  cuirass  glancing  in  the  lurid  light ; 
the  demon  fleet,  guided  by  no  human  hand,  wrapped  in 
flames,  and  flitting  through  the  darkness,  with  irregular 
movement,  but  portentous  aspect,  at  the  caprice  of  wind  and 
tide  ;  the  death-like  silence  of  expectation,  which  had  suc- 
ceeded the  sound  of  trumpet  and  the  shouts  of  the  soldiers  ; 
and  the  weird  glow  which  had  supplanted  the  darkness — all 
combined  with  the  sense  of  imminent  and  mysterious  danger 
to  excite  and  oppress  the  imagination. 

Presently,  the  Spaniards,  as  they  gazed  from  the  bridge, 
began  to  take  heart  again.  One  after  another,  many  of  the 
lesser  vessels  drifted  blindly  against  the  raft,  where  they 
entangled  themselves  among  the  hooks  and  gigantic  spear- 
heads, and  burned  slowly  out  without  causing  any  extensive 
conflagration.  Others  grounded  on  the  banks  of  the  river, 
before  reaching  their  destination.     Some  sank  in  the  stream. 

Last  of  all  came  the  two  infernal  ships,  swaying  unsteadily 
with  the  current  ;  the  pilots  of  course,  as  they  neared  the 
bridge,  having  noiselessly  effected  their  escape  in  the  skiffs. 
The  slight  fire  upon  the  deck  scarcely  illuminated  the  dark 
phantom-like  hulls.  Both  were  carried  by  the  current  clear 
of  the  raft,  which,  by  a  great  error  of  judgment,  as  it  now 
appeared,  on  the  part  of  the  builders,  had  only  been  made  to 
protect  the  floating  portion  of  the  bridge.  The  '  Fortune' 
came  first,  staggering  inside  the  raft,  and  then  lurching 
clumsily  against  the  dyke,  and  grounding  near  Kalloo,  without 
touching  the  bridge.  There  was  a  moment's  pause  of  expec- 
tation. At  last  the  slow  match  upon  the  deck  burned  out, 
and  there  was  a  faint  and  partial  explosion,  by  which  little 
or  no  damage  was  produced. 

Parma  instantly  called  for  volunteers  to  board  the  mysteri- 
ous vessel.  The  desperate  expedition  was  headed  by  the 
bold  Roland  York,*  a  Londoner,  of  whom  one  day  there 
was  more  to  be  heard  in  Netherland  history.  The  party 
sprang  into  the  deserted  and  now  harmless  volcano,  extin- 
guishing the  slight  fires  that  were  smouldering  on  the  deck, 

'  Stowe.     'Chronicle  of  England,'  ed.  1631,  p.  700. 


1585.  THE  FIRE-SHIPS.  195 

and  thrusting  spears  and  long  poles  into  the  hidden  recesses 
of  the  hold.  There  was,  however,  little  time  to  pursue  these 
perilous  investigations,  and  the  party  soon  made  their  escape 
to  the  bridge. 

The  troops  of  Parma,  crowding  on  the  palisade,  and  looking 
over  the  parapets,  now  began  to  greet  the  exhibition  with 
peals  of  derisive  laughter.  It  was  but  child's  play,  they 
thought,  to  threaten  a  Spanish  army,  and  a  general  like 
Alexander  Farnese,  with  such  paltry  fire-works  as  these. 
Nevertheless  all  eyes  were  anxiously  fixed  upon  the  remaining 
fire-ship,  or  "  hell-burner,"  the  '  Hope,'  which  had  now  drifted 
very  near  the  place  of  its  destination.  Tearing  her  way 
between  the  raft  and  the  shore,  she  struck  heavily  against 
the  bridge  on  the  Kalloo  side,  close  to  the  block-house  at  the 
commencement  of  the  floating  portion  of  the  bridge.  A  thin 
wreath  of  smoke  was  seen  curling  over  a  slight  and  smoul- 
dering fire  upon  her  deck. 

Marquis  Richebourg,  standing  on  the  bridge,  laughed 
loudly  at  the  apparently  impotent  conclusion  of  the  whole 
adventure.  It  was  his  last  laugh  on  earth.  A  number  of 
soldiers,  at  Parma's  summons,  instantly  sprang  on  board  this 
second  mysterious  vessel,  and  occupied  themselves,  as  the 
party  on  board  the  '  Fortune'  had  done,  in  extinguishing  the 
flames,  and  in  endeavoring  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  the 
machine.  Richebourg  boldly  directed  from  the  bridge  their 
hazardous  experiments. 

At  the  same  moment  a  certain  ensign  De  Vega,  who 
stood  near  the  Prince  of  Parma,  close  to  the  block-house, 
approached  him  with  vehement  entreaties  that  he  should 
retire.  Alexander  refused  to  stir  from  the  spot,  being 
anxious  to  learn  the  result  of  these  investigations.  Vega, 
moved  by  some  instinctive  and  irresistible  apprehension,  fell 
upon  his  knees,  and  plucking  the  General  earnestly  by  the 
cloak,  implored  him  with  such  passionate  words  and  gestures 
to  leave  the  place,  that  the  Prince  reluctantly  yielded. 

It  was  not  a  moment  too  soon.  The  clock-work  in  the 
^Hope'  had  been  better    ■  Ijusted  than  the  slow  match  in  the 


196  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

'  Fortune.'  Scarcely  had  Alexander  reached  the  entrance  of 
Saint  Mary's  Fort,  at  the  end  of  the  bridge,  when  a  horrible 
explosion  was  heard.  The  '  Hope'  disappeared,  together  with 
the  men  who  had  boarded  her,  and  the  block-house,  against 
which  she  had  struck,  with  all  its  garrison,  while  a  large 
portion  of  the  bridge,  with  all  the  troops  stationed  upon  it, 
had  vanished  into  air.  It  was  the  work  of  a  single  instant. 
The  Scheldt  yawned  to  its  lowest  depth,  and  then  cast  its 
waters  across  the  dykes,  deep  into  the  forts,  and  far  over  the 
land.  The  earth  shook  as  with  the  throb  of  a  volcano.  A 
wild  glare  lighted  up  the  scene  for  one  moment,  and  was 
then  succeeded  by  pitchy  darkness.  Houses  were  toppled 
down  miles  away,  and  not  a  living  thing,  even  in  remote 
places,  could  keep  its  feet.  The  air  was  filled  with  a  rain  of 
plough-shares,  grave-stones,  and  marble  balls,  intermixed 
with  the  heads,  limbs,  and  bodies,  of  what  had  been  human 
beings.  Slabs  of  granite,  vomited  by  the  flaming  ship,  were 
found  afterwards  at  a  league's  distance,  and  buried  deep  in 
the  earth.  A  thousand  soldiers  were  destroyed  in  a  second 
of  time  ;  many  of  them  being  torn  to  shreds,  beyond  even 
the  semblance  of  humanity. 

Richebourg  disappeared,  and  was  not  found  until  several 
days  later,  when  his  body  was  discovered,  doubled  around  an 
iron  chain,  which  hung  from  one  of  the  bridge-boats  in  the 
centre  of  the  river.  The  veteran  Robles,  Seigneur  de  Billy, 
a  Portuguese  officer  of  eminent  service  and  high  military 
rank,  was  also  destroyed.  Months  afterwards,  his  body  was 
discovered  adhering  to  the  timber-work  of  the  bridge,  upon  the 
ultimate  removal  of  that  structure,  and  was  only  recognized 
by  a  peculiar  gold  chain  which  he  habitually  wore.  Parma 
himself  was  thrown  to  the  ground,  stunned  by  a  blow  on  the 
shoulder  from  a  flying  stake.  The  page,  who  was  behind 
him,  carrying  his  helmet,  fell  dead  without  a  wound,  killed 
by  the  concussion  of  the  air. 

Several  strange  and  less  tragical  incidents  occurred.  The 
Viscomte  de  Bruxelles  was  blown  out  of  a  boat  on  the  Flemish 
side,  and  descended  safe  and  sound  into  another  in  the  centre 


1585.  THE    EXPLOSION.  197 

of  the  stream.  Captain  Tucci,  clad  in  complete  armour,  was 
whirled  out  of  a  fort,  shot  perpendicularly  into  the  air,  and 
and  then  fell  back  into  the  river.  Being  of  a  cool  tempera- 
ment, a  good  swimmer,  and  very  pious,  he  skilfully  divested 
himself  of  cuirass  and  helmet,  recommended  himself  to  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  and  swam  safely  ashore.  Another  young 
officer  of  Parma's  body-guard,  FranQois  de  Liege  by  name, 
standing  on  the  Kalloo  end  of  the  bridge,  rose  like  a 
feather  into  the  clouds,  and,  flying  quite  across  the  river, 
alighted  on  the  opposite  bank  with  no  further  harm  than  a 
contused  shoulder.  He  imagined  himself  (he  said  after- 
wards) to  have  been  changed  into  a  cannon-ball,  as  he  rushed 
through  the  pitchy  atmosphere,  propelled  by  a  blast  of  irre- 
sistible fury.^ 

It  had  been  agreed  that  Admiral  Jacobzoon  should,  imme- 
diately after  the  explosion  of  the  fire-ships,  send  an  eight- 
qared  barge  to  ascertain  the  amount  of  damage.  If  a  breach 
had  been  effected,  and  a  passage  up  to  the  city  opened,  he 
was  to  fire  a  rocket.  At  this  signal,  the  fleet  stationed  at 
Lillo,  carrying  a  heavy  armament,  laden  with  provisions 
enough  to  relieve  Antwerp  from  all  anxiety,  and  ready  to 
sail  on  the  instant,  was  at  once  to  force  its  way  up  the  river. 

The  deed  was  done.  A  breach,  two  hundred  feet  in  width, 
was  made.  Had  the  most  skilful  pilot  in  Zeeland  held  the 
helm  of  the  '  Hope,'  with  a  choice  crew  obedient  to  his  orders, 
he  could  not  have  guided  her  more  carefully  than  she  had 
been  directed  by  wind  and  tide.  Avoiding  the  raft  which 
lay  in  her  way,  she  had,  as  it  were,  with  the  intelligence  of  a 
living  creature,  fulfilled  the  wishes  of  the  daring  genius  that 
had    created    her  ;    and    laid    herself    alongside    the   bridge, 


■  The  chief  authorities  used  in  the 
foregoing  account  of  this  famous  en- 
terprise are  those  already  cited  on  a 
previous  page,  viz. :  the  MS.  Letters 
of  the  Prince  of  Parma  in  tlie  Archives 
of  Simancas ;  Bor,  ii.  596,  597  ;  Strada, 
ii.  334  seq.;  Meteren,  xii.  223"°; 
Hoofd  Vervolijh.  91  ;  Baudartii  Pole- 
mographia,  ii.  24-27;  Bentivoglio,  P.  ii. 
L.  ill.   291;   292;  Kcyd,  iv.  60;  Mar- 


tens and  Torfs  Gesch.  v.  Antw.  v.  22.T 
seq.;  Papebrochi  Ann.  Autv.  iv.  100 
seq.  et  al. — I  have  not  thought  it  ne- 
cessary to  cite  ihem  step  by  step; 
for  all  the  accounts,  with  some  inevi- 
table and  unimportant  discrepancies, 
agree  with  each  other.  The  most  co- 
pious details  are  to  be  found  in  Strada 
and  iu  Bor. 


198  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

exactly  at  the  most  telling  point.  She  had  then  destroyed 
herseli',  precisely  at  the  right  moment.  All  the  effects,  and 
more  than  all,  that  had  been  predicted  by  the  Mantuan 
wizard  had  come  to  pass.  The  famous  bridge  was  cleft 
through  and  through,  and  a  thousand  picked  men — Parma's 
very  " daintiest" — were  blown  out  of  existence.  The  Governor- 
General  himself  was  lying  stark  and  stiff  upon  the  bridge 
which  he  said  should  be  his  triumphal  monument  or  his 
tomb.  His  most  distinguished  officers  were  dead,  and  all 
the  survivors  were  dumb  and  blind  with  astonishment  at  the 
unheard-of  convulsion.  The  j)assage  was  open  for  the  fleet, 
and  the  fleet  lay  below  with  sails  spread,  and  oars  in  the 
rowlocks,  only  waiting  for  the  signal  to  bear  up  at  once 
to  the  scene  of  action,  to  smite  out  of  existence  all  that  re- 
mained of  the  splendid  structure,  and  to  carry  relief  and 
triumph  into  Antwerp. 

Not  a  soul  slept  in  the  city.  The  explosion  had  shook  its 
walk,  and  thousands  of  people  thronged  the  streets,  their 
hearts  beating  high  with  expectation.  It  was  a  moment  of 
exquisite  triumph.  The  '  Hope,'  word  of  happy  augury,  had 
not  been  relied  upon  in  vain,  and  Parma's  seven  months  of 
patient  labour  had  been  annihilated  in  a  moment.  Sainte 
Aldegonde  and  Gianibelli  stood  in  the  '  Boors'  Sconce '  on 
the  edge  of  the  river.  They  had  felt  and  heard  the  explosion, 
and  they  were  now  straining  their  eyes  through  the  darkness 
to  mark  the  flight  of  the  welcome  rocket. 

That  rocket  never  rose.  And  it  is  enough,  even  after  the 
lapse  of  three  centuries,  to  cause  a  pang  in  every  heart  that 
beats  for  human  liberty  to  think  of  the  bitter  disappoint- 
ment which  crushed  these  great  and  legitimate  hopes.  The 
cause  lay  in  the  incompetency  and  cowardice  of  the  man 
who  had  been  so  unfortunately  entrusted  with  a  share  in  a 
noble  enterprise. 

Admiral  Jacobzoon,  paralyzed  by  the  explosion,  which 
announced  his  own  triumph,  sent  off  the  barge,  but  did  not 
wait  for  its  return.  The  boatmen,  too,  appalled  by  the  sights 
and  soun<]s  wliich  they  hud   witnessed,  and  by  the  murky 


1685. 


ITS  RESULTS. 


199 


darkness  which  encompassed  them,  did  not  venture  near  the 
scene  of  action,  but,  after  rowing  for  a  short  interval  hither 
and  thither,  came  back  with  the  lying  report  that  nothing 
had  been  accomplished,  and  that  the  bridge  remained 
unbroken,  Sainte  Aldegonde  and  Gianibelli  were  beside 
themselves  with  rage,  as  they  surmised  the  imbecihty  of 
the  Admiral,  and  devoted  him  in  their  hearts  to  the  gallows, 
which  he  certainly  deserved.  The  wrath  of  the  keen  Italian 
may  be  conceived,  now  that  his  ingenious  and  entirely  suc- 
cessful scheme  was  thus  rendered  fruitless  by  the  blunders  of 
the  incompetent  Fleming,^ 

On  the  other  side,  there  was  a  man  whom  no  danger  could 
appal.  Alexander  had  been  thought  dead,  and  the  dismay 
among  his  followers  was  universal.  He  was  known  to  have 
been  standing  an  instant  before  the  explosion  on  the  very 
block-house  where  the  'Hope'  had  struck.  After  the  first 
terrible  moments  had  passed,  his  soldiers  found  their  general 
lying,  as  if  in  a  trance,  on  the  threshold  of  St.  Mary's  Fort, 
his  drawn  sword  in  his  hand,  with  Cessis  embracing  his 
knees,  and  Gaetano  extended  at  his  side,  stunned  with  a 
blow  upon  the  head.* 

Recovering  from  his  swoon,  Parma  was  the  first  to  spring 
to  his  feet.  Sword  in  hand,  he  rushed  at  once  upon  the 
bridge  to  mark  the  extent  of  the  disaster.  The  admirable 
structure,  the  result  of  so  much  patient  and  intelligent  energy, 
was  fearfully  shattered  ;  the  bridge,  the  river,  and  the  shore, 
strewed  with  the  mangled  bodies  of  his  soldiers.  He  expected, 
as  a  matter  of  certainty,  that  the  fleet  from  below  would 
instantly  force  its  passage,  destroy  the  remainder  of  his 
troops — stunned  as  they  were  with  the  sudden  catastrophe — 
complete  the  demolition  of  the  bridge,  and  then  make  its  way 
to  Antwerp,  with  ample  reinforcements  and  supplies.     And 


*  Bor,  Hoofd,  Meteren,  uhi  supra. 

'  Such  is  the  picture  minutely  paint- 
ed by  Strada,  11.  342 ;  and,  although 
the  Prince,  In  his  own  letters,  written 
from  the  scene  of  action,  and  preserved 
in  the  Slmancas  Archives,  omits  the 
incident,   yet   I   am   inclined    to    rely 


upon  the  very  ample  materials  pos- 
sessed by  the  genial  Jesuit,  in  the 
shape  of  private  contemporary  letters 
from  Spanish  ofiScers  engaged  in  the 
war — letters,  alas,  which  have  pro* 
bably  for  ever  disappeared. 


^>,00  THE  tJNItP:!)  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V 

Alexander  saw  that  the  expedition  would  be  successful. 
Momently  expecting  the  attack,  he  maintained  his  courage 
and  semblance  of  cheerfulness,  with  despair  in  his  heart. 

His  winter's  work  seemed  annihilated,  and  it  was  probable 
that  he  should  be  obliged  to  raise  the  siege.  Nevertheless, 
he  passed  in  person  from  rank  to  rank,  from  post  to  post, 
seeing  that  the  wounded  were  provided  for,  encouraging  those 
that  remained  unhurt,  and  endeavouring  to  infuse  a  portion 
of  his  own  courage  into  the  survivors  of  his  panic-stricken 
army. 

Nor  was  he  entirely  unsuccessful,  as  the  night  wore  on  and 
the  expected  assault  was  still  delayed.  Without  further  loss 
of  time,  he  employed  his  men  to  collect  the  drifting  boats, 
timber,  and  spar-work,  and  to  make  a  hasty  and  temporary 
restoration — in  semblance  at  least — of  the  ruined  portion  of 
his  bridge.  And  thus  he  employed  himself  steadily  all  the 
night,  although  expecting  every  instant  to  hear  the  first 
broadside  of  the  Zeeland  cannon.  When  morning  broke,  and 
it  became  obvious  that  the  patriots  were  unable  or  unwilling 
to  follow  up  their  own  success,  the  Governor-General  felt  as 
secure  as  ever.  He  at  once  set  about  the  thorough  repairs  of 
his  great  work,  and — before  he  could  be  again  molested — 
liad  made  good  the  damage  which  it  had  sustained.^ 

It  was  not  till  three  days  afterwards  that  the  truth  was 
known  in  Antwerp.  Hohenlo  then  sent  down  a  messenger, 
who  swam  under  the  bridge,  ascertained  the  exact  state  of 
afiairs,  and  returned,  when  it  was  too  late,  with  the  first  intel- 
ligence of  the  triumph  which  had  been  won  and  lost.  The 
disappointment  and  mortification  were  almost  intolerable. 
And  thus  had  Eun-a-way  Jacob,  '  Koppen  Loppen/  blasted 
the  hopes  of  so  many  wiser  and  braver  spirits  than  his  own. 

The  loss  to  Parma  and  to  the  royalist  cause  in  Marquis 
Richebourg,  was  very  great.  The  death  of  De  Billy,  who  was 
a  faithful,  experienced,  and  courageous  general,  was  also 
much  lamented.     "The  misfortune  from  their  death,"  said 

'  Bor,  Strada,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  Ben-  I  Papebrochii  Ann.  (MS.  Letters  of 
tivoglio,    Reyd,    Mertens    and    Torps,    |   Parma,  ubi  supra. 


1585.  DEATH  OP  THE  VlSCOtfNT  OF  GHENT.  201 

Parma,  "  is  not  to  be  exaggerated.  Each  was  ever  ready  to 
do  his  duty  in  your  Majesty's  service,  and  to  save  me  much 
fatigue  in  all  my  various  affairs.  Nevertheless,"  continued 
the  Prince,  with  great  piety,  "  we  give  the  Lord  thanks  for 
all,  and  take  as  a  favour  everything  which  comes  from  His 
hand." ' 

Alexander  had  indeed  reason  to  deplore  the  loss  of  Robert 
de  Melun,  Viscount  of  Ghent,  Marquis  of  Roubaix  and  Riche- 
bourg.  He  was  a  most  valuable  officer.  His  wealth  was 
great.  It  had  been  recently  largely  increased  by  the  con- 
fiscation of  his  elder  brother's  estates  for  his  benefit,  a  measure 
which  at  Parma's  intercession  had  been  accorded  by  the  King. 
That  brother  was  the  patriotic  Prince  of  Espinoy,  whom  we 
have  recently  seen  heading  the  legation  of  the  States  to 
France.  And  Richebourg  was  grateful  to  Alexander,  for 
besides  these  fraternal  spoils,  he  had  received  two  mar- 
quisates  through  his  great  patron,  in  addition  to  the  highest 
military  offices.  Insolent,  overbearing,  truculent  to  all  the 
world,  to  Parma  he  was  ever  docile,  affectionate,  watchful, 
obsequious.  A  man  who  knew  not  fatigue,  nor  fear,  nor 
remorse,  nor  natural  affection,  who  could  patiently  superin- 
tend all  the  details  of  a  great  military  work,  or  manage  a 
vast  political  intrigue  by  alternations  of  brow-beating  and 
bribery,  or  lead  a  forlorn  hope,  or  murder  a  prisoner  in  cold 
blood,  or  leap  into  the  blazing  crater  of  what  seemed  a 
marine  volcano,  the  Marquis  of  Richebourg  had  ever  made 
himself  most  actively  and  unscrupulously  useful  to  his  masteif 
Especially  had  he  rendered  invaluable  services  in  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  Walloon  Provinces,  and  in  the  bridging  of  the 
Scheldt,  the  two  crowning  triumphs  of  Alexander's  life.  He 
had  now  passed  from  the  scene  where  he  had  played  so 
energetic  and  dazzling  a  part,  and  lay  doubled  round  an 
iron  cable  beneath  the  current  of  the  restless  river. 

And  in  this  eventful  night,  Parma,  as  always,  had  been 
true  to  himself  and  to  his  sovereign.  "  We  expected,"  said 
he,  "  that  the  rebels  would  instantly  attack  us  on  ail  sidea 

VOL.  I  — s  '  ^^^-  I-etter,  10  April,  1585,  already  cited.  • 


202  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V 

after  the  explosion.  But  all  remained  so  astonished  by  the 
unheard-of  accident,  that  very  few  understood  what  was 
going  on.  It  seemed  better  that  I — notwithstanding  the  risk 
of  letting  myself  be  seen — should  encourage  the  people  not 
to  run  away.  I  did  so,  and  remedied  matters  a  little  but  not 
so  much  as  that — if  the  enemy  had  then  attacked  us — we 
should  not  have  been  in  the  very  greatest  risk  and  peril.  I  did 
not  fail  to  do  what  I  am  obliged  to  do,  and  always  hope  to 
do  ;  but  I  say  no  more  of  what  passed,  or  what  was  done  by 
myself,  because  it  does  not  become  me  to  speak  of  these 
things." ' 

Notwitlistanding  this  discomfiture,  the  patriots  kept  up 
heart,  and  were  incessantly  making  demonstrations  against 
Parma's  works.  Their  proceedings  against  the  bridge, 
although  energetic  enough  to  keep  the  Spanish  commander 
in  a  state  of  perpetual  anxiety,  were  never  so  efficient  how- 
ever as  on  the  memorable  occasion  when  the  Mantuan 
engineer  and  the  Dutch  watchmaker  had  exhausted  all  their 
ingenuity.  Nevertheless,  the  rebel  barks  swarmed  all  over  the 
submerged  territory,  now  threatening  this  post,  and  now  that, 
and  effecting  their  retreat  at  pleasure  ;  for  nearly  the  whole 
of  Parma's  little  armada  was  stationed  at  the  two  extremities 
of  his  bridge.  Many  fire-ships  were  sent  down  from  time  to 
time,  but  Alexander  had  organized  a  systematic  patrol  of  a 
few  sentry-boats,  armed  with  scythes  and  hooks,  which  rowed 
up  and  down  in  front  of  the  rafts,  and  protected  them  against 
invasion. 

Some  little  effect  was  occasionally  produced,  but  there 
was  on  the  whole  more  anxiety  excited  than  damage  actually 
inflicted.  The  perturbation  of  spirit  among  the  Spaniards 
when  any  of  these  '  demon  fire-ships,'  as  they  called  them, 
appeared  bearing  down  upon  their  bridge,  was  excessive.  It 
could  not  be  forgotten,  that  the  '  Hope  '  had  sent  into  space  a 
thousand  of  the  best  soldiers  of  the  little  army  within  one 
moment  of  time.     Such  rapid  proceedings  had  naturally  left 

'  " y  uo   dijo   mas    aqui   de   lo    I    estarme   bien  tratar  dello."  (MS.  letter 

(lue  entonces   paso,  y  yo   hice  por  no   [    before  cited.) 


1585.  PERPETUAL  ANXIETY  OP  FARNESE.  203 

an  uneasy  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  survivors.  The 
fatigue  of  watching  was  enormous.  Hardly  an  ofl&cer  or 
soldier  among  the  besieging  forces  knew  what  it  was  to  sleep. 
There  was  a  perpetual  exchanging  of  signals  and  beacon-fires 
and  rockets  among  the  patriots — not  a  day  or  night,  when  a 
concerted  attack  by  the  Antwerpers  from  above,  and  the 
Hollanders  from  below,  with  gun-boats  and  fire-ships,  and 
floating  mines,  and  other  devil's  enginry,  was  not  expected. 

"  We  are  always  upon  the  alert,"  wrote  Parma,  "  with  arms 
in  our  hands.  Every  one  must  mount  guard,  myself  as  well 
as  the  rest,  almost  every  night,  and  the  better  part  of 
every   day.'" 

He  was  quite  aware  that  something  was  ever  in  prepara- 
tion ;  and  the  nameless,  almost  sickening  apprehension  which 
existed  among  his  stout-hearted  veterans,  was  a  proof  that 
the  Mantuan's  genius — notwithstanding  the  disappointment 
as  to  the  great  result — had  not  been  exercised  entirely  in 
vain.  The  image  of  the  Antwerp  devil-ships  imprinted  itself 
indelibly  upon  the  Spanish  mind,  as  of  something  preter- 
natural, with  which  human  valour  could  only  contend  at 
a  disadvantage ;  and  a  day  was  not  very  far  distant — 
one  of  the  memorable  days  of  the  world's  history,  big  with 
the  fate  of  England,  Spain,  Holland,  and  all  Christendom — 
when  the  sight  of  a  half-dozen  blazing  vessels,  and  the  cry  of 
"  the  Antwerp  fire-ships,"  was  to  decide  the  issue  of  a  most 
momentous  enterprise.  The  blow  struck  by  the  obscure 
Italian  against  Antwerp  bridge,  although  ineffective  then, 
was  to  be  most  sensibly  felt  after  a  few  years  had  passed,  upon 
a  wider  field. 

Meantime  the  uneasiness  and  the  watchfulness  in  the 
besieging  army  were  very  exhausting.  "  They  are  never  idle 
in  the  city,"  wrote  Parma.  "  They  are  perpetually  proving 
their  obstinacy  and  jjertinacity  by  their  industrious  genius 
and  the  machines  which  they  devise.  Every  day  we  are 
expecting  some  new  invention.  On  our  side  we  endeavour 
to  counteract  their  efibrts  by  every  human  means  in  our  power. 

1  Parma  to  Philip,  G  Mu^,  1585.  (Archivo  de  SUoaocaaMS.) 


204  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  T. 

Nevertheless,  I  confess  that  our  merely  human  intellect  is 
not  competent  to  penetrate  the  designs  of  their  diabolical 
genius.  Certainly,  most  wonderful  and  extraordinary  things 
have  been  exhibited,  such  as  the  oldest  soldiers  here  have 
never  before  witnessed."' 

Moreover,  Alexander  saw  himself  growing  weaker  and 
weaker.  His  force  had  dwindled  to  a  mere  phantom  of  an 
army.  His  soldiers,  ill-fed,  half-clothed,  unpaid,  were  fearfully 
overworked.  He  was  obliged  to  concentrate  all  the  troops 
at  his  disposal  around  Antwerp.  Diversions  against  Ostend, 
operations  in  Friesland  and  Gelderland,  although  most 
desirable,  had  thus  been  rendered  quite  impossible. 

"  I  have  recalled  my  cavalry  and  infantry  from  Ostend," 
he  wrote,  "and  Don  Juan  de  Manrique  has  fortunately 
arrived  in  Stabroek  with  a  thousand  good  German  folk.  The 
commissary-general  of  the  cavalry  has  come  in,  too,  with  a 
good  lot  of  the  troops  that  had  been  encamped  in  the  open 
country.  Nevertheless,  we  remain  wretchedly  weak — quite 
insufficient  to  attempt  what  ought  to  be  done.  If  the  enemy 
were  more  in  force,  or  if  the  French  wished  to  make  trouble, 
your  Majesty  would  see  how  important  it  had  been  to  provide 
in  time  against  such  contingencies.  And  although  our  neigh- 
bours, crestfallen,  and  rushing  upon  their  own  destruction, 
leave  us  in  quiet,  we  are  not  without  plenty  of  work.  It 
would  be  of  inestimable  advantage  to  make  diversions  in 
Gelderland  and  Friesland,  because,  in  that  case,  the  Hol- 
landers, seeing  the  enemy  so  near  their  own  borders,  would 
be  obliged  to  withdraw  their  assistance  from  Antwerp,  'Tis 
pity  to  see  how  few  Spaniards  your  Majesty  has  left,  and  how 
diminished  is  our  army.  Now,  also,  is  the  time  to  expect 
sickness,  and  this  affair  of  Antwerp  is  obviously  stretching 
out  into  large  proportions.  Unless  soon  reinforced,  we  must 
inevitably  go  to  destruction.  1  implore  your  Majesty  to 
ponder  the  matter  well,  and  not  to  defer  the  remedy."^ 


1  " aunque  confieso  que    nuos- 

tros  ingenios  no  alcanzan  ni  penetran 
lo  que  los  suyos  diabolicos  hazen, 
porque  cierto  se  veen  cosas  estranas  y 
nuevaa  a  lo  que  aseguran  cuantos  sol- 


dados  viejos  aqui  hay."  (Parma  to 
Philip,  25  May,  1585.  Arch,  de  Sim. 
MS.) 

'  MS.  Letter,    10  April,   1585,  before 
cited. 


1586.  IMPOVERISHED   STATE  OP   THE   SPANIARDS.  205 

His  Majesty  was  sure  to  ponder  the  matter  well,  if  that 
had  been  all.  Philip  was  good  at  pondering ;  but  it  was 
equally  certain  that  the  remedy  would  be  deferred.  Mean- 
time Alexander  and  his  starving  but  heroic  little  army  were 
left  to  fight  their  battles  as  they  could. 

His  complaints  were  incessant,  most  reasonable,  but  un- 
availing. With  all  the  forces  he  could  muster,  by  withdrawing 
from  the  neighbourhood  of  Ghent,  Brussels,  Vilvoorde,  and 
from  all  the  garrisons,  every  man  that  could  be  spared,  he 
had  not  strength  enough  to  guard  his  own  posts.  To  attempt 
to  win  back  the  important  forts  recently  captured  by  the 
rebels  on  the  Doel,  was  quite  out  of  the  question.  The 
pictures  he  painted  of  his  army  were  indeed  most  dismal. 
The  Spaniards  were  so  reduced  by  sickness  that  it  was  pitiful 
to  see  them.  The  Italians  were  not  in  much  better  condition, 
nor  the  Germans.  "As  for  the  Walloons,"  said  he,  "they 
are  deserting,  as  they  always  do.  In  truth,  one  of  my  prin- 
cipal dangers  is  that  the  French  civil  wars  are  now  tempting 
my  soldiers  across  the  frontier  ;  the  country  there  is  so  much 
richer,  and  offers  so  much  more  for  the  plundering."  ^ 

During  the  few  weeks  which  immediately  followed  the 
famous  descent  of  the  '  Hope'  and  the  'Fortune,'  there  had  ac- 
cordingly been  made  a  variety  of  less  elaborate,  but  apparently 
mischievous,  efforts  against  the  bridge.  On  the  whole,  how- 
ever, the  object  was  rather  to  deceive  and  amuse  the  royalists, 
by  keeping  their  attention  fixed  in  that  quarter,  while  a  great 
attack  was,  in  reality,  preparing  against  the  Kowenstyn. 
That  strong  barrier,  as  repeatedly  stated,  was  even  a  more 
formidable  obstacle  than  the  bridge  to  the  communication 
between  the  beleagured  city  and  'their  allies  upon  the  out- 
side. Its  capture  and  demolition,  even  at  this  late  period, 
would  open  the  navigation  to  all  the  fleets  of  Zeeland. 

In  the  undertaking  of  the  5th  of  April  all  had  been  accom- 
plished that  human  ingenuity  could  devise ;  yet  the  triumph 
had  been  snached  away  even  at  the  very  moment  when  it 
was  complete.     A  determined  and  vigorous  effort  was  soon  to 

^  MS.  Letter,  Parma  to  Philip,  6  May,  1585. 


206  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

be  made  upon  the  Kowenstyn,  in  the  very  face  of  Parma  ;  for 
it  now  seemed  obvious  that  the  true  crisis  was  to  come  upon 
that  fatal  dyke.  The  great  bulwark  was  three  miles  long. 
It  reached  from  Stabroek  in  Brabant,  near  which  village 
Mansfeld's  troops  were  encamped,  across  the  inundated  country, 
up  to  the  line  of  the  Scheldt.  Thence,  along  the  river-dyke, 
and  across  the  bridge  to  Kalloo  and  Beveren,  where  Parma's 
forces  lay,  was  a  continuous  fortified  road  some  three  leagues 
in  length  ;  so  that  the  two  divisions  of  the  besieging  army, 
lying  four  leagues  apart,  were  all  connected  by  this  im- 
portant line. 

Could  the  Kowenstyn  be  pierced,  the  water,  now  divided 
by  that  great  bulwark  into  two  vast  lakes,  would  flow  together 
in  one  continuous  sea.  Moreover  the  Scheldt,  it  was  thought, 
would,  in  that  case,  return  to  its  own  channel  through  Brabant, 
deserting  its  present  bed,  and  thus  leaving  the  famous  bridge 
high  and  dry.  A  wide  sheet  of  navigable  water  would  then 
roll  between  Antwerp  and  the  Zeeland  coasts,  and  Parma's 
bridge,  the  result  of  seven  months'  labour,  would  become  as 
useless  as  a  child's  broken  toy. 

Alexander  had  thoroughly  comprehended  the  necessity  of 
maintaining  the  Kowenstyn,  All  that  it  was  possible  to  do 
with  the  meagre  forces  at  his  disposal,  he  had  done.  He  had 
fringed  both  its  margins,  along  its  whole  length,  with  a 
breastwork  of  closely-driven  stakes.  He  had  strengthened 
the  whole  body  of  the  dyke  with  timber- work  and  piles.  Uijon 
its  river-end,  just  at  the  junction  with  the  great  Scheldt  dyke, 
a  strong  fortress,  called  the  Holy  Cross,  had  been  constructed, 
which  was  under  the  special  command  of  Mondragon.*  Be- 
sides this,  three  other  forts  •  had  been  built,  at  intervals  of 
about  a  mile,  upon  the  dyke.  The  one  nearest  to  Mondragon 
was  placed  at  the  Kowenstyn  manor-house,  and  was  called 
Saint  James.  This  was  entrusted  to  Camillo  Bourbon  del 
Monte^  an  Italian  officer,  who  boasted  the  blood  royal  of 
France  in  his  veins,  and  was  disposed  on  all  occasions  to 
vindicate  that  proud  pedigree  by  his  deeds.'     The  next  fort 

1  Strada,  IL  346,  346.  a  De  Thou,  viii.  428. 


1585.  INTENDED  ATTACK  OF  THE  KOWENSTYN.  207 

was  Saint  George's,  sometimes  called  the  Black  Sconce.  It 
had  been  built  by  La  Motte,  but  it  was  now  in  command  of 
the  Spanish  officer,  Benites.  The  third  was  entitled  the  Fort 
of  the  Palisades,  because  it  IkuI  been  necessary  to  support  it 
by  a  stockade-work  in  the  water,  there  being  absolutely  not 
earth  enough  to  hold  the  structure.  It  was  placed  in  the 
charge  of  Captain  Gamboa.  These  little  castles  had  been 
created,  as  it  were,  out  of  water  and  upon  water,  and  under 
a  hot  fire  from  the  enemy's  forts  and  fleets,  which  gave  the 
pioneers  no  repose.* 

'"Twas  very  hard  work,"  said  Parma,  "our  soldiers  are  so 
exposed  during  their  labour,  the  rebels  playing  upon  them  per- 
petually from  their  musket-proof  vessels.  They  fill  the  sub- ' 
merged  land  with  their  boats,  skimming  everywhere  as  they  like, 
while  we  have  none  at  all.  We  have  been  obliged  to  build 
these  three  forts  with  neither  material  nor  space  ;  making 
land  enough  for  the  foundation  by  bringing  thither  bundles 
of  hurdles  and  of  earth.-  The  fatigue  and  anxiety  are  incredible. 
Not  a  man  can  sleep  at  night  ;  not  an  ofl&cer  nor  soldier  but 
is  j)erpetually  mounting  guard.  But  they  are  animated  to 
their  hard  work  by  seeing  that  I  share  in  it,  like  one  of 
themselves.  We  have  now  got  the  dyke  into  good  order,  so 
far  as  to  be  able  to  give  them  a  warm  reception,  whenever  they 
choose  to  come."  ^ 

Quite  at  the  farther  or  land  end  of  the  Kowenstyn,  was 
another  fort,  called  the  Stabroek,  which  commanded  and 
raked  the  whole  dyke,  and  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Mansfeld's  head-quarters. 

Placed  as  were  these  little  citadels  upon  a  slender,  and — at 
a  brief  distance — invisible  thread  of  land,  with  the  dark 
waters  roUing  around  them  far  and  near,  they  presented  an 
unsubstantial  dream-like  aspect,  seeming  rather  like  castles 
floating  between  air  and  ocean  than  actual  fortifications — a 
deceptive  mirage  rather  than  reality.  There  was  nothing 
imaginary,  however,  in  the  work  which  they  were  to  perform. 

'  Strada,  II.  345,  346.  Bor.  II.  597,  I  "  Parma  to  Philip,  6  May,  158& 
598.  Archivo  de  Simancas  MS. 


208  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Y, 

A  series  of  attacks,  some  serious,  others  fictitious,  had  been 
made,  from  time  to  time,  upon  both  bridge  and  dyke  ;  but 
7th  May,  Alexander  was  unable  to  inspire  his  soldiers  with 
1585.  ijjg  Q^jj  watchfulness.  Upon  the  7th  of  May  a 
more  determined  attempt  was  made  upon  the  Kowenstyn, 
by  the  fleet  from  Lillo.  Hohenlo  and  Colonel  Ysselstein 
conducted  the  enterprise.  The  sentinels  at  the  point  selected 
— having  recently  been  so  often  threatened  by  an  enemy,  who 
most  frequently  made  a  rapid  retreat,  as  to  have  grown  weary 
and  indifferent — were  surprised,  at  dawn  of  day,  and  put  to 
the  sword.  "  If  the  truth  must  be  told,"  said  Parma,  "  the 
sentries  were  sound  asleep."  Five  hundred  Zeelanders,  with  a 
strong  party  of  sappers  and  miners,  fairly  established  them- 
selves upon  the  dyke,  between  St.  George's  aud  Fort  Palisade. 
The  attack,  although  spirited  at  its  commencement,  was 
doomed  to  be  unsuccessful.  A  co-operation,  agreed  upon  by 
the  fleet  from  Antwerp,  failed  through  a  misunderstand- 
ing. Sainte  Aldegonde  had  stationed  certain  members  of 
the  munition-chamber  in  the  cathedral  tower,  with  orders  to 
discharge  three  rockets,  when  they  should  perceive  a  beacon- 
fire  which  he  should  light  in  Fort  Tholouse.  The  watchmen 
mistook  an  accidental  camp-fire  in  the  neighbourhood  for  the 
preconcerted  signal,  and  sent  up  the  rockets.  Hohenlo  un- 
derstanding, accordingly,  that  the  expedition  was  on  the  point 
of  starting  from  Antwerp,  hastened  to  perform  his  portion  of 
the  work,  and  sailed  up  from  Lillo.  He  did  his  duty  faithfully 
and  well,  and  established  himself  upon  the  dyke,  but  found 
himself  alone  and  without  sufiicient  force  to  maintain  his 
position.  The  Antwerp  fleet  never  sailed.  It  was  even 
whispered  that  the  delinquency  was  rather  intended  than 
accidental ;  the  Antwerpers  being  supposed  desirous  to  ascer- 
tain the  result  of  Hohenlo's  attempt  before  coming  forth  to 
share  his  fate.  Such  was  the  opinion  expressed  by  Farnese 
in  his  letters  to  Philip,  but  it  seems  probable  that  he  was 
mistaken.  Whatever  the  cause,  however,  the  fact  of  the 
Zeelanders'  discomfiture  was  certain.     The  St.  George  battery 

>  In  Strada,  II.  349. 


1585.  SECOND   ATTACK  OF  THE   KOWENSTYN.  209 

and  that  of  the  Palisade  were  opened  at  once  upon  them,  the 
balls  came  plunging  among  the  sappers  and  miners  before 
they  had  time  to  throw  up  many  spade-fulls  of  earth,  and  the 
whole  party  were  soon  dead  or  driven  from  the  dyke.  The 
survivors  effected  their  retreat  as  they  best  could,  leaving 
four  of  their  ships  behind  them  and  three  or  four  hundred 
men. 

"Forty  rebels  lay  dead  on  the  dyke,"  said  Parma,  "and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  more,  at  least,  were  drowned.  The 
enemy  confess  a  much  larger  loss  than  the  number  I  state, 
but  I  am  not  a  friend  of  giving  details  larger  than  my  ascer- 
tained facts  ;  nor  do  I  know  how  many  were  killed  in  the 
boats.'" 

This  enterprise  was  but  a  prelude,  however,  to  the  great 
undertaking  which  had  now  been  thoroughly  matured.  Upon 
the  26th  May,  another  and  most  determined  attack  26th  May, 
was  to  be  made  upon  the  Kowenstyn,  by  the  1585. 
Antwerpers  and  Hollanders  acting  in  concert.  This  time,  it 
was  to  be  hoped,  there  would  be  no  misconception  of  signals. 
"  It  was  a  determination,"  said  Parma,  "  so  daring  and  despe- 
rate that  there  was  no  substantial  reason  why  we  should 
believe  they  would  carry  it  out  ;  but  they  were  at  last 
solemnly  resolved  to  die  or  to  effect  their  purpose." ' 

Two  hundred  ships  in  all  had  been  got  ready,  part  of  them 
under  Hohenlo  and  Justinus  de  Nassau,  to  sail  up  from 
Zeeland  ;  the  others  to  advance  from  Antwerp  under  Sainte 
Aldegonde.  Their  destination  was  the  Kowenstyn  Dyke.  Some 
of  the  vessels  were  laden  with  provisions,  others  with  gabions, 
hurdles,  branches,  sacks  of  sand  and  of  wool,  and  with  other 
materials  for  the  rapid  throwing  up  of  fortifications. 

It  was  two  o'clock,  half  an  hour  before  the  chill  dawn  of  a 
May  morning,  Sunday,  the  26th  of  the  month.  The  pale 
light  of  a  waning  moon  was  faintly  perceptible  in  the  sky. 
Suddenly  the  sentinels  upon  the  Kowenstyn — this  time  not 

'  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  25  May,  1585,  I  tivoglio,  p.  11,  1.  iii.  294. 

'  Arch,    de    Sim.    MS.'      Compare  Bor,  |  "  Parma  to  Philip  IL,  26  May,  1586. 

II.   598,    599.      Strada,   348,    349.      Le  j  'Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.' 

Petit,  II.  512.     Meteren,  xii.  224.    Ben-  ) 

VOL.  I. — P 


210  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  V. 

asleep — descried,  as  they  looked  towards  Lillo,  four  fiery  ap- 
paritions gliding  towards  them  across  the  waves.  The  alarm 
was  given,  and  soon  afterwards  the  Spaniards  began  to 
muster,  somewhat  reluctantly,  upon  the  dyke,  filled  as  they 
always  were  with  the  mysterious  dread  which  those  demon- 
vessels  never  failed  to  inspire. 

The  fire-ships  floated  slowly  nearer,  and  at  last  struck 
heavily  against  the  stockade-work.  There,  covered  with  tar, 
pitch,  rosin,  and  gunpowder,  they  flamed,  flared,  and  exploded, 
during  a  brief  period,  with  much  vigour,  and  then  burned 
harmlessly  out.  One  of  the  objects  for  which  they  had  been 
sent — to  set  fire  to  the  palisade — was  not  accomplished.  The 
other  was  gained  ;  for  the  enemy,  expecting  another  volcanic 
shower  of  tombstones  and  plough-coulters,  and  remembering 
the  recent  fate  of  their  comrades  on  the  bridge,  had  retired 
shuddering  into  the  forts.  Meantime,  in  the  glare  of  these 
vast  torches,  a  great  swarm  of  gunboats  and  other  vessels, 
skimming  across  the  leaden-coloured  waters,  was  seen  gi'adu- 
ally  approaching  the  dyke.  It  was  the  fleet  of  Hohenlo  and 
Justinus  de  Nassau,  who  had  been  sailing  and  rowing  since 
ten  o'clock  of  the  preceding  night.  The  burning  ships  lighted 
them  on  their  way,  while  it  had  scared  the  Spaniards  from 
their  posts. 

The  boats  ran  ashore  in  the  mile-long  space  between  forts 
St.  George  and  the  Palisade,  and  a  party  of  Zeelanders,  Admiral 
Haultain,  governor  of  Walcheren,  at  their  head,  sprang  upon 
the  dyke.  Meantime,  however,  the  royalists,  finding  that  the 
fire-ships  had  come  to  so  innocent  an  end,  had  rallied  and 
emerged  from  their  forts.  Haultain  and  his  Zeelanders,  by 
the  time  they  had  fairly  mounted  the  dyke,  found  themselves 
in  the  iron  embrace  of  several  hundred  Spaniards.  After  a 
brief  fierce  struggle,  face  to  face,  and  at  push  of  pike,  the 
patriots  reeled  backward  down  the  bank,  and  took  refuge  in 
their  boats.  Admiral  Haultain  slipped  as  he  left  the  shore, 
missed  a  rope's  end  which  was  thrown  to  him,  fell  into  the 
water,  and,  borne  down  by  the  weight  of  his  armour,  was 
drowned.     The  enemy,  pursuing  them,  sprang  to  the  waist  in 


1585. 


A   LANDING   EFFECTED. 


211 


the  ooze  on  the  edge  of  the  dyke,  and  continued  the  contest. 
The  boats  opened  a  hot  fire,  and  there  was  a  severe  skirmish 
for  many  minutes,  with  no  certain  result.  It  was,  however, 
beginning  to  go  hard  with  the  Zeelanders,  when,  just  at  the 
critical  moment,  a  cheer  from  the  other  side  of  the  dyke  was 
heard,  and  the  Antwerp  fleet  was  seen  coming  swiftly  to  the 
rescue.  The  Spaniards,  taken  between  the  two  bands  of 
assailants,  were  at  a  disadvantage,  and  it  was  impossible  to 
prevent  the  landing  of  these  fresh  antagonists.  The  Antwerpers 
sprang  ashore.  Among  the  foremost  was  Sainte  Aldegonde,' — 
poet,  orator,  hymn-book  maker,  burgomaster,  lawyer,  polemical 
divine — now  armed  to  the  teeth  and  cheering  on  his  men,  in 
the  very  thickest  of  the  fight.  The  diversion  was  successful, 
and  Sainte  Aldegonde  gallantly  drove  the  Spaniards  quite 
off  the  field.  The  whole  combined  force  from  Antwerp  and 
Zeeland  now  effected  their  landing.  Three  thousand  men 
occupied  all  the  space  between  Fort  George  and  the  Palisade. 
With  Sainte  Aldegonde  came  the  unlucky  Koppen  Loppen, 
and  all  that  could  be  spared  of  the  English  and  Scotch 
troops  in  Antwerp,  under  Balfour  and  Morgan.  With 
Hohenlo  and  Justinus  de  Nassau  came  Reinier  Kant,  who 
had  just  succeeded  Paul  Buys  as  Advocate  of  Holland. 
Besides  these  came  two  other  men,  side  by  side,  perhaps  in 
the  same  boat,  of  whom  the  world  was  like  to  hear  much, 
from  that  time  forward,  and  whose  names  are  to  be  most 
solemnly  linked  together,  so  long  as  Netherland  history  shall 
endure  ;  one,  a  fair-faced  flaxen-haired  boy  of  eighteen,  the 
other  a  square-visaged,  heavy-browed  man  of  forty — Prince 
Maurice^  and  John  of  Olden-Barneveldt.     The  statesman  had 


»     "  Monar.    Ste.    Aldegonde    being 
one    of   the    first."      Letter    of   Capt. 

16 

Thomas     James    to    Walsingham,     — 

May,  1585,  S.  P.  Office  MS.  The 
English  soldier  had  no  remarkable 
talent  for  description,  but  he  had  been 
fighting  all  day  on  the  dyke,  and  sent 
off  a  rougli  account  of  the  business, 
the  aime  night,  to  England. 
*  "  The  Count  Maurice,  with  divera 


of  the   States,   was  here,"  says  Capt 
James,  in  the  letter  above  cited. 

There  is  a  doubt  as  to  Olden-Bar- 
neveldt's  presence.  My  authority,  in 
stating  the  fact,  rested  on  a  contem- 
poraneous MS.,  but  the  note  has  un- 
luckily been  lost.  The  common  bio- 
graphers of  the  great  advocate,  and 
tlie  contemporary  historians,  are  silent 
as  to  the  fact,  if  it  be  one.  It  is  cer- 
tain, however,  that  many  members  of 


212 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  V. 


been  foremost  to  urge  the  claim  of  William  the  Silent's  son 
upon  the  stadholderate  of  Holland  and  Zealand,  and  had  been, 
as  it  were,  the  youth's  political  guardian.  He  had  himself 
borne  arms  more  than  once  before,  having  shouldered  his 
matchlock  under  Batcnburg,  and  marched  on  that  officer's 
spirited  but  disastrous  expedition  for  the  relief  of  Haarlem. 
But  this  was  the  life  of  those  Dutch  rebels.  Quill-driviiig, 
law-expounding,  speech-making,  diplomatic  missions,  were 
intermingled  with  very  practical  business  in  besieged  towns 
or  open  fields,  with  Italian  musketeers  and  Spanish  pikemen. 
And  here,  too,  young  Maurice  was  taking  his  first  solid  lesson 
in  the  art  of  which  he  was  one  day  to  be  so  distinguished  a 
professor.  It  was  a  sharp  beginning.  Upon  this  ribband  of 
earth,  scarce  six  paces  in  breadth,  with  miles  of  deep  water 
on  both  sides — a  position  recently  fortified  by  the  first  general 
of  the  age,  and  held  by  the  famous  infantry  of  Spain  and 
Italy — there  was  likely  to  be  no  prentice-work. 

To  assault  such  a  position  was  in  truth,  as  Alexander  had 
declared  it  to  be,  a  most  daring  and  desperate  resolution  on 
the  part  of  the  States.  "  Soldiers,  citizens,  and  all,"  said 
Parma,  "  they  are  obstinate  as  dogs  to  try  their  fortune."  * 

With  wool-sacks,  sand-bags,  hurdles,  planks,  and  other  mate- 
rials brought  with  them,  the  patriots  now  rapidly  entrenched 
themselves  in  the  position  so  brilliantly  gained  ;  while,  without 
deferring  for  an  instant  the  great  purpose  which  they  had 
come  to  effect,  the  sappers  and  miners  fastened  upon  the  iron- 
bound  soil  of  the  dyke,  tearing  it  with  pick,  mattock,  and 
shovel,  digging,  delving,  and  throwing  up  the  earth  around 
them,  busy  as  human  beavers,  instinctively  engaged  in  a  most 
congenial  task. 

But  the  beavers  did  not  toil  unmolested.  The  large  and 
determined  force  of  Antwerpers  and  English,  Hollanders  and 
Zeelanders,  guarded  the  fortifications  as  they  were  rapidly 
rising,  and  the  pioneers  as  they  were  so  manfully  delving  ; 


the  States-General  came  up  in  Hohen- 
lo's  fleet,  and  it  was  not  likely  that 
Bameveldt  would  stay  behind.  His 
presence  is  distinctly  stated   by  some 


one,  but  the  reader  is  at  liberty  to  be 
incredulous  if  he  choose. 

'  Parma  to  Philip  II.  6  June.  1586, 
'Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.' 


1586.  A  SHARP  COMBAT.  213 

but  the  enemy  was  not  idle.  From  Fort  Saint  James,  next 
beyond  Saint  George,  Camillo  del  Monte  led  a  strong  party 
to  the  rescue.  There  was  a  tremendous  action,  foot  to  foot, 
breast  to  breast,  with  pike  and  pistol,  sword  and  dagger. 
Never  since  the  beginning  of  the  war  had  there  been  harder 
fighting  than  now  upon  that  narrow  isthmus.  "'Twas  an 
aifair  of  most  brave  obstinacy  on  both  sides,"  said  Parma,  who 
rarely  used  strong  language.  "  Soldiers,  citizens,  and  all — 
they  were  like  mad  bulldogs." '  Hollanders,  Italians,  Scotch- 
hien,  Spaniards,  Englishmen,  fell  thick  and  fast.  The  contest 
was  about  the  entrenchments  before  they  were  completed, 
and  especially  around  tlie  sappers  and  miners,  in  whose  picks 
and  shovels  lay  the  whole  fate  of  Antwerp.  Many  of  the 
dyke-breakers  were  digging  their  own  graves,  and  rolled,  one 
after  another,  into  the  breach  which  they  were  so  obstinately 
creating.  Upon  that  slender  thread  of  land  the  hopes  of 
many  thousands  were  hanging.  To  tear  it  asunder,  to  roll 
the  ocean-waves  up  to  Antwerp,  and  thus  to  snatch  the 
great  city  triumphantly  from  the  grasp  of  Philip — to  ac- 
complish this,  the  three  thousand  had  come  forth  that  May 
morning.  To  prevent  it,  to  hold  firmly  that  great  treasure 
entrusted  to  them,  was  the  determination  of  the  Spaniards. 
And  so,  closely  pent  and  packed,  discharging  their  carbines 
into  each  other's  faces,  rolling,  coiled  together,  down  the  slimy 
sides  of  the  dyke  into  the  black  waters,  struggling  to  and  fro, 
while  the  cannon  from  the  rebel  fleet  and  from  the  royal  forts 
mingled  their  roar  with  the  sharp  crack  of  the  musketry, 
Catholics  and  patriots  contended  for  an  hour,  while  still, 
through  all  the  confusion  and  uproar,  the  miners  dug  and 
delved. 

At  last  the  patriots  were  victorious.  They  made  good  their 
entrenchments,  drove  the  Spaniards,  after  much  slaughter, 
back  to  the  fort  of  Saint  George  on  the  one  side,  and  of  the 
Palisade  on  the  other,  and  cleared  the  whole  space  between 
the  two  points.  The  centre  of  the  dyke  was  theirs  ;  the  great 
Kowenstyn,   the  only  key  by  which  the  gates  of  Antwerp 

'  Same  to  same,  26  May,  1585,  MS. 


214 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  V. 


could  be  unlocked,  was  in  the  deliverers'  hands.  They  pur- 
sued their  victory,  and  attacked  the  Palisade  Fort.  Gamboa, 
its  commandant,  was  severely  wounded  ;  many  other  officers 
dead  or  dying ;  the  outworks  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Holland- 
ers ;  the  slender  piles  on  which  the  fortress  rested  in  the  water 
were  rudely  shaken  ;  the  victory  was  almost  complete. 

And  now  there  was  a  tremendous  cheer  of  triumph.  The 
beavers  had  done  their  work,  the  barrier  was  bitten  through 
and  through,  the  salt  water  rushed  like  a  river  through  the 
ruptured  dyke.  A  few  moments  later,  and  a  Zeeland  barge, 
freighted  with  provisions,  floated  triumphantly  into  the  waters 
beyond,  now  no  longer  an  inland  sea.  The  deed  was  done — 
the  victory  achieved.  Nothing  more  was  necessary  than  to 
secure  it,  to  tear  the  fatal  barrier  to  fragments,  to  bury  it,  for 
its  whole  length,  beneath  the  waves.  Then,  after  the  isthmus 
had  been  utterly  submerged,  when  the  Scheldt  was  rolled 
back  into  its  ancient  bed,  when  Parma's  famous  bridge  had 
become  useless,  when  the  maritime  communication  between 
Antwerp  and  Holland  had  been  thoroughly  established,  the 
Spaniards  would  have  nothing  left  for  it  but  to  drown  like 
rats  in  their  entrenchments  or  to  abandon  the  siege  in  despair. 
All  this  was  in  the  hands  of  the  patriots.  The  Kowenstyn 
was  theirs.  The  Spaniards  were  driven  from  the  field,  the 
batteries  of  their  forts  silenced.  For  a  long  period  the  rebels 
were  unmolested,  and  felt  themselves  secure.' 

"We  remained  thus  some  three  hours,"  says  Captain  James, 
an  English  officer  who  fought  in  the  action,  and  described  it 
in  rough,  soldierly  fashion  to  Walsingham  the  same  day, 
"  thinking  all  things  to  be  secure."*  Yet  in  the  very  supreme 
moment  of  victory,  the  leaders,  both  of  the  Hollanders  and 
of  the  Antwerpers,  proved  themselves  incompetent  to  their 


•  Meteren,  xii.  224.  Bor,  11.  599, 
600.  Hoofd  Vervoigh,  97-99,  seq. 
Bentivoglio,  P.  II.  L.  III.  291,  seq. 
Strada,  II.  354-367.  Baudartii,  '  Pole- 
mographia,'  II.  27-30.  Le  Petit,  II. 
614.     Oapt  T.  James  to  Walsingham, 

^  May,   1585,  S.  P.  Office  MS.     Gilpin 


to   Walsingham,    ~   May,    1586,   S.  P 
Office    MS.     Parma  to   Philip   II.,    26 
May   and    6    June,    1585,  'Axchivo  da 
Simancaa  MS.' 
'^  MS.  Letter  before  cited. 


1585.  THE   DYKE    PIERCED.  215 

position.  With  deep  regret  it  must  be  admitted,  that  not 
only  the  reckless  Hohenlo,  hut  the  all-accomplished  Sainte 
Aldegonde,  committed  the  gravest  error.  In  the  hour 
of  danger,  both  had  comported  themselves  with  perfect 
courage  and  conduct.  In  the  instant  of  triumph,  they  gave 
way  to  puerile  exultation.  With  a  celerity  as  censurable  as 
it  seems  incredible,  both  these  commanders  sprang  into  the 
first  barge  which  had  thus  floated  across  the  dyke,  in  order 
that  they  might,  iu  person,  carry  the  news  of  the  victory  to 
Antwerp,  and  set  all  the  bells  ringing  and  the  bonfires  blazing. 
They  took  with  them  Ferrante  Spinola,  a  mortally-wounded 
Italian  officer  of  rank,  as  a  trophy  of  their  battle,  and  a  boat- 
load of  beef  and  flour,  as  an  earnest  of  the  approaching  relief.' 

While  the  conquerors  were  thus  gone  to  enjoy  their  triumph, 
the  conquered,  though  perplexed  and  silenced,  were  not  yet 
disposed  to  accept  their  defeat.  They  were  even  ignorant 
that  they  were  conquered.  They  had  been  forced .  to  abandon 
the  field,  and  the  patriots  had  entrenched  themselves  upon 
the  dyke,  but  neither  Fort  Saint  George  nor  the  Palisade  had 
been  carried,  although  the  latter  was  in  imminent  danger. 

Old  Count  Peter  Ernest  Mansfeld — a  grizzled  veteran, 
who  had  passed  his  childhood,  youth,  manhood,  and  old  age, 
under  fire — commanded  at  the  land-end  of  the  dyke,  in  the 
fortress  of  Stabroek,  in  which  neighbourhood  his  whole  divi•^ 
sion  was  stationed.  Seeing  how  the  day  was  going,  he  called 
a  council  of  war.  The  patriots  had  gained  a  large  section  of 
the  dyke.  So  much  was  certain.  Could  they  succeed  in 
utterly  demolishing  that  bulwark  in  the  course  of  the  day  ? 
If  so,  how  were  they  to  be  dislodged  before  their  work  was 
perfected  ?  It  was  difficult  to  assault  their  position.  Three 
thousand  Hollanders,  Antwerpers,  Englishmen — "mad  bull- 
dogs all,"  as  Parma  called  them— showing  their  teeth  very 
mischievously,  with  one  hundred  and  sixty  Zeeland  vessels 
throwing  in  their  broadsides  from  both  margins  of  the  dyke, 
were  a  formidable  company  to  face. 

"  Oh  for  one  half  hour  of  Alexander  in  the  field  ! "  sighed 

*  Meteren,  Bor.  Hoofd,  Strada,  uhi  sup. 


216  TIIK  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

one  of  the  Spanish  officers  in  council.  But  Alexander  was 
more  than  four  leagues  away,  and  it  was  doubtful  whether  he 
even  knew  of  the  fatal  occurrence.  Yet  how  to  send  him  a 
messenger.  Who  could  reach  him  through  that  valley  of 
death  ?  Would  it  not  be  better  to  wait  till  nightfall  ?  Under 
the  cover  of  darkness  something  might  be  attempted,  which 
in  the  daylight  would  be  hopeless.  There  was  much  anxiety, 
and  much  difference  of  opinion  had  been  expressed,  when 
Camillo  Capizucca,  colonel  of  the  Italian  Legion,  obtained  a 
hearing.  A  man  bold  in  words  as  in  deeds,  he  vehemently 
denounced  the  pusillanimity  which  would  wait  either  for  Parma 
or  for  nightfall.  "  What  difference  will  it  make,"  he  asked, 
"whether  we  defer  our  action  until  either  darkness  or  the 
General  arrives  ?  In  each  case  we  give  the  enemy  time  enough 
to  destroy  the  dyke,  and  thoroughly  to  relieve  the  city.  That 
done,  what  good  can  be  accomplished  by  our  arms  ?  Then 
our  disheartened  soldiers  will  either  shrink  from  a  fruitless 
combat  or  march  ,to  certain  death."  Having  thus,  very 
warmly  but  very  sagaciously,  defined  the  position  in  which  all 
were  placed,  he  proceeded  to  declare  that  he  claimed,  neither 
for  himself  nor  for  his  legion,  any  superiority  over  the  rest  of 
the  army.  He  knew  not  that  the  Italians  were  more  to  be 
relied  upon  than  others  in  the  time  of  danger,  but  this  he  did 
know,  that  no  man  in  the  world  was  so  devoted  as  he  was  to 
the  Prince  of  Parma.  To  show  that  devotion  by  waiting  with 
folded  arms  behind  a  wall  until  the  Prince  should  arrive  to 
extricate  his  followers,  was  not  in  his  constitution.  He  claimed 
the  right  to  lead  his  Italians  against  the  enemy  at  once — in 
the  front  rank,  if  others  chose  to  follow  ;  alone,  if  the  rest 
preferred  to  wait  till  a  better  leader  should  arrive.^ 

The  words  of  the  Italian  colonel  sent  a  thrill  through  all 
who  heard  him.  Next  in  command  under  Capizucca  was  his 
camp-marshal,  an  officer  who  bore  the  illustrious  name  of  Pic- 
colomini — father  of  the  Duke  Ottavio,  of  whom  so  much  was 
to  be  heard  at  a  later  day  throughout  the  fell  scenes  of  that 
portion  of  the  eighty  years'  tragedy  now  enacting,  which  was 

»  Strada,  II.  357,  358,  seq. 


1585.  RALLY  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  217 

to  be  called  the  Thirty  Years'  War  of  Germany.  The  camp- 
marshal  warmly  seconded  the  proposition  of  his  colonel. 
Mansfeld,  pleased  with  such  enthusiasm  among  his  officers, 
yielded  to  their  wishes,  which  were,  in  truth,  his  own.  Six 
companies  of  the  Italian  Legion  were  in  his  encampment, 
while  the  remainder  were  stationed,  far  away,  upon  the  bridge, 
under  command  of  his  son,  Count  Charles.  Early  in  the 
morning,  before  the  passage  across  the  dyke  had  been  closed, 
the  veteran  condottiere,  pricking  his  ears  as  he  snuifed  the 
battle  from  afar,  had  contrived  to  send  a  message  to  his  son. 

"  Charles,  my  boy,"  were  his  words,  "  to-day  we  must  either 
beat  them  or  burst."  ^ 

Old  Peter  Ernest  felt  that  the  long-expected,  long-deferred 
assault  was  to  be  made  that  morning  in  full  force,  and  that  it 
was  necessary  for  the  royalists,  on  both  bridge  and  dyke,  to 
hold  their  own.  Piccolomini  now  drew  up  three  hundred  of 
his  Italians,  picked  veterans  all,  and  led  them  in  marching 
order  to  Mansfeld.  That  general  at  the  same  moment,  re- 
ceived another  small  but  unexpected  reinforcement.  A  por- 
tion of  the  Spanish  Legion,  which  had  long  been  that  of 
Pedro  Pacchi,  lay  at  the  extreme  verge  of  the  Stabroek 
encampment,  several  miles  away.  Aroused  by  the  distant 
cannonading,  and  suspecting  what  had  occurred,  Don  Juan 
d'Aquila,  the  colonel  in  command,  marched  without  a  mo- 
ment's delay  to  Mansfeld's  head-quarters,  at  the  head  of  aU 
the  force  he  could  muster — about  two  hundred  strong.  With 
him  came  Cardona,  Gonzales  de  Castro,  Toralva,  and  other 
distinguished  officers.  As  they  arrived,  Capizucca  was  just 
setting  forth  for  the  field.  There  arose  a  dispute  for  prece- 
dence between  the  Italians  and  the  Spaniards.  Capizucca  had 
first  demanded  the  privilege  of  leading  what  seemed  a  forlorn 
hope,  and  was  unwilling  to  yield  his  claim  to  the  new  comer. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Spaniards  were  not  disposed  to  follow 
where  they  felt  entitled  to  lead.  The  quarrel  was  growing 
warm,  when  Aquila,  seizing  his  Italian  rival  by  the  hand,  pro- 
Charles,  mon  fils,  il  te  faut  vainore  ou  crcver."     Lc  Petit,  IL  514. 


218  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

tested  tliat  it  was  not  a  moment  for  friends  to  wrangle  for 
precedence. 

"Shoulder  to  shoulder,"  said  he,  "let  us  go  into  this 
business,  and  let  our  blows  rather  fall  on  our  enemies'  heads 
than  upon  etich  other's."  This  terminated  the  altercation. 
The  Italians  and  Spaniards — in  battle  array  as  they  were — 
all  dropped  on  their  knees,  offered  a  brief  prayer  to  the  Holy 
Virgin,  and  then,  in  the  best  possible  spirits,  set  forth  along 
the  dyke.  Next  to  fort  Stabroek — whence  they  issued — was 
the  Palisade  Fort,  nearly  a  mile  removed,  which  the  patriots 
had  nearly  carried,  and  between  which  and  St.  George,  an- 
other mile  farther  on,  their  whole  force  was  established.* 

The  troops  under  Capizucca  and  Aquila  soon  reached  the 
Palisade,  and  attacked  the  besiegers,  while  the  garrison, 
cheered  by  the  unexpected  relief,  made  a  vigorous  sortie. 
There  was  a  brief  sharp  contest,  in  which  many  were  killed 
on  both  sides  ;  but  at  last  the  patriots  fell  back  upon  their 
own  entrenchments,  and  the  fort  was  saved.  Its  name  was 
instantly  changed  to  Fort  Victory,  and  the  royalists  then  pre- 
pared to  charge  the  fortified  camp  of  the  rebels,  in  the  centre 
of  which  the  dyke-cutting  operations  were  still  in  progress. 
At  the  same  moment,  from  the  opposite  end  of  the  bulwark, 
a  cry  was  heard  along  the  whole  line  of  the  dyke.  From 
Fort  Holy  Cross,  at  the  Scheldt  end,  the  welcome  intelligence 
was  suddenly  communicated — as  if  by  a  magnetic  impulse — 
that  Alexander  was  in  the  field.* 

It  was  true.  Having  been  up  half  the  night,  as  usual, 
keeping  watch  along  his  bridge,  where  he  was  ever  expecting 
a  fatal  attack,  he  had  retired  for  a  few  hours'  rest  in  his  camp 
at  Beveren.  Aroused  at  day-break  by  the  roar  of  the  cannon, 
he  had  hastily  thrown  on  his  armour,  mounted  his  horse,  and, 
at  the  head  of  two  hundred  pikemen,  set  forth  for  the  scene 
of  action.  Detained  on  the  bridge  by  a  detachment  of  the 
Antwerp  fleet,  which  had  been  ordered  to  make  a  diversion 
in  that  quarter,  he  had,  after  beating  off  their  vessels  with  his 
boat-artillery,  and  charging  Count  Charles  Mansfeld  to  heed 

'  Strada,  ubi  sup.  ^  Ibid. 


1585 


PARMA  COMES  TO  THE  RESCUE. 


219 


well  the  brief  injunction  of  old  Peter  Ernest,  made  all  the 
haste  he  could  to  the  Kowenstyn.  Arriving  at  Fort  Holy 
Cross,  he  learned  from  Mondragon  how  the  day  was  going. 
Three  thousand  rebels,  he  learned,  were  established  on  the 
dyke,  Fort  Palisade  was  tottering,  a  fleet  from  both  sides  was 
cannonading  the  Spanish  entrenchments,  the  salt  water  was 
flowing  across  the  breach  already  made.  His  seven  months' 
work,  it  seemed,  had  come  to  nought.  The  navigation  was 
already  open  from  the  sea  to  Antwerp,  the  Kowenstyn  was 
in  the  rebels'  hands.  But  Alexander  was  not  prone  to  pre- 
mature despair.  "  I  arrived,"  said  he  to  Philip  in  a  letter 
written  on  the  same  evening,  "  at  the  very  nick  of  time."  *  A 
less  hopeful  person  might  have  thought  that  he  had  arrived 
several  hours  too  late.  Having  brought  with  him  every  man 
that  could  be  spared  from  Beveren  and  from  the  bridge,  he 
now  ordered  Camillo  del  Monte  to  transport  some  additional 
pieces  of  artillery  from  Holy  Cross  and  from  Saint  James  to 
Fort  Saint  Greorge.  At  the  same  time  a  sharp  cannonade 
was  to  be  maintained  upon  the  rebel  fleet  from  all  the  forts.^ 

Mondragon,  with  a  hundred  musketeers  and  pikemen,  was 
sent  forward  likewise  as  expeditiously  as  possible  to  Saint 
George.  No  one  could  be  more  alert.  The  battered  veteran, 
hero  of  some  of  the  most  remarkable  military  adventures  that 
history  has  ever  recorded,*  fought  his  way  on  foot,  in  the  midst 
of  the  fray,  like  a  young  ensign  who  had  his  first  laurels 
to  win.  And,  in  truth,  the  day  was  not  one  for  cunning 
manoeuvres,  directed,  at  a  distance,  by  a  skillful  tactician.  It 
was  a  brisk  close  contest,  hand  to  hand  and  eye  to  eye — 
a  Homeric  encounter,  in  which  the  chieftains  were  to  prove 
a  right  to  command  by  their  personal  prowess.  Alexander, 
descending  suddenly — dramatically,  as  it  were — when  the 
battle  seemed  lost — like  a  deity  from  the  clouds — was  to 
justify,  by  the  strength  of  his  arm,  the  enthusiasm  which  his 
name  always  awakened.     Having,  at  a  glance,  taken  in  the 


I  MS.  Letter  before  cited,  "Llegue 
a  la  mayor  conjuntura  del  mundo  quo 
fue    quando    se    habia    comenzado    el 


fuego."  *  Strada,  ubi  sup. 

3  See    '  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic' 
vol.  ii,  chap,  iii.,  and  vol.  iii.  chap.  iiL 


220  TllK  UNITKI)  NKTHKRLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

whole  situation,  he  made  his  brief  arrangements,  going  from 
rank  to  rank,  and  disposing  his  troops  in  the  most  effective 
manner.  He  said  but  few  words,  but  his  voice  had  always  a 
telling  effect. 

"  The  man  who  refuses,  this  day,  to  follow  me,"  he  said, 
*'  has  never  had  regard  to  his  own  honour,  nor  has  God's  cause 
or  the  King's  ever  been  dear  to  his  heart." ' 

His  disheartened  Spaniards  and  Italians — roused  as  by  a 
magic  trumpet — eagerly  demanded  to  be  led  against  the 
rebels.  And  now  from  each  end  of  the  dyke,  the  royalists 
were  advancing  toward  the  central  position  occupied  by  the 
patriots.  While  Capizucca  and  Aquila  were  occupied  at  Fort 
Victory,  Parma  was  steadily  cutting  his  way  from  Holy  Cross 
to  Saint  George.  On  foot,  armed  with  sword  and  shield,  and 
in  coat  of  mail,  and  marching  at  the  head  of  his  men  along 
the  dyke,  surrounded  by  Bevilacqua,  Bentivoglio,  Manriquez, 
Sforza,  and  other  officers  of  historic  name  and  distinguished 
courage,  now  upon  the  summit  of  the  causeway,  now  on  its 
shelving  banks,  now  breast-high  in  the  waters,  through  which 
lay  the  perilous  path,  contending  at  every  inch  with  the 
scattered  bands  of  the  patriots,  who  slowly  retired  to  their 
entrenched  camp,  and  with  the  Antwerp  and  Zeeland  vessels, 
whose  balls  tore  through  the  royalist  ranks,  the  General  at 
last  reached  Saint  George.  On  the  preservation  of  that  post 
depended  the  whole  fortune  of  the  day,  for  Parma  had  al- 
ready received  the  welcome  intelhgence  that  the  Palisade — 
now  Fort  Victory — had  been  regained.  He  instantly  ordered 
an  outer  breast- work  of  wool-sacks  and  sand-bags  to  be  thrown 
up  in  front  of  Saint  George,  and  planted  a  battery  to  play 
point-blank  at  the  enemy's  entrenchments.  Here  the  final 
issue  was  to  be  made. 

The  patriots  and  Spaniards  were  thus  all  enclosed  in  the 
mile-long  space  between  St.  George  and  the  Palisade.  Upon 
that  narrow  strip  of  earth,  scarce  six  paces  in  width,  more  than 
five  thousand  men  met  in  mortal  combat — a  narrow  arena  for  so 
many  gladiators,  hemmed  in  on  both  sides  by  the  sea.     The 

'  Strada,  II.  360. 


1585. 


FIERCE  STRUGGLE  ON  THE  DYKE. 


221 


patriots  had,  with  solemn  ceremony,  before  starting  upon  their 
enterprise,  vowed  to  destroy  the  dyke  and  relieve  Antwerp,  or 
to  perish  in  the  attempt.  They  were  true  to  their  vow.  Not 
the  ancient  Batavians  or  Nervii  had  ever  manifested  more 
tenacity  against  the  Roman  legions  than  did  their  descendants 
against  the  far-famed  Spanish  infantry  upon  this  fatal  day. 
The  fight  on  the  Kowenstyn  was  to  be  long  remembered  in  the 
military  annals  of  Spain  and  Holland.  Never,  since  the  cur- 
tain first  rose  upon  the  great  Netherland  tragedy,  had  there 
been  a  fiercer  encounter.'  Flinching  was  impossible.  There 
was  scant  room  for  the  play  of  pike  and  dagger,  and,  close 
packed  as  were  the  combatants,  the  dead  could  hardly  fall  to 
the  ground.  It  was  a  mile-long  series  of  separate  mortal 
duels,  and  the  oozy  dyke  was  soon  slippery  with  blood. 

From  both  sides,  under  Capizucca  and  Aquila  on  the  one 
hand,  and  under  Alexander  on  the  other,  the  entrenchments 
of  the  patriots  were  at  last  assaulted,  and  as  the  royalists 
fell  thick  and  fast  beneath  the  breast-work  which  they  were 
storming,  their  comrades  clambered  upon  their  bodies,  and 
attempted,  from  such  vantage-ground,  to  effect  an  entrance. 
Three  times  the  invaders  were  beaten  back  with  heavy  loss, 
and  after  each  repulse  the  att^k  was  renewed  with  fresh 
vigour,  while  within  the  entrenchments  the  pioneers  still 
plied  the  pick  and  shovel,  undismayed  by  the  uproar  around 
them. 

A  fourth  assault,  vigorously  made,  was  cheerfully  repelled 
by  the  Antwerpers  and  Hollanders,  clustering  behind  their 
breast-works,  and  looking  steadily  into  their  enemies'  eyes. 
Captain  Heraugiere — of  whom  more  was  to  be  heard  one  day 
• — had  led  two  hundred  men  into  action,  and  now  found 
himself  at  the  head  of  only  thirteen.^  The  loss  had  been  as 
severe  among  many  other  patriot  companies,  as  well  as  in 
the  Spanish  ranks,  and  again  the  pikemen  of  Spain  and 
Italy  faltered  before  the  iron  visages  and  cordial  blows  of 
the  Hollanders. 


'  "  Mihi  tanto  accuratius  dicendum," 
says  Strada,  "quanto  raro  alias  in 
Belglo,  audaciore  loco,  aut  fallacioris 
altematione   victoriae,    aut  nobilioribus 


audentium  exemplis,  aut  praesentiore 
caelitum  ope,  dimicatum  est,  &c. 
II.  349. 

'•*  Meteren,  ubi  sup. 


222  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

This  work  had  lasted  a  good  hour  and  a  half,  when  at  last, 
on  the  fifth  assault,  a  wild  and  mysterious  apparition  renewed 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  Spaniards,  The  figure  of  the  dead 
commander  of  the  old  Spanish  Legion,  Don  Pedro  Pacchi,  who 
had  fallen  a  few  months  before  at  the  siege  of  Dendermonde, 
was  seen  charging  in  front  of  his  regiment,  clad  in  his  well- 
known  armour,  and  using  the  gestures  which  had  been  habitual 
with  him  in  life.^  No  satisfactory  exj)lanation  was  ever  made 
of  this  singular  delusion,  but  it  was  general  throughout  the 
ranks,  and  in  that  superstitious  age  was  as  effective  as  truth. 
The  wavering  Spaniards  rallied  once  more  under  the  guidance 
of  their  phantom  leader,  and  again  charged  the  breast- work  of 
the  patriots.  Toralva,  mounting  upon  the  back  of  one  of  his 
soldiers,  was  first  to  vault  into  the  entrenchments.  At  the 
next  instant  he  lay  desperately  wounded  on  the  ground,  but 
was  close  followed  by  Capizucca,  sustained  by  a  determined 
band.  The  entrenchment  was  carried,  but  the  furious  conflict 
still  continued.  At  nearly  the  same  moment,  however,  several 
of  the  patriot  vessels  were  observed  to  cast  off  their  moorings, 
and  to  be  drifting  away  from  the  dyke.  A  large  number  of 
the  rest  had  been  disabled  by  the  hot  fire,  which  by  Alexan- 
der's judicious  orders  had  «been  directed  upon  the  fleet. 
The  ebbing  tide  left  no  choice  to  the  commander  of  the 
others  but  to  retreat  or  to  remain  and  fall  into  the  enemy's 
hands,  should  he  gain  the  day.  Had  they  risked  the  dan- 
gerous alternative,  it  might  have  ensured  the  triumph  of 
the  whole  enterprise,  while  their  actual  decision  proved  most 
disastrous  in  the  end. 

"  We  have  conquered,"  cried  Alexander,  stretching  his  arm 
towards  the  receding  waters.  "  The  sea  deserts  the  impious 
heretics.  Strike  from  them  now  their  last  hope,  and  cut  off 
their  retreat  to  the  departing  ships."  ^  The  Spaniards  were 
not  slow  to  perceive  their  advantage,  while  the  courage  of  the 
patriots  at  last  began  to  ebb  with  the  tide.  The  day  was  lost. 
In  the  hour  of  transitory  triumph  the  leaders  of  the  expedi- 
tion had  turned  their  backs  on  their  followers,  and  now,  after 

» Strada,  II.  364.  *  Strada,  II.  365. 


1585. 


THE  SPANIARDS  SUCCESSFUL. 


223 


so  much  heroism  had  been  exhibited,  fortune  too  had  averted 
her  face.  The  grim  resistance  changed  to  desperate  panic, 
and  a  mad  chase  began  along  the  blood-stained  dyke.  Some 
were  slain  with  spear  and  bullet,  others  were  hunted  into  the 
sea,  many  were  smothered  in  the  ooze  along  the  edge  of 
the  embankment.  The  fugitives,  making  their  way  to  the 
retreating  vessels,  were  pursued  by  the  Spaniards,  who  swam 
after  them,  with  their  swords  in  their  teeth,  and  engaged 
them  in  mortal  combat  in  the  midst  of  the  waves. 

"  And  so  we  cut  all  their  throats,"  said  Parma,  "  the  rebels 
on  every  side  remaining  at  our  mercy,  and  I  having  no  doubt 
that  my  soldiers  would  avenge  the  loss  of  their  friends."  * 

The  English  and  the  Scotch,  under  Balfour  and  Morgan, 
were  the  very  last  to  abandon  the  position  which  they  had 
held  so  manfully  seven  hours  long.  Honest  Captain  James, 
who  fought  to  the  last,  and  described  the  action  the  same 
night  in  the  fewest  possible  words,  was  of  opinion  that  the 
fleet  had  moved  away  only  to  obtain  a  better  position.  "  They 
put  off  to  have  more  room  to  play  on  the  enemy,"  said  he  ; 
"  but  the  Hollanders  and  Zeelanders,  seeing  the  enemy  come 
on  so  hotly,  and  thinking  our  galleys  would  leave  them,  aban- 
doned their  string.  The  Scots,  seeing  them  to  retire,  left 
their  string.  The  enemy  pursued  very  hotly  ;  the  English- 
men stood  to  repulse,  and  are  put  most  to  the  sword.  In  this 
shameful  retreat  there  were  slain  or  drowned  to  the  number 
of  two  thousand." '  The  blunt  Englishman  was  justly  indig- 
nant that  an  enterprise,  so  nearly  successful,  had  been  ruined 
by  the  desertion  of  its  chiefs.  "  We  had  cut  the  dyke  in  three 
places,"  said  he  ;  ^^hut  left  it  most  shamefully  for  want  of  com- 
mandment." ^ 

Poor  Koppen  Loppen — whose  blunders  on  former  occasions 
had  caused  so  much  disaster — was  now  fortunate  enough  to 
expiate  them  by  a  soldier's  death.  Admiral  Haultain  had,  as 
we  have  seen,  been  drowned    at  the  commencement  of  the 


'  "Y  asi  los  degollaron  a  todog, 
quedando  por  una  parte  y  otra  a  uues- 
tra  misericordia,  y  yo  fiador  que  ven- 
garon    la    perdida    do     los    amigos." 


Parma   to    Philip   IT.,   May    26,    1585, 
MS. 

"^  James  to  Walsingham,   MS.  before 
cited.  •  Ibid, 


224  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  V. 

action.'  Justinus  de  Nassau,  at  its  close,  was  more  successful 
in  liis  retreat  to  the  ships.  He,  too,  sprang  into  the  water 
when  the  overthrow  was  absolute  ;  but,  alighting  in  some 
shallows,  was  able  to  conceal  himself  among  weeds  and  water- 
lilies  till  he  had  divested  himself  of  his  armour,  when  he  made 
his  escape  by  swimming  to  a  boat,  which  conveyed  him  to 
Lillo.  Roelke  van  Deest,  an  officer  of  some  note,  was  so 
horribly  wounded  in  the  face,  that  he  was  obliged  to  wear  a 
mask  for  the  remainder  of  his  life.'- 

Parma,  overjoyed  at  his  victory,  embraced  Capizucca  before 
the  whole  army,  with  warm  expressions  of  admiration  for  his 
conduct.  Both  the  Italian  colonel  and  his  Spanish  rival 
Aquiia  were  earnestly  recommended  to  Philip  for  reward  and 
promotion.  The  wounded  Toralva  was  carried  to  Alexander's 
own  quarters,  and  placed  in  Alexander's  own  bed,  where  he 
remained  till  his  recovery,  and  was  then  presented — a  distinc- 
tion which  he  much  valued — with  the  armour  which  the  Prince 
had  worn  on  the  day  of  the  battle.*  Parma  himself,  so  soon 
as  the  action  was  concluded,  went  with  his  chief  officers 
straight  from  the  field  to  the  little  village-church  of  Stabroek, 
where  he  fell  upon  his  knees  and  offered  up  fervent  thanks 
for  his  victory.  He  next  set  about  repairing  the  ruptured 
dyke,  damaged  in  many  places  but  not  hopelessly  ruined,  and 
for  this  purpose  the  bodies  of  the  rebels,  among  other  materials, 
were  cast  by  hundreds  into  the  ditches  which  their  own  hands 
had  dug.* 

Thus  ended  the  eight  hours'  fight  on  the  Kowenstyn.  "  The 
feast  lasted  from  seven  to  eight  hours,"  said  Parma,  "  with  the 
most  brave  obstinacy  on  both  sides  that  has  been  seen  for 
many  a  long  day." '  A  thousand  royalists  were  killed  and 
twice  as  many  patriots,  and  the  issue  of  the  conflict  was  most 
uncertain  up  to  the  very  last. 


'  This  appears  from  the  letter  of 
Captain  James.  The  other  accounts 
describe  the  death  of  the  Admiral  as 
occurring  in  the  general  rout  at  the 
close  of  the  battle. 


'  Strada,  II.  3G4.  *  Ibid.  367. 

'  "  Y  habiendo  durado  esta  fiesta, 
obra  de  7  o  8  hore,  con  la  mas  brava 
obstinacion  de  entramljas  partes  que 
se  ha  visto  hartos   dias  ha."      Parma 


2  Van  Wyn  op  Wagenaar,  viii.  40.        \   to  Philip  II.,  MS.  before  cited. 


1585.  PREMATURE  TRIUMPH  AT  ANTWERP.  225 

"  Our  loss  is  greater  than  I  wish  it  was,"  wrote  Alexander 
to  Philip  :  "It  was  a  very  close  thing,  and  I  have  never  been 
more  anxious  in  my  life  as  to  the  result  for  your  Majesty's 
service.  The  whole  fate  of  the  battle  was  hanging  all  the 
time  by  a  thread.'"  More  than  ever  were  reinforcements 
necessary,  and  it  was  only  by  a  miracle  that  the  victory  had 
at  last  been  gained  with  such  slender  resources.  "  'Tis  a 
large,  long,  laborious,  expensive,  and  most  perilous  war,"  said 
Parma,  when  urging  the  claims  of  Capizucca  and  Aquila, 
"  for  we  have  to  fight  every  minute  ;  and  there  are  no  castles 
and  other  rewards,  so  that  if  soldiers  are  not  to  have  promo- 
tion, they  will  lose  their  spirit."^  Thirty-two  of  the  rebel 
vessels  grounded,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards, 
who  took  from  them  many  excellent  pieces  of  artillery.  The 
result  was  most  conclusive  and  most  disheartening  for  the 
patriots. 

Meantime — as  we  have  seen — Hohenlo  and  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde  had  reached  Antwerp  in  breathless  haste  to  announce 
their  triumph.  They  had  been  met  on  the  quay  by  groups  of 
excited  citizens,  who  eagerly  questioned  the  two  generals 
arriving  tlius  covered  with  laurels  from  the  field  of  battle,  and 
drank  with  delight  all  the  details  of  the  victory.  The  poor 
dying  Spinola  was  exhibited  in  triumph,  the  boat -load  of  bread- 
stuffs  received  with  satisfaction,  and  vast  preparations  were 
made  to  receive,  on  wharves  and  in  storehouses,  the  plentiful 
supplies  about  to  arrive.  Beacons  and  bonfires  were  lighted, 
the  bells  from  all  the  steeples  rang  their  merriest  peals,  cannon 
thundered  in  triumph  not  only  in  Antwerp  itself,  but  subse- 
quently at  Amsterdam  and  other  more  distant  cities.  In  due 
time  a  magnificent  banquet  was  spread  in  the  town-house  to 
greet  the  conquering  Hohenlo.  Immense  gratification  was  ex- 
pressed by  those  of  the  reformed  religion  ;  dire  threats  were 


'  "  De  los  nuestros  tambien  han 
quedado  mas  de  los  que  yo  quisiera — 
ha  sido  pendencia  tan  reiiida — que 
hartas  veces  ha  puesto  harto  mas  cui- 
dado  el  ver  terraino  en  que  estaba  el 
servicio  de  V.  M.     Todo  esto  ha  estado 

VOL,  I.— Q 


colgado  de  un  hilo."     Parma  to  Philip 
II.     MS.  before  cited. 

'  "Guerra  larga,  trabajosa,  coatosa^ 
y  muy  peligrosa,  pues  sempre  se  trata 
de  pelear,  y  que  no  se  hay  castillos  ni 
otros  premios,  "  &c.     (Ibid.) 


226  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  T. 

uttered  against  the  Catholics,  Some  were  for  hanging  them  all 
out  of  hand,  others  for  throwing  them  into  the  (Scheldt  ;  the 
most  moderate  proposed  packing  them  all  out  of  town  so  soon 
as  the  siege  should  be  raised — an  event  which  could  not  now 
be  delayed  many  days  longer. 

Hohenlo,  placed  on  high  at  the  head  of  the  banquet-table, 
assumed  the  very  god  of  war.  Beside  and  near  him  sat  the 
loveliest  dames  of  Antwerp,  rewarding  his  bravery  with  their 
brightest  smiles.  The  Count  drained  huge  goblets  to  their 
health,  to  the  success  of  the  patriots,  and  to  the  confusion  of 
the  royalists,  while,  as  he  still  drank  and  feasted,  the  trumpet, 
kettle-drum,  and  cymbal,  and  merry  peal  of  bell  without,  did 
honour  to  his  triumph.  So  gay  and  gallant  was  the  victor, 
that  he  announced  another  banquet  on  the  following  day, 
still  further  to  celebrate  the  happy  release  of  Antwerp,  and 
invited  the  fair  ladies  around  him  again  to  grace  the  board. 
It  is  recorded  that  the  gentlewoman  next  him  responded  with 
a  sigh,  that,  if  her  presentiments  were  just,  the  morrow  would 
scarcely  be  so  joyful  as  the  present  day  had  been,  and  that 
she  doubted  whether  the  triumph  were  not  j)remature.' 

Hardly  had  she  spoken  when  sinister  sounds  were  heard  in 
the  streets.  The  first  few  stragglers,  survivors  of  the  deadly 
fight,  had  arrived  with  the  fatal  news  that  all  was  lost,  the 
dyke  regained,  the  Spaniards  victorious,  the  whole  band  of 
patriots  cut  to  pieces,  A  few  frightfully-wounded  and  dying 
suiferers  were  brought  into  the  banqueting-hall.  Hohenlo 
sprang  from  the  feast — interrupted  in  so  ghastly  a  manner — 
pursued  by  shouts  and  hisses.  Howls  of  execration  saluted 
him  in  the  streets,  and  he  was  obliged  to  conceal  himself  for 
a  time,  to  escape  the  fury  of  the  populace,* 

On  the  other  hand,  Parma  was,  not  unnaturally,  overjoyed 
at  the  successful  issue  to  the  combat,  and  expressed  himself 
on .  the  subject  in  language  of  (for  him)  unusual  exultation, 
"  To-day,  Sunday,  26th  of  June,"  said  he,  in  a  letter  to  Philip, 
despatched  by  special  courier  on  the  very  same  night,  "  the 

'  Mertens  en  Torps,  v.  242. 
8  Ibid.     Compare  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  et  al,  ubi  sup. 


1585.  DEFEAT  OP  THE  PATRIOTS.  227 

Lord  has  been  pleased  to  grant  to  your  Majesty  a  great  and 
most  signal  victory.  In  this  conjuncture  of  so  great  import- 
ance it  may  be  easily  conceived  that  the  best  results  that  can 
be  desired  will  be  obtained  if  your  Majesty  is  now  ready  to  do 
what  is  needful.  I  congratulate  your  Majesty  very  many 
times  on  this  occasion,  and  I  desire  to  render  infinite  thanks 
to  Divine  Providence."  ^ 

He  afterwards  proceeded,  in  a  rapid  and  hurried  manner,  to 
give  his  Majesty  the  outlines  of  the  battle,  mentioning,  with 
great  encomium,  Capizucca  and  Aquila,  Mondragon  and 
Vasto,  with  many  other  officers,  and  recommending  them  for 
reward  and  promotion  ;  praising,  in  short,  heartily  and  ear- 
nestly, all  who  had  contributed  to  the  victory,  except  himself, 
to  whose  personal  exertions  it  was  chiefly  due.  "  As  for  good 
old  Mansfeld,"  said  he,  "he  bore  himself  like  the  man  he  is, 
and  he  deserves  that  your  Majesty  should  send  him  a  particular 
mark  of  your  royal  approbation,  writing  to  him  yourself  plea- 
santly in  Spanish,  which  is  that  which  will  be  most  highly 
esteemed  by  him.'"^  Alexander  hinted  also  that  Philip  would 
do  well  to  bestow  upon  Mansfeld  the  countship  of  Biart,  as  a 
reward  for  his  long  years  of  faithful  service.^ 

This  action  on  the  Kowenstyn  terminated  the  effective 
resistance  of  Antwerp.  A  few  days  before,  the  monster-vessel, 
in  the  construction  of  which  so  much  time  and  money  had 
been  consumed,  had  at  last  been  set  afloat.  She  had  been 
called  the  War's  End,  and,  so  far  as  Antwerp  was  concerned, 
the  fates  that  presided  over  her  birth  seemed  to  have  been 
paltering  in  a  double  sense  when  the  ominous  name  was  con- 


'  "  Doy  a  V.  M.  muy  muches  vezes 
la  eaora  buena  y  infinitas  gracias  a  la 
Divina,"  &c.     MS.  letter  before  cited. 

''  "  El  buen  viejo  del  conde  do 
Mansfeld  auduvo  como  quien  es,  y 
merece  que  V.  M.  se  le  mande  en  par- 
ticular agradecer,  escribiendole  en 
Espanol  regaladamente  quo  es  lo  que 
mas  estimaria,"  &c.     (Ibid.) 

•  Ibid.  The  account  of  this  re- 
mftrkable  action  has  been  mainly 
gathered  from  the  manuscript  letters 
of  Parma  to  Philip,  written  from  the 
scene  itself,  of  some  Englishmen,  also 


eye-witnesses,  and  from  a  careful  com- 
parison of  contemporary  historians. 
Vide  Bor,  II.  599,  600.  Meteren,  xli. 
224.  Hoofd  Vervoigh,  97-99,  seq. 
Bentivoglio,  P.  II.  L.  III.  297,  seq., 
whose  brother,  the  Marchese  Hippolito 
Bentivoglio,  distinguished  himself  in 
the  action,  and  was  promoted,  in  con- 
sequence, to  a  company  of  lancers  by 
Parma.  Strada,  II.  354-367.  Bau- 
dartii,  '  Polemographia, '  II.  27-30. 
I,e  Petit,  II.  514.  Wagenaar,  viii.  80. 
Van  Wyn  op  Wagenaar,  viii.  39,  40, 
et  a!. 


228 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  V. 


ferred.  She  was  larger  than  anything  previously  known  in 
naval  architecture  ;  she  had  four  masts  and  three  helms. 
Her  bulwarks  were  ten  feet  thick  ;  her  tops  were  musket-proof. 
She  had  twenty  guns  of  largest  size,  besides  many  other  pieces 
of  artillery  of  lesser  calibre,  the  lower  tier  of  which  was 
almost  at  the  water's  level.  She  was  to  carry  one  thousand 
men,  and  she  was  so  supported  on  corks  and  barrels  as  to  be 
sure  to  float  under  any  circumstances.  Thus  she  was  a  great 
swimming  fortress  which  could  not  be  sunk,  and  was  impervious 
to  shot.  Unluckily,  however,  in  spite  of  her  four  masts  and 
three  helms,  she  would  neither  sail  nor  steer,  and  she  proved 
but  a  great,  unmanageable  and  very  ridiculous  tub,  fully 
justifying  all  the  sarcasms  that  had  been  launched  upon  her 
during  the  period  of  her  construction,  which  had  been  almost 
as  long  as  the  siege  itself 

The  Spaniards  called  her  the  Bugaboo — a  monster  to  scare 
children  withal.'  The  patriots  christened  her  the  Elephant, 
the  Antwerp  Folly,  the  Lost  Penny,  with  many  similar  appella- 
tions.^ A  small  army  might  have  been  maintained  for  a 
month,  they  said,  on  the  money  she  had  cost,  or  the  whole 
city  kept  in  bread  for  three  months.  At  last,  late  in  May,  a 
few  days  before  the  battle  of  the  Kowenstyn,  she  set  forth 
from  Antwerp,  across  the  submerged  land,  upon  her  expedition 
to  sweep  all  the  Spanish  forts  out  of  existence,  and  to  bring 
the  war  to  its  end.  She  came  to  her  own  end  very  briefly, 
for,  after  drifting  helplessly  about  for  an  hour,  she  stuck  fast 
in  the  sand  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ordam,  while  the  crew 
and  soldiers  made  their  escape,  and  came  back  to  the  city  to 
share  in  the  ridicule  which,  from  first  to  last,  had  attached 
itself  to  the  monster-ship.'' 

Two  days  after  the  Kowenstyn  affair,  Alexander  sent  an 
expedition  under  Count  Charles  Mansfeld  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  great  Bugaboo.     The  boat,  in  which  were  Count 


J  Strada,  II.  353.  Le  Petit,  II.  512. 
Baudartii,  'Polemog.'  II.  30,  with  an 
admirable  engraving.  Meteren,  Bor, 
Hoofd,  et  aL  ubi  sup. 


"  Caranjamaula."    Strada,  uM  sup. 
Baudartius,   Le   Petit,   Strada,   ubi 


sup. 
<Ibid. 


1585.  THE    SHIP    'WAR'S   END.'  229 

Charles,  Count  Aremberg,  his  brother  de  Barbangon,  and 
other  noble  volunteers,  met  with  an  accident  :  a  keg  of  gun- 
powder accidentally  exploding,  blowing  Aremberg  into  the 
water,  whence  he  escaped  unharmed  by  swimming,  and  fright- 
fully damaging  Mansfeld  in  the  face.'  This  indirect  mischief 
— the  only  injury  ever  inflicted  by  the  War's  End  upon  the 
enemy — did  not  prevent  the  rest  of  the  party  in  the  boats 
from  taking  possession  of  the  ship,  and  bringing  her  in  triumph 
to  the  Prince  of  Parma.  After  being  thoroughly  examined 
and  heartily  laughed  at  by  the  Spaniards,  she  was  broken  up — 
her  cannon,  munitions,  and  other  valuable  materials,  being 
taken  from  her — and  then  there  was  an  end  of  the  War's 
End.^ 

This  useless  expenditure — against  the  judgment  and  en- 
treaties of  many  leading  personages — was  but  a  type  of  the 
difficulties  with  which  Sainte  Aldegonde  had  been  obliged  to 
contend  from  the  first  day  of  the  siege  to  the  last.  Every  one  in 
the  city  had  felt  himself  called  on  to  express  an  opinion  as  to 
the  proper  measures  for  defence.  Diversity  of  humours, 
popular  license,  anarchy,  did  not  constitute  the  best  govern- 
ment for  a  city  beleagured  by  Alexander  Farnese.  We  have 
seen  the  deadly  injury  inflicted  upon  the  cause  at  the  outset 
by  the  brutality  of  the  butchers,  and  the  manful  struggle 
which  Sainte  Aldegonde  had  maintained  against  their  cupidity 
and  that  of  their  friends.  He  had  dealt  with  the  thousand 
difficulties  which  rose  up  around  him  from  day  to  day,  but 
his  best  intentions  were  perpetually  misconstrued,  his  most 
strenuous  exertions  steadily  foiled.  It  was  a  city  where  there 
was  much  love  of  money,  and  where  commerce — always  timid 
by  nature,  particularly  when  controlled  by  alien  residents — 
was  often  the  cause  of  almost  abject  cowardice. 

From  time  to  time  there  had  been  threatening  demonstra- 
tions made  against  the  burgomaster,  who,  by  protracting  the 
resistance  of  Antwerp,  was  bringing  about  the  absolflte  de- 
struction of  a  world-wide  trade,  and  the  downfall  of  the  most 
opulent  capital  in  Christendom.     There  were  also  many  popu- 

'   Strada,  II.  368.  *   Ibid, 


230  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

Ifir  riots — very  easily  inflamed  by  the  Catholic  portion  of  the 
inhabitants — for  bread.  "  Bread,  bread,  or  peace  !"  was 
hoarsely  shouted  by  ill-looking  mischievous  crowds,  that  dog- 
ged the  steps  and  besieged  the  doors  of  Sainte  Aldegonde  ;  but 
the  burgomaster  had  done  his  best  by  eloquence  of  tongue 
and  persona]  courage,  both  against  mobs  and  against  the 
enemy,  to  inspire  the  mass  of  his  fellow-citizens  with  his  own 
generous  spirit.  He  had  relied  for  a  long  time  on  the  nego- 
tiation with  France,  and  it  would  be  difficult  to  exaggerate 
the  disastrous  effects  produced  by  the  treachery  of  the  Valois 
court.  The  historian  Le  Petit,  a  resident  of  Antwerp  at  the 
time  of  the  siege,  had  been  despatched  on  secret  mission  to 
Paris,  and  had  communicated  to  the  States'  deputies  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde's  earnest  adjurations  that  they  should  obtain,  if  possible, 
before  it  should  be  too  late,  an  auxiliary  force  and  a  pecuniary 
subsidy.  An  immediate  assistance,  even  if  slight,  might  be 
sufficient  to  prevent  Antwerp  and  its  sister  cities  from  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  On  that  messenger's  return,  the 
burgomaster,  much  encouraged  by  his  report,  had  made  many 
eloquent  speeches  in  the  senate,  and  for  a  long  time  sustained 
the  sinking  spirits  of  the  citizens.' 

The  irritating  termination  to  the  triumph  actually  achieved 
against  the  bridge,  and  the  tragical  result  to  the  great  enter- 
prise against  the  Kowenstyn,  had  now  thoroughly  broken  the 
heart  of  Antwerp.  For  the  last  catastrophe  Sainte  Aldegonde 
himself  was  highly  censurable,  although  the  chief  portion  of 
the  blame  rested  on  the  head  of  Hohenlo.  Nevertheless  the 
States  of  Holland  were  yet  true  to  the  cause  of  the  Union  and 
of  liberty.  Notwithstanding  their  heavy  expenditures,  and 
their  own  loss  of  men,  they  urged  warmly  and  earnestly  the 
continuance  of  the  resistance,  and  promised,  within  at  latest 
three  months'  time,  to  raise  an  army  of  twelve  thousand  foot 
and  seven  thousand  horse,  with  which  they  jiledged  them- 
selves to  relieve  the  city,  or  to  perish  in  the  endeavour.^  At 
the  same  time,  the  legation,  which  had  been  sent  to  England 
to  offer  the  sovereignty  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  sent  encouraging 

»   Le  Petit.  II.  505.  »  Meteren,  xii.  225. 


1585.  DESPAIR   OF  THE   CITIZENS.  231 

despatches  to  Antwerp,  assuring  the  authorities  that  arrange- 
ments for  an  auxiliary  force  had  been  effected  ;  while  Eliza- 
beth herself  wrote  earnestly  upon  the  subject  with  her  own 
hand.^ 

"  I  am  informed/'  said  that  Princess,  "  that  through  the 
closing  of  the  Scheldt  you  are  likely  to  enter  into  a  treaty 
with  the  Prince  of  Parma,  the  issue  of  which  is  very  much  to 
be  doubted,  so  far  as  the  maintenance  of  your  privileges  is 
concerned.  Remembering  the  warm  friendsliip  which  has 
ever  existed  between  this  crown  and  the  house  of  Burgundy, 
in  the  realms  of  which  you  are  an  important  member,  and 
considering  that  my  subjects  engaged  in  commerce  have 
always  met  with  more  privilege  and  comity  in  the  Nether- 
lands than  in  any  other  country,  I  have  resolved  to  send  you 
at  once,  assistance,  comfort,  and  aid.  The  details  of  the  plan 
will  be  stated  by  your  envoys  ;  but  be  assured  that  by  me  you 
will  never  be  forsaken  or  neglected."  ^ 

The  negotiations  with  Queen  Elizabeth — most  important 
for  the  Netherlands,  for  England,  and  for  the  destinies  of 
Europe — which  succeeded  the  futile  diplomatic  transactions 
with  France,  will  be  laid  before  the  reader  in  a  subsequent 
chapter.  It  is  proper  that  they  should  be  massed  by  them- 
selves, so  that  the  eye  can  comj^rehend  at  a  single  glance 
their  whole  progress  and  aspect,  as  revealed  both  by  public 
and  ofl&cial,  and  by  secret  and  hitherto  unpublished  records. 
Meantime,  so  far  as  regards  Antwerp,  those  negotiations  had 
been  too  deliberately  conducted  for  the  hasty  and  impatient 
temper  of  the  citizens. 

The  spirit  of  the  commercial  metropolis,  long  flagging, 
seemed  at  last  broken.  Despair  was  taking  possession  of  all 
hearts.  The  common  people  did  nothing  but  complain,  the 
magistrates  did  nothing  but  wrangle.  In  the  broad  council 
the  debates  and  dissensions  were  discouraging  and  endless. 
Six  of  the  eight  militia-colonels  were  for  holding  out  at  all 
hazards,  while  a  majority  of  the  eighty  captains  were  for 
capitulation.     The  populace  was  tumultuous  and  threatening, 

^  Bor,  II.  607-609.  »   See  the  letter  in  Bor,  II.  608. 


232  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

deiucanding  peace  and  bread  at  any  price.  Holland  sent 
promises  in  abundance,  and  Holland  was  sincere  ;  but  there 
had  been  much  disappointment,  and  there  was  now  infinite 
bitterness.  It  seemed  obvious  tliat  a  crisis  was  fast  aj)proach- 
ing,  and — unless  immediate  aid  should  come  from  Holland  or 
from  England — that  a  surrender  was  inevitable.'  La  None, 
after  five  years'  imprisonment,  had  at  last  been  exchanged 
against  Count  Philip  Egmont.  That  noble,  chief  of  an 
ancient  house,  cousin  of  the  Queen  of  France,  was  mortified 
at  being  ransomed  against  a  simple  Huguenot  gentleman — ■ 
even  though  that  gentleman  was  the  illustrious  "iron-armed" 
La  None — but  he  preferred  to  sacrifice  his  dignity  for  the 
Bake  of  his  liberty.  He  was  still  more  annoyed  that  one 
hundred  thousand  crowns  as  security  were  exacted  from  La 
None — for  which  the  King  of  Navarre  became  bondsman — 
that  he  would  never  again  bear  arms  in  the  Netherlands  ex- 
cept in  obedience  to  the  French  monarch,  while  no  such 
pledges  were  required  of  himself.  La  Noue  visited  the  Prince 
of  Parma  at  Antwerp,  to  take  leave,  and  was  received  with 
the  courtesy  due  to  his  high  character  and  great  distinction. 
Alexander  took  pleasure  in  showing  him  all  his  fortifications, 
and  explaining  to  him  the  whole  system  of  the  siege,  and  La 
Noue  was  filled  with  honest  amazement.  He  declared  after- 
wards that  the  works  were  superb  and  impregnable,  and  that 
if  he  had  been  on  the  outside  at  the  head  of  twelve  thousand 
troops,  he  should  have  felt  obliged  to  renounce  the  idea  of 
relieving  the  city,*"  "Antwerp  cannot  escape  you,"  confessed 
the  veteran  Huguenot,  "but  must  soon  fall  into  your  hands. 
And  when  you  enter,  I  would  counsel  you  to  hang  up  your 
sword  at  its  gate,  and  let  its  capture  be  the  crowning  trophy 
in  your  list  of  victories." 

"You  are  right,"  answered  Parma,  "and  many  of  my 
friends  have  given  me  the  same  advice  ;  but  how  am  I  to 
retire,  engaged  as  I  am  for  life  in  the  service  of  my  King?"^ 

'  L©  Petit,  II.  518.  Bor,  II.  610-  I  '  Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  'Archives,' 
613,  seq.  &c.  I.  77-80. 

^  Le  Petit,  IL  61& 


1585.  SAINTE  ALDEGONDE  DISCOURAGED.  233 

Such  was  the  opinion  of  La  Noue,  a  man  whose  love  foi 
the  reformed  religion  and  for  civil  liberty  can  be  as  little 
doubted  as  his  competency  to  form  an  opinion  upon  great 
military  subjects.  As  little  could  he  be  suspected — just 
coming  as  he  did  from  an  infamous  prison,  whence  he  had 
been  at  one  time  invited  by  Philip  II,  to  emerge,  on  condition 
of  allowing  his  eyes  to  be  put  out^ — of  any  partiahty  for  that 
monarch  or  his  representative. 

Moreover,  although  the  States  of  Holland  and  the  English 
government  were  earnestly  desirous  of  relieving  the  city,  and 
were  encouraging  the  patriots  with  well-founded  promises,  the 
Zeeland  authorities  were  lukewarm.  The  officers  of  the  Zee- 
land  navy,  from  which  so  much  was  expected,  were  at  last  dis- 
couraged. They  drew  up,  signed,  and  delivered  to  Admiral 
Justinus  de  Nassau,  a  formal  opinion  to  the  effect  that  the 
Scheldt  had  now  so  many  dry  and  dangerous  places,  and  that 
the  tranquil  summer-nights — so  different  from  those  long, 
stormy  ones  of  winter — were  so  short  as  to  allow  of  no  attempt 
by  water  likely  to  be  successful  to  relieve  the  city.^ 

Here  certainly  was  much  to  discourage,  and  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde  was  at  length  discouraged.  He  felt  that  the  last  hope 
of  saving  Antwerp  was  gone,  and  with  it  all  possibility  of  main- 
taining the  existence  of  a  United  Netherland  commonwealth. 
The  Walloon  Provinces  were  lost  already  ;  Ghent,  Brussels, 
Mechlin,  had  also  capitulated,  and,  with  the  fall  of  Antwerp, 
Flanders  and  Brabant  must  fall.  There  would  be  no  barrier 
left  even  to  save  Holland  itself.  Despair  entered  the  heart 
of  the  burgomaster,  and  he  listened  too  soon  to  its  treacherous 
voice.  Yet  while  he  thought  a  free  national  state  no  longer 
a  possibility,  he  imagined  it  practicable  to  secure  religious 
liberty  by  negotiation  with  Philip  II.  He  abandoned  with  a 
sigh  one  of  the  two  great  objects  for  which  he  had  struggled 
side  by  side  with  Orange  for  twenty  years,  but  he  thought  it 
possible  to  secure  the  other.  His  purpose  was  now  to  obtain 
a  favourable  capitulation  for  Antwerp,  and  at  the  same  time 

'  Aralrault,  'Vie  de  La  Noue,'  280,  281-298;  'Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic^' 
iu.  p.  481,  482.  3  Metereu,  xii.,  225»«. 

VOL.  I. — 9 


234  THE  UNITKD  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

to  bring  about  the  submission  of  Holland,  Zeeland,  and  the 
other  United  Provinces,  to  the  King  of  Spain.  Here  cer- 
tainly was  a  great  change  of  face  on  the  part  of  one  s^^  con- 
spicuous, and  hitherto  so  consistent,  in  the  ranks  of  Nether- 
land  jjatriots,  and  it  is  therefore  necessary,  in  order  thoroughly 
to  estimate  both  the  man  and  the  crisis,  to  follow  carefully  his 
steps  through  the  secret  path  of  negotiation  into  which  he 
now  entered,  and  in  which  the  Antwerp  drama  was  to  find  its 
conclusion.  In  these  transactions,  the  chief  actors  are,  on  the 
one  side,  the  Prince  of  Parma,  as  representative  of  absolutism 
and  the  Papacy  ;  on  the  other,  Sainte  Aldegonde,  who  had 
j)assed  his  life  as  the  champion  of  the  Reformation. 

No  doubt  the  pressure  upon  the  burgomaster  was  very 
great.  Tumults  were  of  daily  occurrence.  Crowds  of  rioters 
beset  his  door  with  cries  of  denunciations  and  demands  for 
bread.  A  large  and  turbulent  mob  upon  one  occasion  took 
possession  of  the  horse-market,  and  treated  him  with  personal 
indignity  and  violence,  when  he  undertook  to  disperse  them.' 
On  the  other  hand,  Parma  had  been  holding  out  hopes  of 
pardon  with  more  reasonable  conditions  than  could  well  be 
expected,  and  had,  with  a  good  deal  of  art,  taken  advantage 
of  several  trivial  circumstances  to  inspire  the  burghers  with 
confidence  in  his  good- will.  Thus,  an  infirm  old  lady  in  the 
city  happened  to  imagine  herself  so  dependent  upon  asses' 
milk  as  to  have  sent  her  purveyor  out  of  the  city,  at  the  peril 
of  his  life,  to  j)rocure  a  supply  from  the  neighbourhood.  The 
young  man  was  captured,  brought  to  Alexander,  from  whose 
hands  he  very  naturally  expected  the  punishment  of  a  spy. 
The  prince,  however,  presented  him,  not  only  with  his  liberty, 
but  with  a  she-ass,  and  loaded  the  animal  with  partridges 
and  capons,  as  a  present  for  the  invalid.  The  magistrates, 
hearing  of  the  incident,  and  not  choosing  to  be  outdone  in 
courtesy,  sent  back  a  waggon-load  of  old  wine  and  remark- 
able confectionary  as  an  ofiering  to  Alexander,  and  with  this 
interchange  of  dainties  led  the  way  to  the  amenities  of 
diplomacy. 

'  Bor,  II.  605,  606.  Hoofd,  Vervolgh,  108  *  Strada,  II.  372. 


1585.  fflS   CRITICAL   POSITION.  235 

Sainte  Aldegonde's  position  had  become  a  painful  one.  The 
net  had  heeu  drawn  closely  about  the  city.  The  bridge 
seemed  impregnfible,  the  great  Kowenstyn  was  irrecoverably 
in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  now  all  the  lesser  forts  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  Antwerp — -Borght,  Hoboken,  Cantecroix, 
Stralen,  Berghen,  and  the  rest — had  likewise  fallen  into  his 
grasp.  An  account  of  grain,  taken  on  the  1st  of  June,  gave 
an  average  of  a  pound  a-head  for  a  month  long,  or  half  a 
pound  for  two  months.^  This  was  not  the  famine-point, 
according  to  the  standard  which  had  once  been  established  in 
Leyden  ;  but  the  courage  of  the  burghers  had  been  rapidly 
oozing  away,  under  the  pressure  of  their  recent  disappoint- 
ments. It  seemed  obvious  to  the  burgomaster,  that  the  time 
for  yielding  had  arrived. 

"  I  had  maintained  the  city,"^  he  said,  "  for  a  long  period, 
without  any  excessive  tumult  or  great  eifusion  of  blood — a 
city  where  there  was  such  a  multitude  of  inhabitants,  mostly 
merchants  or  artisans  deprived  of  all  their  traffic,  stripped  of 
their  manufactures,  destitute  of  all  commodities  and  means  of 
living.  I  had  done  this  in  the  midst  of  a  great  diversity  of 
humours  and  opinions,  a  vast  popular  license,  a  confused 
anarchy,  among  a  great  number  of  commanders,  most  of  thero 
inexperienced  in  war  ;  with  very  little  authority  of  my  own, 
with  slender  forces  of  ships,  soldiers,  and  sailors  ;  with  slight 
appearance  of  support  from  king  or  prince  without,  or  of 
military  garrison  within  ;  and  under  all  these  circumstances 
I  exerted  myself  to  do  my  uttermost  duty  in  preserving  the 
city,  both  in  regard  to  its  internal  government,  and  by  force 
of  arms  by  land  and  sea,  without  sparing  myself  in  any  laboul 
or  peril. 

"  I  know  very  well  that  there  are  many  persons,  who, 
finding  themselves  quite  at  their  ease,  and  far  away  from  the 
hard   blows   that   are   passing,   are   pleased   to   exhibit   their 

'  Meteren,  xii.  224,  seq.  i    Marnix,'  par  Albert  La  Croix  et  Fran- 

*  Maroix  de  Ste.  Aldegonde,  'Com-  c;o\s    van     Meenen,    Bruxelles,     1858. 

mentaire    sur    les    Affaires    d'Auvers,'  'Oeuvres  de  Philippe  de  Marnix,  pre- 

1585.      Yide    'Notices    Historique    et  cedees   d'une   Introd'iction   par  Edgar 

Bibliographique      sur      Philippe      de  |   Quinet.' 


236  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

wisdom  by  sitting  in  judgment  upon  others,  founding  their 
decision  only  upon  the  results.  But  I  demand  to  be  judged 
by  equity  and  reason,  when  passion  has  been  set  aside.  I 
claim  that  my  honour  shall  be  protected  against  my  calum- 
niators ;  for  all  should  remember  that  I  am  not  the  first  man, 
nor  shall  I  be  the  last,  that  has  been  blamed  unjustly.  All 
persons  employed  in  public  affairs  are  subject  to  such  hazards, 
but  I  submit  myself  to  Him  who  knows  all  hearts,  and  who 
governs  all.  I  take  Him  to  witness  that  in  the  affair  of 
Antwerp,  as  in  all  my  other  actions  since  my  earliest  youth, 
I  have  most  sincerely  sought  His  glory  and  the  welfare  of  His 
poor  people,  without  regard  to  my  own  private  interests."  ^ 

For  it  is  not  alone  the  fate  of  Antwerp  that  is  here  to  be 
recorded.  The  fame  of  Sainte  Aldegonde  was  now  seriously 
compromised.  The  character  of  a  great  man  must  always  be 
closely  scanned  and  scrutinised  ;  protected,  if  needful,  against 
calumny,  but  always  unflinchingly  held  up  to  the  light. 
Names  illustrious  by  genius  and  virtue  are  History's  most 
precious  treasures,  faithfully  to  be  guarded  by  her,  jealously 
to  be  watched  ;  but  it  is  always  a  misfortune  when  her  eyes 
are  deceived  by  a  glitter  which  is  not  genuine. 

Sainte  Aldegonde  was  a  man  of  unquestionable  genius. 
His  character  had  ever  been  beyond  the  reproach  of  self- 
seeking  or  ignoble  ambition.  He  had  multiplied  himself  into 
a  thousand  forms  to  serve  the  cause  of  the  United  Netherland 
States,  and  the  services  so  rendered  had  been  brilliant  and 
frequent.  A  great  change  in  his  conduct  and  policy  was  now 
approaching,  and  it  is  therefore  the  more  necessary  to  examine 
closely  at  this  epoch  his  attitude  and  his  character. 

Early  in  June,  Richardot,  president  of  the  council  of  Artois, 
addressed  a  letter  to  Sainte  Aldegonde,  by  command  of  Alex- 
ander of  Parma,  suggesting  a  secret  interview  between  the 
burgomaster  and  the  Prince. 

On  the  8th  of  June,  Sainte  Aldegonde  replied,  in  favourable 
terms,  as  to  the  interview  ;  but  observed,  that,  as  he  was  an 
official  personage,  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  communicate 

*  Works  just  cited. 


1585. 


HIS  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  ENEMY. 


237 


the  project  to  the  magistracy  of  the  city.  He  expressed  like- 
wise the  hope  that  Parma  would  embrace  the  present  oppor- 
tunity for  making  a  general  treaty  with  all  the  Provinces. 
A  special  accord  with  Antwerp,  leaving  out  Holland  and 
Zeeland,  would,  he  said,  lead  to  the  utter  desolation  of  that 
city,  and  to  the  destruction  of  its  commerce  and  manufactures, 
while  the  occasion  now  presented  itself  to  the  Prince  of 
"  winning  praise  and  immortal  glory  by  bringing  back  all  the 
country  to  a  voluntary  and  prompt  obedience  to  his  Majesty." 
He  proposed,  that,  instead  of  his  coming  alone,  there  should 
be  a  number  of  deputies  sent  from  Antwerp  to  confer  with 
Alexander.' 

On  the  11th  June,  Richardot  replied  by  expressing  his  own 
regrets  and  those  of  the  Prince,  that  the  interview  could  not 
have  been  with  the  burgomaster  alone,  but  acknowledging 
the  weight  of  his  reasons,  and  acquiescing  in  the  proposition 
to  send  a  larger  deputation.  Three  days  afterwards,  Sainte 
Aldegonde,  on  private  consultation  with  some  confidential 
personages,  changed  his  ground  ;  announced  his  preference  for 
a  private  interview,  under  four  eyes,  with  Parma  ;  and  re- 
quested that  a  passport  might  be  sent.  The  passport  was 
accordingly  forwarded  the  same  day,  with  an  expression  of 
Alexander's  gratification,  and  with  the  offer,  on  the  part  of 
Richardot,  to  come  himself  to  Antwerp  as  hostage  during  the 
absence  of  the  burgomaster  in  Parma's  camp  at  Beveren.^ 

Sainte  Aldegonde  was  accordingly  about  to  start  on  the 
following  day  (16th  of  June),  but  meantime  the  affair  had 
got  wind.  A  secret  interview,  thus  projected,  was  leth  June, 
regarded  by  the  citizens  as  extremely  suspicious.  ^^^^• 
There  was  much  bitter  insinuation  against  the  burgomaster 
— many  violent  demonstrations.  "  Aldegonde,  they  say,  is 
going  to  see  Parma,"  said  one  of  the  burghers,  "  which  gives 
much  dissatisfaction,  because,  'tis  feared  that  he  will  make 
a  treaty  according  to  the  appetite  and  pleasure  of  his  High- 


*  '  Correspondance  de  Richardot  aveo 
Marnix  de  Ste.  Aldegonde.'  Archive 
de  Simancas  MS. 


2  Richardot    to    Marnix,     11     Juna 
1585.  MS. 


238  THB   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

ness,  having  been  gained  over  to  the  royal  cause  by  money. 
He  says  that  it  would  be  a  misfortune  to  send  a  large  number 
of  burghers.  Last  Sunday  (16th  June)  there  was  a  meeting 
of  the  broad  council.  The  j)reachers  came  into  the  assembly, 
and  so  animated  the  citizens  by  demonstrations  of  their 
religion,  that  all  rushed  from  the  council-house,  crying  with 
loud  voices  that  they  did  not  desii^e  peace  but  war."  ^ 

This  desire  was  a  healthy  and  a  reasonable  one  ;  but, 
unfortunately,  the  Antwerpers  had  not  always  been  so 
vigorous  or  so  united  in  their  resistance  to  Parma.  At 
present,  however,  they  were  very  furious,  so  soon  as  the 
secret  purpose  of  Sainte  Aldegonde  became  generally  known. 
The  proposed  capitulation,  which  great  mobs  had  been  for 
weeks  long  savagely  demanding  at  the  hands  of  the  burgo- 
master, was  now  ascribed  to  the  burgomaster's  unblushing 
corruption.  He  had  obviously,  they  thought,  been  purchased 
by  Spanish  ducats  to  do  what  he  had  hitherto  been  so  steadily 
refusing.  A  certain  Van  Werne  had  gone  from  Antwerp 
into  Holland  a  few  days  before  upon  his  own  private  affairs, 
with  a  safe-conduct  from  Parma.  Sainte  Aldegonde  had  not 
communicated  to  him  the  project  then  on  foot,  but  he  had 
permitted  him  to  seek  a  secret  interview  with  Count  Mansfeld. 
If  that  were  granted,  Van  Werne  was  to  hint  that  in  case  the 
Provinces  could  promise  themselves  a  religious  peace  it  would 
be  possible,  in  the  opinion  of  Sainte  Aldegonde,  to  induce 
Holland  and  Zeeland  and  all  the  rest  of  the  United  Pro- 
vinces, to  return  to  their  obedience.  Van  Werne,  on  his 
return  to  Antwerp,  divulged  these  secret  negotiations,  and  so 
put  a  stop  to  Sainte  Aldegonde's  scheme  of  going  alone  to 
Parma.  "  This  has  given  a  bad  suspicion  to  the  people," 
wrote  the  burgomaster  to  Richardot^  "  so  much  so  that  I  fear 


'  "Aldegonde  dit  qu'il  veult  aller, 
ee  que  plusieurs  des  bourgeois  ne 
VBuillent,  a  cause  qu'ils  craindent 
qu'il  feroit  I'accord  selon  I'appetit  et 
volonte  de  eon  Alteze,  estant  gaigue 
par  force  d'argent.  Disant  etre  mal- 
iieur  qu'il  y  aillent  douze  bourgeois. 
— Les  predicana  ont  entre   au  conseil      Belgique,'  1585, 


le  dimanche  passo,  et  ont  tellement 
animes  les  bourgeois  par  deraontrances 
de  leur  religion,  que  les  bourgeois,  sor- 
tant  du  conseil.  crioient  a  haulte  voix 
qu'ils  ne  desiroient  paix  mais  bien  la 
guerre."  MS.  letter,  without  date  or 
signature,  in  the  '  archives  Royalea  de 


1585. 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  RICHARDOT. 


239 


to. have  trouble.  The  broad  council  has  been  in  session,  but 
I  don't  know  what  has  taken  place  there,  and  I  do  not  dare 
to  ask." ' 

Sainte  Aldegonde's  motive,  as  avowed  by  himself,  for  seeking 
a  private  interview,  was  because  he  had  received  no  answer 
to  the  main  point  in  his  first  letter,  as  to  the  proposition  for  a 
general  accord.  In  order  therefore  to  make  the  deliberations 
more  rapid,  he  had  been  disposed  to  discuss  that  2ireliminary 
question  in  secret.  "  But  now,"  said  he  to  Richardot,  "as  the 
affair  had  been  too  much  divulged,  as  well  by  diverse  reports 
and  writings  sown  about,  very  inopportunely,  as  by  the  arrival 
of  M.  Van  Werne,  I  have  not  found  it  practicable  to  set  out 
upon  my  road,  without  communication  with  the  members  of 
the  government.  This  has  been  done,  however,  not  in  the 
way  of  consultation,  but  as  the  announcement  of  a  thing 
already  resolved  upon."^ 

He  proceeded  to  state,  that  great  difficulties  had  arisen, 
exactly  as  he  had  foreseen.  The  magistrates  would  not  hear 
of  a  general  accord,  and  it  was  therefore  necessary  that  a 
delay  should  be  interposed  before  it  would  be  possible  for  him 
to  come.  He  begged  Richardot  to  persuade  Alexander,  that 
he  was  not  trifling  with  him.  "It  is  not,"  said  he,  "from 
lightness,  or  any  other  passion,  that  I  am  retarding  this  affair. 
I  will  do  all  in  my  power  to  obtain  leave  to  make  a  journey 
to  the  camp  of  his  Highness,  at  whatever  price  it  may  cost, 
and  I  hope  before  long  to  arrive  at  my  object.  If  I  fail,  it 
must  be  ascribed  to  the  humours  of  the  people ;  for  my  anxiety 
to  restore  all  the  Provinces  to  obedience  to  his  Majesty  is 
extreme."^ 

Richardot,  in  reply,  the  next  day,  expressed  regret,  without 


'  Marnix  to  Richardot,  16  June, 
1585.  Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.  "De  ce 
que  s'y  est  passe,  je  I'ignore,  sans  I'oser 
demander,"  &c. 

''  "  Mais  comme  I'aflFaire  a  este  par 
trop  divulguee,  tant  par  divers  rapports 
et  eorits  somes  mal  a  propos,  comme 
par  la  venue  de  S''  Van  Werne,  je  n'ay 


trouve  faisable  de  me  mettre  en  che- 
min,  sans  le  comrauuiquer  aux  mem- 
bres,  non  pas  toutefois  en  forme  de 
deliberation,  mais  comme  une  chose 
que  nous  avions  rcsoluo."  Mamix  to 
Richardot,  MS.,  ubi  awp. 
3  Ibid. 


240 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  V. 


astomsliment,  on  the  part  of  Alexander   and   himself,  at  the 
17th  June,  intelligence  thus  received.     People  had  such  differ- 

^^^^-       ence  of  humour,  he  said,  and  all  men  were  not  equally 
capable  of  reason.     Nevertheless  the  citizens  were  warned  not 
to  misconstrue  Parma's  gentleness,  because  he  was  determined 
to  die,  with  his  whole  army,  rather  than  not  take  Antwerp. 
"  As  for  the  King,"  said  Richardot,  "  he  will  lay  down  all  his 
crowns  sooner   than  abandon  this  enterprise."  '     Van  Werne 
was  represented  as  free  from  blame,  and  sincerely  desirous  of 
peace.     Richardot  had  only  stated  to  him,  in  general  terms, 
that  letters  had  been   received   from    Sainte  Aldegonde,  ex- 
pressing an  opinion  in  ftivour  of  peace.     As  for  the  royalists, 
they  were  quite  innocent  of  the  reports  and  writings  that  had 
so  inopportunely  been  circulated  in  the  city.     It  was  desirable, 
however,  that    the   negotiation  should    not  too   long  be   de- 
ferred, for  otherwise  Antwerp  might  perish,  before  a  general 
accord  with  Holland  and  Zeeland  could  be  made.     He  begged 
Sainte  Aldegonde  to  banish  all  anxiety  as  to  Parma's  sentiments 
towards  himself  or  the  community.     "  Put  yourself,  Sir,  quite 
at  your  ease,"  said  he.     "  His  Highness  is  in  no  respects  dis- 
satisfied  with  you,   nor   prone   to   conceive  any  indignation 
against  this  poor  people."'     He  assured  the  burgomaster  that 
he  was   not   suspected  of  lightness,  nor  of  a  wish  to  delay 
matters,    but   he   expressed   solicitude   with    regard    to    the 
threatening  demonstrations  which  had  been  made  against  him 
in  Antwerp.     "For,"  said  he,  "popular  governments  are  full 
of  a  thousand  hazards,  and  it  would  be  infinitely  painful    to 
me,  if  you  should  come  to  harm." " 

Thus  it  would  appear  that  it  was  Sainte  Aldegonde  who  was 
chiefly  anxious  to  effect  the  reconciliation  of  Holland  and 
Zeeland   with   the   King.     The   initiative  of  this  project   to 


1  Richardot  to  Mamix,  17  June, 
1585,  MS.  "  Mettra  toutes  ses  cou- 
ronnes  plutot  qu'abandonner  cette 
entre prise,"  &c. 

'  "  Bref,  Monsieur,  mettez  vous  a 
repos.  Car  son  Altesse  n'est  en  rien 
mal  satisfaite  de  vous,  ni  facile  a  cou- 


cevoir  quelque   indignation  centre   ce 
pauvre  peuple."     MS.  wfei  sup. 

•  "  Car  les  gouvernemens  popu- 
laires  sont  plains  de  mil  hazards,  et  il 
me  desplairait  infinimeiit  que  vou8 
eussiez  maL"     (Ibid.) 


1585.  COMMOTION    IN   THE   CITY.  241 

include  all  the  United  Provinces  in  one  scheme  with  the  re- 
duction of  Antwerp  came  originally  from  him,  and  was 
opposed,  at  the  outset,  by  the  magistrates  of  that  city,  by  the 
Prince  of  Parma  and  his  councillors,  and  by  the  States  of 
Holland  and  Zeeland.  The  demonstrations  on  the  part  of  the 
preachers,  the  municipal  authorities,  and  the  burghers,  against 
Sainte  Aldegonde  and  his  plan  for  a  secret  interview,  so  soon 
as  it  was  divulged,  made  it  impossible  to  carry  that  project 
into  effect. 

"Aldegonde,  who  governs  Antwerp,"  wrote  Parma  to  Philip, 
"  was  endeavouring,  eight  days  ago,  to  bring  about  some  kind 
of  negociation  for  an  accord.  He  manifested  a  desire  to  come 
hither  for  the  sake  of  a  personal  interview  with  me,  which  I 
permitted.  It  was  to  have  taken  place  last  Sunday,  16th  of 
this  month,  but  by  reason  of  a  certain  popular  tumult,  which 
arose  out  of  these  circumstances,  it  has  been  necessary  to 
defer  the  meeting."  ^ 

There  was  much  disappointment  felt  by  the  royalist  at  this 
unsatisfactory  result.  "  These  bravadoes  and  impertinent  de- 
monstrations on  the  part  of  some  of  your  people,"  wrote 
Richardot,  ten  days  later,  "  will  be  the  destruction  of  the 
whole  country,  and  will  convert  the  Prince's  gentleness  into 
anger.  'Tis  these  good  and  zealous  patriots,  trusting  to  a 
little  favourable  breeze  that  blew  for  a  few  days  past,  who 
have  been  the  cause  of  all  this  disturbance,  and  who  are 
ruining  their  miserable  country — miserable,  I  say,  for  having 
produced  such  abortions  as  themselves." " 

Notwithstanding  what  had  passed,  however,  Richardot  in- 
timated that  Alexander  was  still  ready  to  negociate.  "  And 
if  you.  Sir,"  he  concluded,  in  his  letter  to  Aldegonde,  "  con- 
cerning whom  many  of  our  friends  have  at  present  a  sinister 


1  I 


'  De  ocho  dias  ha  procurado  Al-   I    la   ha  tenido  para    differirlo."     Parma 


degonda,  qui  goberna  Anveres,  travar 
alguna  platica  de  acuerdo  con  aquella 
villa,  mostrando  desseo  de  querer  venir 
el  mismo  a  verse  conmigo,  loquel  le 
permite.  Havia  de  haverlo  hecho  este 
ultimo  domingo  16  del  presente,  pero 
con  la  escusa  de  cierto  tumulto  popu- 
lar, que  sobre   el   caso  havia  sucedido 

VOL.  I.— R 


to  Philip  II.,  20  June,  1585.     Arch,  de 
Sim.  MS. 

'  Richardot  to  Marnix,  30  June, 
1585.  "Ce  sont  ces  bons  et  zeleux 
patriotes  qui  ruynent  leur  miserable 
patrie,  miserable,  dis  je,  d'avoir  pro- 
duit  tels  avortons."  Arch,  de  Sim 
MS. 


242  TlIK  UNITED  ^NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

opinion, — as  if  your  object  was  to  circumvent  us, — are  willing 
to  proceed  roundly  and  frankly,  as  I  myself  firmly  believe 
that  you  will  do,  we  may  yet  hope  for  a  favourable  issue."  ^ 

Thus  the  burgomaster  was  already  the  object  of  suspicion 
to  both  parties.  The  Antwerpers  denounced  him  as  having 
been  purchased  by  Spanish  gold  ;  the  royalists  accused  him 
of  intending  to  overreach  the  King.  It  was  not  probable 
therefore  that  all  were  correct  in  their  conjectures. 

At  last  it  was  arranged  that  deputies  should  be  appointed 
by  the  broad  council  to  commence  a  negociation  with  Parma. 
Sainte  Aldegonde  informed  Richardot,  that  he  would  5th  July, 
accompany  them,  if  his  affairs  should  permit.  He  1^85. 
protested  his  sincerity  and  frankness  throughout  the  whole 
affair.  "  They  try  to  calumniate  me,"  he  said,  "  as  much  on 
one  side  as  on  the  other,  but  I  will  overcome  by  my  innocence 
all  the  malice  of  my  slanderers.  If  his  Highness  should  be 
pleased  to  grant  us  some  liberty  for  our  religion,  I  dare  to 
promise  such  faithful  service  as  will  give  very  great  satis- 
faction."^ 

Four  days  later,  Sainte  Aldegonde  himself,  together  with  M. 
de  Duffel,  M.  de  Schoonhoven,  and  Adrian  Hesselt,  came  to 
Parma's  camp  at  Beveren,  as  deputies  on  the  part  of  the 
Antwerp  authorities.  They  were  courteously  received  by  the 
Prince,  and  remained  three  days  as  his  guests.  During  the 
period  of  this  visit,  the  terms  of  a  capitulation  were  thoroughly 
discussed,  between  Alexander  and  his  councillors  upon  one 
part,  and  the  four  deputies  on  the  other.  The  envoys 
endeavoured,  with  all  the  arguments  at  their  command,  to 
obtain  the  consent  of  the  Prince  to  three  preliminary  points 
which  they  laid  down  as  indispensable.  Religious  liberty  must 
be  granted,  the  citadel  must  not  be  reconstructed,  a  foreign 
garrison  must  not  be  admitted  ;  they  said.  As  it  was  the  firm 
intention  of  the  King,  however,  not  to  make  the  slightest  con- 
cession on  any  one  of  these  points,  the  discussion  was  not  a 
very  profitable  one.    Besides  the  public  interviews  at  which  all 

'  Richardot  to  Marnix.  30  June,  1585. 

'  Marnix  to  Richardot,  5  July,  1586.     Arch,  de  Sim.  MS. 


2585.  INTERVIEW    OF    MARNIX   WITH    PARMA.  243 

the  negociators  were  present,  there  was  a  private  conference 
between  Parma  and  Sainte  Aldegonde  which  lasted  more  than 
four  hours,  in  which  each  did  his  best  to  enforce  his  opinions 
upon  the  other.  The  burgomaster  endeavoured  to  persuade 
the  Prince  with  all  the  eloquence  for  which  he  was  so  re- 
nowned, that  the  hearts  not  of  the  Antwerpers  only,  but  of 
the  Hollanders  and  Zeelanders,  were  easily  to  be  won  at  that 
moment.  Give  them  religious  liberty,  and  attempt  to  govern 
them  by  gentleness  rather  than  by  Spanish  garrisons,  and  the 
road  was  plain  to  a  complete  reconciliation  of  all  the  Provinces 
with  his  Majesty. 

Alexander,  who  knew  his  master  to  be  inexorable  upon  these 
three  points,  was  courteous  but  peremptory  in  his  statements. 
He  recommended  that  the  rebels  should  take  into  considera- 
tion their  own  declining  strength,  the  inexhaustible  resources 
of  the  King,  the  impossibility  of  obtaining  succour  from 
France,  and  the  perplexing  dilatoriness  of  England,  rather 
than  waste  their  time  in  idle  expectations  of  a  change  in  the 
Spanish  policy.  He  also  intimated,  obliquely  but  very  plainly, 
to  Sainte  Aldegonde,  that  his  own  fortune  would  be  made,  and 
that  he  had  everything  to  hope  from  his  Majesty's  bounty,  if 
he  were  now  willing  to  make  himself  useful  in  carrying  into 
effect  the  royal  plans.' 

The  Prince  urged  these  views  with  so  much  eloquence,  that 
he  seemed,  in  his  own  words,  to  have  been  directly  inspired 
by  the  Lord  for  this  special  occasion.'^  Sainte  Aldegonde, 
too,  was  signally  impressed  by  Alexander's  language,  and 
thoroughly  fascinated — magnetized,  as  it  were — by  his  cha- 
racter. He  subsequently  declared,  that  he  had  often  con- 
versed familiarly  with  many  eloquent  personages,  but  that  he 
had  never  known  a  man  more  powerful  or  persuasive  than 
the  Prince  of  Parma.^  He  could  honestly  say  of  him — as 
Hasdrubal  had  said  of  Scipio — that  Farnese  was  even  more 
admirable  when  seen  face  to  face,  than  he  had  seemed  when 
one  only  heard  of  his  glorious  achievements.* 

'  Strada,  II.  379.     Coinp.  Bor,  II.  606.     Hoofd  Vervolgh,  109. 
'  Strada,  uhi  sup.  *  Ibiii,  <  Ibid, 


244 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  V. 


"The  burgomaster  and  three  deputies,"  wrote  Parma  to 
Philip,  "  were  here  until  the  12th  July.  We  discussed  the 
30th  July,  points  and  form  of  a  capitulation,  and  they  have 
1585.  gone  back  thoroughly  satisfied.  Sainte  Aldegonde 
especially  was  much  pleased  with  the  long  interview  which 
he  had  with  me,  alone,  and  which  lasted  more  than  three 
hours.  I  told  him,  as  well  as  my  weakness  and  suffering  from 
the  tertian  fever  permitted,  all  that  Grod  inspired  me  to  say 
on  our  behalf."  ^ 

Nevertheless,  if  Sainte  Aldegonde  and  his  colleagues  went 
away  thoroughly  satisfied,  they  had  reason,  soon  after  their 
return,  to  become  thoroughly  dejected.  The  magistrates  and 
burghers  would  not  listen  to  a  proposition  to  abandon  the 
three  points,  however  strongly  urged  to  do  so  by  arguments 
drawn  from  the  necessity  of  the  situation,  and  by  representa- 
tions of  Parma's  benignity.  As  for  the  burgomaster,  he  became 
the  target  for  calumny,  so  soon  as  his  three  hours'  private 
interview  became  known  ;  and  the  citizens  loudly  declared 
that  his  head  ought  to  be  cut  oif,  and  sent  in  a  bag,  as  a 
present,  to  Philip,  in  order  that  the  traitor  might  meet  the 
sovereign  with  whom  he  sought  a  reconciliation,  face  to  face, 
as  soon  as  possible.^ 

The  deputies,  immediately  after  their  return,  made  their 
report   to    the   magistrates,   as   likewise  to   the  colonels  and 

15th  July,  captains,  and  to  the  deans  of  guilds.  Next  day, 
1585.  although  it  was  Sunday,  there  was  a  session  of  the 
broad  council,  and  Sainte  Aldegonde  made  a  long  address,  in 
which — as  he  stated  in  a  letter  to  Richardot — he  related 
everything  that  had  passed  in  his  private  conversation  with 
Alexander.  An  answer  was  promised  to  Parma  on  the  follow- 
ing Tuesday,  but  the  burgomaster  spoke  very  discouragingly 
as  to  the  probability  of  an  accord. 


'  "  Se  dieron  los  puntos  y  forma  del 
acuerdo,  con  que  tomaron  a  yr  muy 
satisfechos,  y  el  Aldeg<^«  en  particular 
de  la  larga  platica  que  a  solas  con  el 
mas  de  3  horas  tuve,  diziendole  lo 
que  Dios  me  inspiro  an'"  proposito,  y 
mejor   me    perinitio   la   Haque7,a  y  tra- 


vajo  de  la  terciana."  Parma  to  Philip 
II.,  30  July,  1585,  Arch,  de  Sim.  MS. 

•■'  Bor,  II.  G06.  Hoofd  Vervolgh, 
109. 

'  Mamix  to  Richardot,  15  Jvilj; 
1585,  MS. 


1685.  SUSPICIOUS  CONDUCT  OP  MARNIX.  245 

"The  joy  with  which  our  return  was  greeted,"  he  said, 
"  was  followed  by  a  general  disappointment  and  sadness,  so 
soon  as  the  result  was  known.  The  want  of  a  religious  tole- 
ration, as  well  as  the  refusal  to  concede  on  the  other  two 
points,  has  not  a  little  altered  the  hearts  of  all,  even  of  the 
Catholics.  A  citadel  and  a  garrison  are  considered  ruin  and 
desolation  to  a  great  commercial  city.  I  have  done  what  I 
can  to  urge  the  acceptance  of  such  conditions  as  the  Prince 
is  willing  to  give,  and  have  spoken  in  general  terms  of  his 
benign  intentions.  The  citizens  still  desire  peace.  Had  his 
Highness  been  willing  to  take  both  religions  under  his  pro- 
tection, he  might  have  won  all  hearts,  and  very  soon  all  the 
other  Provinces  would  have  returned  to  their  obedience,  while 
the  clemency  and  magnanimity  of  his  Majesty  would  thus 
have  been  rendered  admirable  throughout  the  world."  ' 

The  power  to  form  an  accurate  conception  as  to  the  nature 
of  Philip  and  of  other  personages  with  whom  he  was  dealing, 
and  as  to  the  general  signs  of  his  times,  seems  to  have  been 
wanting  in  the  character  of  the  gifted  Aldegonde.  He  had 
been  dazzled  by  the  personal  presence  of  Parma,  and  he  now 
spoke  of  Philip  II.,  as  if  his  tyranny  over  the  Netherlands — 
which  for  twenty  years  had  been  one  horrible  and  uniform 
whole — were  the  accidental  result  of  circumstances,  not  the 
necessary  expression  of  his  individual  character,  and  might 
be  easily  changed  at  will — as  if  Nero,  at  a  moment's  warning, 
might  transform  himself  into  Trajan.  It  is  true  that  the  in- 
nermost soul  of  the  Spanish  king  could  by  no  possibility  be 
displayed  to  any  contemporary,  as  it  reveals  itself,  after  three 
centuries,  to  those  who  study  the  record  of  his  most  secret 
thoughts  ;  but,  at  any  rate,  it  would  seem  that  his  career  had 
been  sufficiently  consistent,  to  manifest  the  amount  of  "cle- 
mency and  magnanimity "  which  he  might  be  expected  to 
exercise. 

"  Had  his  Majesty,"  wrote  Sainte  Aldegonde,  "  been  willing, 
since  the  year  sixty-six,  to  pursue  a  course  of  toleration,  the 

'  Mamix  to  Richardot,  just  cited- 


24(5 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  V. 


15th  July,    memory  of  his  reign  would  have  been  sacred  to  all 
1585.        posterity,  with  an  immortal  praise  of  sapiencej  be- 
nignity, and  sovereign  felicity."  ^ 

This  might  be  true,  but  nevertheless  a  tolerating  Philip,  in 
the  year  1585,  ought  to  have  seemed  to  Sainte  Aldegonde  an 
impossible  idea. 

"  The  emperors,"  continued  the  burgomaster,  "  who  imme- 
diately succeeded  Tiberius  were  the  cause  of  the  wisdom 
which  displayed  itself  in  the  good  Trajan — also  a  Spaniard — 
and  in  Antoninus,  Verus,  and  the  rest.^  If  you  think  that 
this  city,  by  the  banishment  of  a  certain  number  of  persons, 
will  be  content  to  abandon  the  profession  of  the  reformed 
faith,  you  are  much  mistaken.  You  will  see,  with  time,  that 
the  exile  of  this  religion  will  be  accompanied  by  a  depopula- 
tion and  a  sorrowful  ruin  and  desolation  of  this  flourishing 
city.  But  this  will  be  as  it  pleases  God.  Meantime  I  shall 
not  fail  to  make  all  possible  exertions  to  induce  the  citizens 
to  consent  to  a  reconciliation  with  his  Majesty.  The  broad 
council  will  soon  give  their  answer,  and  then  we  shall  send  a 
deputation.  We  shall  invite  Holland  and  Zeeland  to  join  with 
us,  but  there  is  little  hope  of  their  consent."* 

Certainly  there  was  little  hope  of  their  consent.  Sainte 
Aldegonde  was  now  occupied  in  bringing  about  the  capitula- 
tion of  Antwerp,  without  any  provision  for  religious  liberty — 
a  concession  which  Parma  had  most  distinctly  refused — and 
it  was  not  probable  that  Holland  and  Zeeland,  after  twenty 
years  of  hard  fighting,  and  with  an  immediate  prospect  of 
assistance  from  England — could  now  be  induced  to  resign  the 
great  object  of  the  contest  without  further  struggle. 

It  was  not  until  a  month  had  elapsed  that  the  authorities 
of  Antwerp  sent  their  propositions  to  the  Prince  of  Parma. 

12th  Aug.,    0^  the  12th  August,  however,  Sainte  Aldegonde, 

1585.       accompanied  by  the  same  three  gentlemen  who  had 

been  employed  on  the  first  mission,  and  by  seventeen  others 


'  Mamix  to  Richardot,  just  cited. 
*  "Lea     premiers     empereurs    apres 
Tybere  rendirent  sages  et  advisoz  pre- 


mierement  le  bon  Trajan,  aussi  Eep»- 
gnol,  et  puis  Antonin,  Verus,"  &c. 
(Ibid.)  '  Ibid. 


1585.  DEPUTATION  TO  THE  PRINCE.  247 

besides,  proceeded  with  safe-conduct  to  the  camp  at  BevereiL 
Here  they  were  received  with  great  urbanity,  and  hospitably 
entertained  by  Alexander,  who  received  their  formal  draft  of 
articles  for  a  capitulation,  and  referred  it  to  be  reported  upon 
to  Kichardot,  Pamel,  and  Yanden  Burgh.  Meantime  there 
were  many  long  speeches  and  several  conferences,  sometimes 
between  all  the  twenty-one  envoys  and  the  Prince  together ; 
on  other  occasions,  more  secret  ones,  at  which  only  Aldegonde 
and  one  or  two  of  his  colleagues  were  present.  It  had  been 
obvious,  from  the  date  of  the  first  interview,  in  the  preceding 
month,  that  the  negociation  would  be  of  no  avail  until  the 
government  of  Antwerp  was  prepared  to  abandon  all  the 
conditions  which  they  had  originally  announced  as  indispen- 
sable. Alexander  had  not  much  disposition  and  no  authority 
whatever  to  make  concessions. 

"  So  far  as  I  can  understand,"  Parma  had  written  on  the 
30th  July,  "  they  are  very  far  from  a  conclusion.  They  have 
most  exorbitant  ideas,  talking  of  some  kind  of  liberty  of  con- 
science, besides  refusing  on  any  account  to  accept  of  garrisons, 
and  having  many  reasons  to  allege  on  such  subjects."  ' 

The  discussions,  therefore,  after  the  deputies  had  at  last 
arrived,  though  courteously  conducted,  could  scarcely  be  satis- 
factory to  both  parties.  "  The  articles  were  thoroughly  de- 
liberated upon,"  wrote  Alexander,  "  by  all  the  deputies,  nor 
did  I  fail  to  have  private  conferences  with  Aldegonde,  that 
most  skilful  and  practised  lawyer  and  politician,*  as  well  as 
with  two  or  three  of  the  others.  I  did  all  in  my  power  to 
bring  them  to  a  thorough  recognition  of  their  errors,  and  to 
produce  a  confidence  in  his  Majesty's  clemency,  in  order  that 
they  might  concede  what  was  needful  for  the  interests  of  the 
Catholic  religion  and  the  security  of  the  city.  They  heard 
all  I  had  to  say  without  exasperating  themselves,  and  without 
interposing   any  strong  objections,    except   in  the  matter  of 

*  "  Hasta   agora   bien   lejos   do  con-  I  cosas  in  su  favor."  MS.  letter,  30  July, 

cluyr.    segun    las     exhorvitancias   que  1585. 

presentan   de   querer  alguna  forma  de  "  "Tan   platico   letrado  j  politico." 

libertad  de   consciencia,  y  en    ninguna  Parma   to   Philip   11.,    25   Aug.    1585, 

manera,    guarnicion,  alegando    muchas  I  MS. 


248  TIIK   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  V. 

reliiHon,  and,  still  more,  in  the  matter  of  the  citadel  and  the 
garrison.  Aldegonde  took  much  pains  to  persuade  me  that 
it  would  be  ruinous  for  a  gi'eat,  opulent,  commercial  city  to 
submit  to  a  foreign  military  force.  Even  if  compelled  by 
necessity  to  submit  now,  the  inhabitants  would  soon  be  com- 
])elled  by  the  same  necessity  to  abandon  the  place  entirely, 
and  to  leave  in  ruins  one  of  the  most  splendid  and  powerful 
cities  in  the  world,  and  in  this  opinion  Catholics  and  heretics 
unanimously  concurred.  The  deputies  protested,  with  one 
accord,  that  so  pernicious  and  abominable  a  thing  as  a  citadel 
and  garrison  could  not  even  be  proposed  to  their  constituents. 
I  answered,  that,  so  long  as  the  rebellion  of  Holland  and 
Zeeland  lasted,  it  would  be  necessary  for  your  Majesty  to  make 
sure  of  Antwerp,  by  one  or  the  other  of  those  means,  but 
promised  that  the  city  should  be  relieved  of  the  incumbrance 
so  soon  as  those  islands  should  be  reduced. 

"  Sainte  Aldegonde  was  not  discouraged  by  this  statement,  but 
in  the  hope  of  convincing  others,  or  with  the  wish  of  showing 
that  he  had  tried  his  best,  desired  that  I  would  hear  him 
before  the  council  of  state.  I  granted  the  request,  and 
Sainte  Aldegonde  then  made  another  long  and  very  elegant 
oration,  intended  to  divert  me  from  my  resolution."^ 

It  must  be  confessed — if  the  reports,  which  have  come  down 
to  us  of  that  long  and  elegant  oration  be  correct — that  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  burgomaster  for  Alexander  was  rapidly 
degenerating  into  idolatry. 

"  We  are  not  here,  0  invincible  Prince,"  he  said,  "  that 
we  may  excuse,  by  an  anxious  legation,  the  long  defence 
which  we  have  made  of  our  homes.  Who  could  have  feared 
any  danger  to  the  most  powerful  city  in  the  Netherlands 
from  so  moderate  a  besieging  force  ?  You  would  yourself 
have  rather  wished  for,  than  approved  of,  a  greater  facility  on 
our  part,  for  the  brave  cannot  love  the  timid.  We  knew  the 
number  of  your  troops,  we  had  discovered  the  famine  in  your 
camp,  we  were  aware  of  the   paucity  of  your  ships,  we  had 

'  '  Otra  larga  y  muy  elegante  ora-  I  propuesto,"  &c.  Parma  to  Philip  II., 
cioa    directiva   a    desviar    me    de    mi    |   MS.  just  cited. 


1585.  ORATION    OF    MARNIX.  249 

heard  of  the  quarrels  in  your  army,  we  were  expecting  daily 
to  hear  of  a  general  mutiny  among  your  soldiers.  Were  we 
to  believe  that  with  ten  or  eleven  thousand  men  you  would 
be  able  to  block  up  the  city  by  land  and  water,  to  reduce  the 
open  country  of  Brabant,  to  cut  off  all  aid  as  well  from  the 
neighbouring  towns  as  from  the  powerful  provinces  of  Holland 
and  Zeeland,  to  oppose,  without  a  navy,  the  whole  strength  of 
our  fleets,  directed  against  the  dyke  ?  Truly,  if  you  liad  been 
at  the  head  of  fifty  thousand  soldiers,  and  every  soldier  had 
possessed  one  hundred  hands,  it  would  have  seemed  impossible 
for  you  to  meet  so  many  emergencies  in  so  many  places,  and 
under  so  many  distractions.  What  you  have  done  we  now 
believe  ]>ossible  to  do,  only  because  we  see  that  it  has  been 
done.  You  have  subjugated  the  Scheldt,  and  forced  it  to 
bear  its  bridge,  notwithstanding  the  strength  of  its  current, 
the  fury  of  the  ocean-tides,  the  tremendous  power  of  the  ice- 
bergs, the  perpetual  conflicts  with  our  fleets.  We  destroyed 
your  bridge,  with  great  slaughter  of  your  troops.  Rendered 
more  courageous  by  that  slaughter,  you  restored  that  mighty 
work.  We  assaulted  the  great  dyke,  pierced  it  through  and 
through,  and  opened  a  path  for  our  ships.  You  drove  us  off 
when  victors,  repaired  the  ruined  bulwark,  and  again  closed 
to  us  the  avenue  of  relief  What  machine  was  there  that  we 
did  not  employ  ?  what  miracles  of  fire  did  we  not  invent  ? 
what  fleets  and  floating  cidadels  did  we  not  put  in  motion  ? 
All  that  genius,  audacity,  and  art,  could  teach  us  we  have 
executed,  calling  to  our  assistance  water,  earth,  heaven,  and 
hell  itself  Yet  with  all  these  efforts,  with  all  this  enginry, 
we  have  not  only  failed  to  drive  you  from  our  walls,  but  we 
have  seen  you  gaining  victories  over  other  cities  at  the  same 
time.  You  have  done  a  thing,  0  Prince,  than  which  there 
is  nothing  greater  either  in  ancient  or  modern  story.  It  has 
often  occurred,  while  a  general  was  besieging  one  city  that 
he  lost  another  situate  farther  off.  But  you,  while  besieging 
Antwerp,  have  reduced  simultaneously  Dendermonde,  Ghent, 
Nymegen,  Brussels,  and  Mechlin."' 

'  Tho  oration  is  reported  by  Strada  I  of  Farnese's  papers  than  will  probably 
II.,  374-376,  who  had  access  to  more  I   ever  be  in  tlie  possession  of  any  other 


250  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

All  this,  and  much  more,  with  florid  rhetoric,  the  burgo- 
master pronounced  in  honour  of  Farnese,  and  the  eulogy 
was  entirely  deserved.  It  was  hardly  becoming,  however, 
for  such  lips,  at  such  a  moment,  to  sound  the  praise  of  him 
whose  victory  had  just  decided  the  downfall  of  religious  liberty, 
and  of  the  national  independence  of  the  Netherlands.  His 
colleagues  certainly  must  have  winced,  as  they  listened  to 
commendations  so  lavishly  bestowed  upon  the  representative 
of  Philip,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  Sainte  Aldegonde's 
growing  unpopularity  should,  from  that  hour,  have  rapidly 
increased.  To  abandon  the  whole  object  of  the  siege,  when 
resistance  seemed  hopeless,  was  perhaps  pardonable,  but  to 
offer  such  lip-homage  to  the  conqueror  was  surely  transgressing 
the  bounds  of  decorum. 

His  conclusion,  too,  might  to  Alexander  seem  as  insolent 
as  the  whole  tenor  of  his  address  had  been  humble  ;  for,  after 
pronouncing  this  solemn  eulogy  upon  the  conqueror,  he  calmly 
proposed  that  the  prize  of  the  contest  should  be  transferred 
to  the  conquered. 

"  So  long  as  liberty  of  religion,  and  immunity  from  citadel 
and  garrison  can  be  relied  upon,"  he  said,  "  so  long  will  Ant- 
werp remain  the  most  splendid  and  flourishing  city  in  Chris- 
tendom ;  but  desolation  will  ensue  if  the  contrary  policy  is  to 
prevail."  ^ 

But  it  was  very  certain  that  liberty  of  religion,  as  well  as 
immunity  from  citadel  and  garrison,  were  quite  out  of  the 
question.  Philip  and  Parma  had  long  been  inexorably  resolved 
upon  all  the  three  points. 

"After  the  burgomaster  had  finished  his  oration,"  wrote 
Alexander  to  his  sovereign,  "  I  discussed  the  matter  with  him 
in  private,  very  distinctly  and  minutely."  ^ 

writer.    It  is  possible  that  the  harangue  1  cular   interview    between    the    Prince 

is  indebted  for  some  of  its  declamatory  and  Marnix,  with  a  full  report  of  this 

exuberance   to  the   imagination   of  the  oration  by  the  latter,  is  not  among  the 

historian ;   but  I  have  Ibund  the  Jesuit,  Simancas  MSS. ;   and  I  have  therefore 

in  general,   very  accurate  in  transcrib-  relied  upon  Strada. 

ing    and     translating     the    diplomatic  '  Ibid. 

documents    relating    to    his   hero.      A  '  MS.  Letter  of  25  Aug.  1G85,  before 

circumstantial    account    of  this    parti-  >  cited. 


I58i: 


PRIVATE  VIEWS  OF  PARMA. 


251 


The  religious  point  was  soon  given  up,  Saiute  Aldegonde 
finding  it  waste  of  breath  to  say  anything  more  about  free- 
dom of  conscience.  A  suggestion  was  however  made  on  the 
subject  of  the  garrison,  which  the  prince  accepted,  because 
it  contained  a  condition  which  it  would  be  easy  to  evade. 

"  Aldegonde  proposed,"  said  Parma,  "  that  a  garrison  might 
be  admissible  if  I  made  my  entrance  into  the  city  merely  with 
infantry  and  cavalry  of  nations  which  were  acceptable — Wal- 
loons, namely,  and  Germans — and  in  no  greater  numbers  than 
sufficient  for  a  body-guard.  I  accepted,  because,  in  substance, 
this  would  amount  to  a  garrison,  and  because,  also,  after  the 
magistrates  shall  have  been  changed,  I  shall  have  no  difficulty 
in  making  myself  master  of  the  people,  continuing  the  garri- 
son, and  rebuilding  the  citadel." ' 

The  Prince  proceeded  to  give  his  reasons  why  he  was 
willing  to  accept  the  capitulation  on  what  he  considered  so 
favourable  terms  to  the  besieged.  Autumn  was  approaching. 
Already  the  fury  of  the  storms  had  driven  vessels  clean  over 
the  dykes  ;  the  rebels  in  Holland  and  Zeeland  were  preparing 
their  fleets — augmented  by  many  new  ships  of  war  and  fire- 
machines — for  another  desperate  attack  upon  the  Palisades, 
in  which  there  was  great  possibility  of  their  succeeding ;  an 
auxiliary  force  from  England  was  soon  expected  ;  so  that,  in 
view  of  all  these  circumstances,  he  had  resolved  to  throw 
himself  at  his  Majesty's  feet  and  implore  his  clemency.  "  If 
this  people  of  Antwerp,  as  the  head,  is  gained,"  said  he, 
"  there  will  be  tranquillity  in  all  the  members."* 

These  reasons  were  certainly  conclusive  ;  nor  is  it  easy  to 
believe,  that,  under  the  circumstances  thus  succinctly  stated 
by  Alexander,  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  the  patriots 
to  hold  out  until  the  promised  succour  from  Holland  and  from 
England  should  arrive.  In  point  of  fact,  the  bridge  could 
not  have  stood  the  winter  which  actually  ensued  ;  for  it  was 
the  repeatedly  expressed  opinion  of  the  Spanish   officers  in 


'  MS.  Letter  of  25  Aug.  1585,  before 
cited. 
'   "  Y  pues  de  la  que  .se  usasse  con 


este  pueblo,  como  cabeza,  ha  de  re- 
sultar  bien  y  tranquilidad  a  loa  miem- 
bros  que  restan,"  Ac.     (Ibid.) 


252  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

Antwerp,  that  the  icebergs  which  then  filled  the  Scheldt  must 
inevitably  have  shattered  twenty  bridges  to  fragments,  had 
there  been  so  many.^  It  certainly  was  superfluous  for  the 
Prince  to  make  excuses  to  Philip  for  accepting  the  proposed 
capitulation.  All  the  prizes  of  victory  had  been  thoroughly 
secured,  unless  pillage,  massacre,  and  rape,  which  had  been 
the  regular  accompaniments  of  Alva's  victories,  were  to  be 
reckoned  among  the  indispensable  trophies  of  a  Spanish  tri- 
umph. 

Nevertheless,  the  dearth  in  the  city  had  been  well  con- 
cealed from  the  enemy  ;  for,  three  days  after  the  surrender, 
not  a  loaf  of  bread  was  to  be  had  for  any  money  in  all  Ant- 
werp, and  Alexander  declared  that  he  would  never  have 
granted  such  easy  conditions  had  he  been  aware  of  the  real 
condition  of  affairs.  ^ 

The  articles  of  capitulation  agreed  upon  between  Parma 
and  the  deputies  were  brought  before  the  broad  council  on 
the  9th  August.  There  was  much  opposition  to  them,  as 
many  magistrates  and  other  influential  personages  entertained 
sanguine  expectations  from  the  English  negotiation,  and  were 
beginning  to  rely  with  confidence  upon  the  promises  of  Queen 
Elizabeth.  The  debate  was  waxing  warm,  when  some  of  the 
councillors,  looking  out  of  window  of  the  great  hall,  perceived 
that  a  violent  mob  had  collected  in  the  streets.^  Furious 
cries  for  bread  were  uttered,  and  some  meagre-looking  indivi- 
duals were  thrust  forward  to  indicate  the  famine  which  was 
prevailing,  and  the  necessity  of  concluding  the  treaty  without 
further  delay.  Thus  the  municipal  government  was  perpetu- 
ally exposed  to  democratic  violence,  excited  by  diametrically 
opposite  influences.  Sometimes  the  burgomaster  was  de- 
nounced for  having  sold  himself  and  his  country  to  the 
Spaniards,  and  was  assailed  with  execrations  for  being  willing 
to  conclude  a  siidden  and  disgraceful  peace.  *  At  other  mo- 
ments he  was  accused  of  forging  letters  containing  promises 
of  succour  from  the  Queen  of  England  and  from  the  authori- 

*  Le  Petit,  II.  502.  '  Meteren,  XII.  225.  '  Le  Petit,  II.  61  a 

*  Bor,  II.  609. 


1585.  CAPITULATION  OF  ANTWERP.  253 

ties  of  Holland,  in  order  to  protract  the  lingering  tortures  of 
the  war.'  Upon  this  occasion  the  peace-mob  carried  its  point. 
The  councillors,  looking  out  of  window,  rushed  into  the  hall 
with  direful  accounts  of  the  popular  ferocity  ;  the  magistrates 
and  colonels  who  had  been  warmest  in  opposition  suddenly 
changed  their  tone,  and  the  whole  body  of  the  broad  council 
accepted  the  articles  of  capitulation  by  a  unanimous  vote.* 

The  window  was  instantly  thrown  open,  and  the  decision 
publicly  announced.  The  populace,  wild  with  delight,  rushed 
through  the  streets,  tearing  down  the  arms  of  the  Duke  of 
Anjou,  which  had  remained  above  the  public  edifices  since 
the  period  of  that  personage's  temporary  residence  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  substituting,  with  wonderful  celerity,  the 
escutcheon  of  Philip  the  Second.^  Thus  suddenly  could  an 
Antwerp  mob  pass  from  democratic  insolence  to  intense 
loyalty. 

The  articles,  on  the  whole,  were  as  liberal  as  could  have 
been  expected.  The  only  hope  for  Antwerp  and  for  a  great 
commonwealth  of  all  the  Netherlands  was  in  holding  out, 
even  to  the  last  gasp,  until  England  and  Holland,  now  united, 
had  time  to  relieve  the  city.  This  was,  unquestionably,  pos- 
sible. Had  Antwerp  possessed  the  spirit  of  Leyden,  had 
William  of  Orange  been  alive,  that  Spanish  escutcheon,  now 
raised  with  such  indecent  haste,  might  have  never  been  seen 
again  on  the  outside  wall  of  any  Netherland  edifice.  Belgium 
would  have  become  at  once  a  constituent  portion  of  a  great 
independent  national  realm,  instead  of  languishing  until  our 
own  century,  the  dependency  of  a  distant  and  a  foreign  me- 
tropolis. Nevertheless,  as  the  Antwerpers  were  not  disposed 
to  make  themselves  martyrs,  it  was  something  that  they 
escaped  the  nameless  horrors  which  had  often  alighted  upon 
cities  subjected  to  an  enraged  soldiery.  It  redounds  to 
the  eternal  honour  of  Alexander  Farnese — when  the  fate  of 
Naarden  and  Haarlem  and  Maestricht,  in  the  days  of  Alva, 
and  of  Antwerp  itself  in  the  horrible  "  Spanish  fury,"  is  re- 
membered— that  there  were  no  scenes  of  violence  and  outrage 

*  Beutivoglio,  P.  II.  L.  III.  292.  '  Le  Petit,  vbi  sup.  ^  Ibid. 


254  THE   UNITED   NETHb]RLANDS.  Chap.  Y. 

in  the  populous  and  wealthy  city,  which  was  at  length  at  his 
uiercy  after  having  defied  him  so  long. 

Civil  and  religious  liberty  were  trampled  in  the  dust,  com- 
merce and  manufactures  were  destroyed,  the  most  valuable 
portion  of  the  citizens  sent  into  hopeless  exile,  but  the  remain- 
ing inhabitants  were  not  butchered  in  cold  blood. 

The  treaty  was  signed  on  the  17th  August.  Antwerp  was 
to  return  to  its  obedience.  There  was  to  be  an  entire  amnesty 
and  oblivion  for  the  past,  without  a  single  exception.  Royalist 
absentees  were  to  be  reinstated  in  their  possessions.  Monas- 
teries, churches,  and  the  King's  domains  were  to  be  restored 
to  their  former  proprietors.  The  inhabitants  of  the  city  were 
to  practise  nothing  but  the  Catholic  religion.  Those  who 
refused  to  conform  were  allowed  to  remain  two  years  for  the 
purpose  of  winding  up  their  affairs  and  selling  out  their  pro- 
perty, provided  that  during  that  period  they  lived  "  without 
scandal  towards  the  ancient  religion" — a  very  vague  and  unsa- 
tisfactory condition.  All  prisoners  were  to  be  released  except- 
ing Teligny.  Four  hundred  thousand  florins  were  to  be  paid 
by  the  authorities  as  a  fine.  The  patriot  garrison  was  to  leave 
the  city  with  arms  and  baggage  and  all  the  honours  of  war.* 

This  capitulation  gave  more  satisfaction  to  the  hungry  por- 
tion of  the  Antwerpers  than  to  the  patriot  party  of  the  Ne- 
therlands. Sainte  Aldegonde  was  vehemently  and  unsparingly 
denounced  as  a  venal  traitor.  It  is  certain,  whatever  his 
motives,  that  his  attitude  had  completely  changed.  For  it 
was  not  Antwerp  alone  that  he  had  reconciled  or  was  endea- 
vouring to  reconcile  with  the  King  of  Spain,  but  Holland  and 
Zeeland  as  well,  and  all  the  other  independent  Provinces,  The 
ancient  champion  of  the  patriot  army,  the  earliest  signer  of 
the  '  Compromise,'  the  bosom  friend  of  William  the  Silent, 
the  author  of  the  '  Wilhelmus'  national  song,  now  avowed  his 
conviction,  in  a  published  defence  of  his  conduct  against  the 


'  Bor,  II.  610-613.  Hoofd  Vervolgh, 
ai-116.  Strada,  II.  378-383.  Com- 
pare, for  the  history  of  the  siege,  which 
he  calls  "the  most   memorable  in  the 


do,'  P.  II.,  L.  xiv.,  Cap.  13-16,  and 
L.  XV.,  C.  1-4  ss.  28,  29.  See  also  De 
Thou,  IX.,  L.  80,  and  81,  Bentivo- 
glio,    P.    II.  L.    III.;    and   the   autho* 


world,"  Herrera,  'Hist.  Gen.  del  Mua-  |  rities  previously  cited. 


1685.  MISTAKES  OF  MARNIX.  255 

calumnious  attacks  upon  it,  "that  it  was  impossible,  with  a 
clear  conscience,  for  subjects,  under  any  circumstances,  to  take 
up  arms  against  Philip,  their  king/"  Certainly  if  he  had 
always  entertained  that  opinion  he  must  have  suffered  many 
pangs  of  remorse  during  his  twenty  years  of  active  and  illus- 
trious rebellion.  He  now  made  himself  secretly  active  in 
promoting  the  schemes  of  Parma  and  in  counteracting  the 
negotiation  with  England.  He  flattered  himself,  with  an  infa- 
tuation which  it  is  difficult  to  comprehend,  that  it  would  be 
possible  to  obtain  religious  liberty  for  the  revolting  Provinces, 
although  he  had  consented  to  its  sacrifice  in  Antwerp.  It  is 
true  that  he  had  not  the  privilege  of  reading  Philip's  secret 
letters  to  Parma,  but  what  was  there  in  the  character  of  the 
King  —  what  intimation  had  ever  been  given  by  the 
Governor-General — to  induce  a  belief  in  even  the  possibility 
of  such  a  concession  ? 

Whatever  Sainte  Aldegonde's  opinions,  it  is  certain  that 
Philip  had  no  intention  of  changing  his  own  policy.  He  at 
first  suspected  the  burgomaster  of  a  wish  to  protract  the 
negotiations  for  a  perfidious  purpose. 

"  Necessity  has  forced  Antwerp,"  he  wrote  on  the  17th  of 
August — the  very  day  on  which  the  capitulation  was  actually 
signed — "  to  enter  into  negotiation.  I  understand  the  arti- 
fice of  Aldegonde  in  seeking  to  prolong  and  make  difficult 
the  whole  affair,  under  pretext  of  treating  for  the  reduction 
of  Holland  and  Zeeland  at  the  same  time.  It  was  therefore 
very  adroit  in  you  to  defeat  this  joint  scheme  at  once,  and 
urge  the  Antwerp  matter  by  itself,  at  the  same  time  not 
shutting  the  door  on  the  others.  With  the  prudence  and 
dexterity  with  which  this  business  has  thus  far  been  managed 
I  am  thoroughly  satisfied."^ 

'  Strada,  II.  379.  |  intento,  y  apretarle  en  io  que  de  Am- 

^  "  Bien    se    ve   que  necessidad  ha  ■  beres,  de  casi  no  cerrando  la  puerta  a 

forzado    .A.raberes    a    las    platicaa    de  j   lo  demas,  y  de  la  cordura  y  destreza 

concierto  que  andan,   y   el  artificio  de 

Aldegonde  en  haber  tentado  dilatar  el 

negocio,  so  color  de  tratar   la  reducion 

de    Holanda  y  Zelanda  juntamente,  y 

asi  fue  muy  acertado  desbaratarle  este 


con  que  todo  esto  se  ha  guiado,  quedo 
muy  enterado  y  satisfecho."  Philip  IL 
fo  Parma,  17  Aug.  1585,  Arch,  de  Sim, 
MS. 


256 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  V. 


The  King  also  expressed  his  gratification  at  hearing  from 
Parma  that  the  demand  for  religious  liberty  in  the  Nether- 
lands would  soon  be  abandoned. 

"  In  spite  of  the  vehemence/'  he  said,  "which  they  manifest 
in  the  religious  matter,  desiring  some  kind  of  liberty,  they 
will  in  the  end,  as  you  say  they  will,  content  themselves  with 
what  the  other  cities,  which  have  returned  to  obedience,  have 
obtained.  Tltis  must  be  done  in  all  cases  without  flinching, 
and  without  permitting  any  modification."' 

What  "  had  been  obtained  "  by  Brussels,  Mechlin,  Ghent, 
was  well  known.  The  heretics  had  obtained  the  choice  of 
renouncing  their  religion  or  of  going  into  perpetual  exile,  and 
this  was  to  be  the  case  "  without  flinching  "  in  Holland  and 
Zeeland,  if  those  provinces  chose  to  return  to  obedience.  Yet 
Sainte  Aldegonde  deluded  himself  with  the  thought  of  a  reli- 
gious peace. 

In  another  and  very  important  letter  of  the  same  date 
Philip  laid  down  his  policy  very  distinctly.  The  Prince  of 
Parma,  by  no  means  such  a  bigot  as  his  master,  had  hinted 
at  the  possibility  of  tolerating  the  reformed  religion  in  the 
places  recovered  from  the  rebels,  suh  silentio,  for  a  period 
not  defined,  and  long  enough  for  the  heretics  to  awake  from 
their  errors. 

"You  have  got  an  expression  of  opinion,  I  see,"  wrote  the 
King  to  Alexander,  "of  some  grave  men  of  wisdom  and 
conscience,  that  the  limitation  of  time,  during  which  the 
heretics  may  live  without  scandal,  may  be  left  undefined  ;  but 
I  feel  very  keenly  the  danger  of  such  a  proposition.  With 
regard  to  Holland  and  Zeeland,  or  any  other  provinces  or 
towns,  the  first  step  must  be  for  them  to  receive  and  maintaia 
alone  the  exercise  of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  to  subject  them- 
selves to  the  Roman  church,  without  tolerating  the  exercise 
of  any  other  religion,  in  city,  village,  farm-house,  or  building 


'  "Que  por  mas  dureza  que  mues- 
tran  en  lo  de  la  religion,  deseando  al- 
Runa  libertad,  al  cabo  se  reduciran  a 
contentarse  en  esta  parte  con  lo  que 
las  otras  villas   que    liaii  venido   a   la 


obediencia,  porque  esto  se  ha  de  hacer 
asi  en  todo  caso,  sin  aflojar,  ni  per- 
niitir  otra  cosa  en  ninguna  manera." 
Philip  to  Parma,  17  Aug.,  MS.  just 
cited. 


1585. 


PHILIP   ON   THE   RELIGIOUS   QUESTION. 


257 


•  thereto  destined  in  the  fields,  or  in  any  place  whatsoever  ; 
and  in  this  regulation  there  is  to  be  no  flaw,  no  change,  no 
concession  by  convention  or  otherwise  of  a  religious  peace,  or 
anything  of  the  sort.  They  are  all  to  embrace  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion,  and  the  exercise  of  that  is  alone  to  be 
permitted.'" 

This  certainly  was  distinct  enough,  and  nothing  had  been 
ever  said  in  public  to  induce  a  belief  in  any  modification  of 
the  principles  on  which  Philip  had  uniformly  acted.  That 
monarch  considered  himself  born  to  suppress  heresy,  and  he 
had  certainly  been  carrying  out  this  work  diiring  his  whole 
lifetime. 

The  King  was  willing,  however,  as  Alexander  had  intimated 
in  his  negotiations  with  Antwerp,  and  previously  in  the 
capitulation  of  Brussels,  Ghent,  and  other  places,  that  there 
should  be  an  absence  of  investigation  into  the  private  cham- 
bers of  the  heretics,  during  the  period  allotted  them  for 
choosing  between  the  Papacy  and  exile. 

"  It  may  be  permitted,"  said  Philip,  "  to  abstain  from 
inquiring  as  to  what  the  heretics  are  doing  within  their  own 
doors,  in  a  private  way,  without  scandal,  or  any  public  exhibi- 
tion of  their  rites  during  a  fixed  time.  But  this  connivance, 
and  the  abstaining  from  executing  the  heretics,  or  from 
chastising  them,  even  although  they  may  be  living  very 
circumspectly,  is  to  be  expressed  in  very  vague  terms."  ** 

Being  most  anxious  to  provide  against  a  second  crop  of 
heretics   to    succeed   the   first,  which  he  was  determined   to 


*  "  Con  todo  sentiera  yo  mucho  ver 
esta  tolerancia  sin  limite.  Ha  de  ser 
el  primo  paso  recebir  y  tener  sola- 
mente  el  egercicio  catolico,  y  subje- 
tarse  a  la  obediencia  de  la  Yglesla 
Romana,  sin  tolerar  ni  consentir  por 
via  de  capitulacion  otro  ningun  eger- 
cicio en  ninguna  villa,  ni  granja,  ni 
parte  destinada  para  el  en  el  campo  ni 
dentro  en  los  lugares  .  .  .  .  y  quanto 
4  esto  no  ha  de  haber  quiebra  ni  mu- 
danza  ni  concederles  por  coneierto 
ninguna  libertad  de  consciencias,  ni 
religions- fried,  ni  otra  c  )Pa  seinojante, 
gino   que   abracen    la   Cat'*  Rom""  con 

VOL.  I.— S 


solo  el  egercicio  della,"  &c.  Philip  II. 
to  Parma,  17  Aug.  1585.  Archive  d» 
Simancas  MS. 

*  "  Mas  bien  se  podra  debaxo  desto 
no  inquirir  lo  que  los  hereges  hicieron 
dentro  de  sus  casas  y  los  unos  en  las 
de  los  otros  enforma  privada  y  sin 
escandalo,  ni  muestra  de  egercicio 
publico  de  sus  sectas  y  herrores  duran- 
te el  dicho  tiempo,  porque  esta  dissi- 
mulacion,  y  no  los  egecutar  ni  castiga." 
aunque  en  lo  del  mal  egemplo  vivon 
menos  recatados  que  debrian  ha  d* 
ser  eu  forma  bien  larga,"     (Ibid.) 


258  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

uproot,  he  took  pains  to  enjoin  with  his  own  hand  upon  Parma  . 
the  necessity  of  putting  in  Catholic  schoolmasters  and  mis- 
tresses  to   the   exclusion  of  reformed   teachers   into   all  the 
seminaries  of  the  recovered  Provinces,  in  order  that  all  the 
boys  and  girls  might  grow  up  in  thorough  orthodoxy.' 

Yet  this  was  the  man  from  whom  Sainte  Aldegonde 
imagined  the  possibility  of  obtaining  a  religious  peace. 

Ten  days  after  the  capitulation,  Parma  made  his  triumphal 
entrance  into  Antwerp  ;  but,  according  to  his  agreement,  he 
spared  the  citizens  the  presence  of  the  Spanish  and  Italian 
soldiers,  the  military  procession  being  composed  of  the 
Germans  and  Walloons.  Escorted  by  his  body-guard,  and 
surrounded  by  a  knot  of  magnates  and  veterans,  among 
whom  the  Duke  of  Arschot,  the  Prince  of  Chimay,  the  Counts 
Mansfeld,  Egmont,  and  Aremberg,  were  conspicuous,  Alex- 
ander proceeded  towards  the  captured  city.  He  was  met  at 
the  Keyser  Gate  by  a  triumphal  chariot  of  gorgeous  workman- 
ship, in  which  sat  the  fair  nymph  Antwerpia,  magnificently 
bedizened,  and  accompanied  by  a  group  of  beautiful  maidens. 
Antwerpia  welcomed  the  conqueror  with  a  kiss,  recited  a 
poem  in  his  honour,  and  bestowed  upon  him  the  keys  of  the 
city,  one  of  which  was  in  gold.  This  the  Prince  immediately 
fastened  to  the  chain  around  his  neck,  from  which  was  sus- 
pended the  lamb  of  the  golden  fleece,  with  which  order  he  had 
just  been,  amid  great  pomp  and  ceremony,  invested. 

On  the  public  square  called  the  Mere,  the  Genoese  mer- 
chants had  erected  two  rostral  columns,  each  surmounted  by 
a  colossal  image,  representing  respectively  Alexander  of 
Macedon  and  Alexander  of  Parma.  Before  the  house  of 
Portugal  was  an  enormous  phoenix,  expanding  her  wings 
quite  across  the  street ;  while,  in  other  parts  of  the  town,  the 
procession  was  met  by  ships  of  war,  elephants,  dromedaries, 
whales,  dragons,  and  other  triumphal  phenomena.  In  the 
market-place  were  seven  statues  in  copper,  personifying  the 
seven  planets,  together  with  an  eighth  representing  Bacchus  ; 
and  perhaps  there  were  good  mythological  reasons  why  the 

1  Philip  II.  to  Parma,  MS.  just  citei 


1585.  TRIUMPHAL  ENTRANCE   OP   ALEXANDER.  259 

god  of  wine,  together  with  so  large  a  portion  of  our  solar 
system,  should  be  done  in  copper  by  Jacob  Jongeling,  to 
honour  the  triumph  of  Alexander,  although  the  key  to  the 
enigma  has  been  lost.' 

The  cathedral  had  been  thoroughly  fumigated  with  frank- 
incense, and  besprinkled  with  holy  water,  to  purify  the  sacred 
precincts  from  their  recent  pollution  by  the  reformed  rites  ; 
and  the  Protestant  pulpits  which  had  been  placed  there,  had 
been  soundly  beaten  with  rods,  and  then  burned  to  ashes.^ 
The  procession  entered  within  its  walls,  where  a  magnificent 
*  Te  Deum'  was  performed,  and  then,  after  much  cannon-firing, 
bell-ringing,  torch-light  exhibition,  and  other  pyrotechnics, 
the  Prince  made  his  way  at  last  to  the  palace  provided  for 
him.  The  glittering  display,  by  which  the  royalists  celebrated 
their  triumph,  lasted  three  days'  long,  the  city  being  thronged 
from  all  the  country  round  with  eager  and  frivolous  spectators, 
who  were  never  wearied  with  examining  the  wonders  of  the 
bridge  and  the  forts,  and  with  gazing  at  the  tragic  memorials 
which  still  remained  of  the  fight  on  the  Kowenstyn. 

During  this  interval,  the  Spanish  and  Italian  soldiery,  not 
willing  to  be  outdone  in  demonstrations  of  respect  to  their 
chief,  nor  defrauded  of  their  rightful  claim  to  a  holiday, 
amused  themselves  with  preparing  a  demonstration  of  a  novel 
character.  The  bridge,  which,  as  it  was  well  known,  was  to 
be  destroyed  within  a  very  few  days,  was  adorned  with 
triumphal  arches,  and  decked  with  trees  and  flowering  plants  ; 
its  roadway  was  strewed  with  branches  ;  and  the  palisades, 
parapets,  and  forts,  were  garnished  with  wreaths,  emblems, 
and  poetical  inscriptions  in  honour  of  the  Prince.  The 
soldiers  themselves,  attired  in  verdurous  garments  of  foliage 
and  flower-work,  their  swart  faces  adorned  with  roses 
and  lilies,  paraded  the  bridge  and  the  dyke  in  fantastic 
procession  with  clash  of  cymbal  and  flourish  of  trumpet, 
dancing,  singing,  and  discharging  their  carbines,  in  all  the 
delirium  of  triumph.     Nor  was  a  suitable  termination  to  the 

'   Bor,    II.    622.      Hoofd    Tervolgh,    I   XII.  225.     Mertens  and  Torfs  V.  258. 
117.     Strada,    H.   383,    seq.     Meteren,  '       ^   Le  Petit  II.  619. 


260  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Cqap.  V. 

festival  wanting,  for  Alexander,  pleased  with  the  genial 
character  of  these  demonstrations,  repaired  himself  to  the 
bridge,  where  he  was  received  with  shouts  of  rapture  by  his 
army,  thus  whimsically  converted  into  a  horde  of  fauns  and 
satyrs.  Afterwards,  a  magnificent  banquet  was  served  to  the 
soldiers  upon  the  bridge.  The  whole  extent  of  its  surface, 
from  the  Flemish  to  the  Brabant  shore — the  scene  so  lately 
of  deadly  combat,  and  of  the  midnight  havoc  caused  by 
infernal  enginery — was  changed,  as  if  by  the  stroke  of  a  wand, 
into  a  picture  of  sylvan  and  Arcadian  merry-making,  and 
spread  with  tables  laden  with  delicate  viands.  Here  sat  thai 
host  of  war-bronzed  figures,  banqueting  at  their  ease,  their 
heads  crowned  with  flowers,  while  the  highest  magnates  of 
the  army,  humouring  them  in  their  masquerade,  served  them 
with  dainties,  and  filled  their  goblets  with  wine.' 

After  these  festivities  had  been  concluded,  Parma  set  him- 
self to  2)ractical  business.  There  had  been  a  great  opposition, 
during  the  discussion  of  the  articles  of  capitulation  to  the 
reconstruction  of  the  famous  citadel.  That  fortress  had  been 
always  considered,  not  as  a  defence  of  the  place  against  a 
foreign  enemy,  but  as  an  instrument  to  curb  the  burghers 
themselves  beneath  a  hostile  power.  The  city  magistrates, 
however,  as  well  as  the  dean  and  chief  officers  in  all  the 
guilds  and  fraternities,  were  at  once  changed  by  Parma — 
Catholics  being  uniformly  substituted  for  heretics.*  In  con- 
sequence, it  was  not  difficult  to  bring  about  a  change  of 
opinion  in  the  broad  council.  It  is  true  that  neither  Papists 
nor  Calvinists  regarded  with  much  satisfaction  the  prospect 
of  military  violence  being  substituted  for  civic  rule,  but  in 
the  first  efi'usion  of  loyalty,  and  in  the  triumph  of  the  ancient 
religion,  they  forgot  the  absolute  ruin  to  which  their  own 
action  was  now  condemning  their  city.  Champagny,  who 
had  once  covered  himself  with  glory  by  his  heroic  though 
unsuccessful  eiforts  to  save  Antwerp  from  the  dreadful 
"  Spanish  fury"  which  had  descended  from  that  very  citadel, 

'  Strada,  II.  387.  I   Archivo  de   Simancas   MS.      Same  to 

»  Parma  to  Philip  IL,  30  Sept.,  1585,    |  same,  11  Nov.  1585.     (Ibid.) 


1585. 


REBUILDING  OF  THE  CITADEL. 


261 


was  now  appointed  governor  of  the  town,  and  devoted  himself 
to  the  reconstruction  of  the  hated  fortress.  "  Champagny 
has  particularly  aided  me/'  wrote  Parma,  "  with  his  rhetoric 
and  clever  management,  and  has  brought  the  broad  council 
itself  to  propose  that  the  citadel  should  be  rebuilt.  It  will 
therefore  be  done,  as  by  the  burghers  themselves,  without 
your  Majesty  or  myself  appearing  to  desire  it."  ^ 

This  was,  in  truth,  a  triumph  of  "  rhetoric  and  clever 
management,"  nor  could  a  city  well  abase  itself  more  com- 
pletely, kneeling  thus  cheerfully  at  its  conqueror's  feet,  and 
requesting  permission  to  put  the  yoke  upon  its  own  neck. 
"  The  erection  of  the  castle  has  thus  been  determined  upon," 
said  Parma,  "  and  I  am  supposed  to  know  nothing  of  the 
resolution."" 

A  little  later  he  observed  that  they  were  "  working  away 
most  furiously  at  the  citadel,  and  that  within  a  month  it  would 
be  stronger  than  it  ever  had  been  before."  * 

The  building  went  on,  indeed,  with  astonishing  celerity, 
the  fortress  rising  out  of  its  ruins  almost  as  rapidly,  under 
the  hands  of  the  royalists,  as  it  had  been  demolished,  but  a 
few  years  before,  by  the  patriots.  The  old  foundations  still 
remained,  and  blocks  of  houses,  which  had  been  constructed 
out  of  its  ruins,  were  thrown  down  that  the  materials  might 
be  again  employed  in  its  restoration.* 

The  citizens,  impoverished  and  wretched,  hurdbly  demanded 
that  the  expense  of  building  the  citadel  might  be  in  part 
defrayed  by  the  four  hundred  thousand  florins  in  which  they 
had  been  mulcted  by  the  capitulation.  "  I  don't  marvel  at 
this,"  said  Parma,  "  for  certainly  the  poor  city  is  most  forlorn 
and  poverty-stricken,  the  heretics  having  all  left  it."^  It  was 
not  long  before  it  was  very  satisfactorily  established,  that  the 
presence  of  those  same  heretics  and  liberty  of  conscience  for 


»  MS.  Letter  of  11  Nov.  1585,  before 
cited.  "  Rhetorica  y  buena  mafia," 
&c. 

«  MS.  Letter,  .^0  Sept.,  1585,  before 
cited. 

3  Letter  ofU  Nov.  1585. 


*  Strada,  IL  394. 

^  "  Pues  es  cierto  esta  la  pobre  vill* 
pobrissima  y  aleanzadissima,  habieii- 
dola  dejado  los  hereges,"  Ac.  MS. 
letter  last  cited. 


262  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

all  men,  were  indispensable  conditions  for  the  prosperity  of 
the  groat  capital.  Its  downfall  was  instantaneous.  The  mer- 
chants and  industrious  artisans  all  wandered  away  from  the 
place  which  had  been  the  seat  of  a  world-wide  traffic.  Civili- 
sation and  commerce  departed,  and  in  their  stead  were  the 
citadel  and  the  Jesuits.  By  express  command  of  Philip,  that 
order,  banished  so  recently,  was  reinstated  in  Antwerp,  as  well 
as  throughout  the  obedient  provinces  ;  and  all  the  schools 
and  colleges  were  placed  under  its  especial  care.  No 
children  could  be  thenceforth  instructed  except  by  the  lips  of 
those  fathers.^  Here  was  a  curb  more  efficacious  even  than 
the  citadel.  That  fortress  was  at  first  garrisoned  with  Wal- 
loons and  Grermans.  "  I  have  not  yet  induced  the  citizens," 
said  Parma,  "  to  accept  a  Spanish  garrison,  nor  am  I  sur- 
prised ;  so  many  of  them  remembering  past  events  (alluding 
to  the  '  Spanish  fury,'  but  not  mentioning  it  by  name),  and 
observing  the  frequent  mutinies  at  the  present  time.  Before 
long,  I  expect,  however,  to  make  the  Spaniards  as  acceptable 
and  agreeable  as  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  themselves."^ 

It  may  easily  be  supposed  that  Philip  was  pleased  with  the 
triumphs  that  had  thus  been  achieved.  He  was  even  grateful, 
or  afiected  to  be  grateful,  to  him  who  had  achieved  them. 
He  awarded  great  praise  to  Alexander  for  his  exertions,  on 
the  memorable  occasions  of  the  attack  upon  the  bridge,  and 
the  battle  uf  the  Kowenstyn  ;  but  censured  him  affectionately 
for  so  rashly  exposing  his  life.  "  I  have  no  words,"  he  said, 
"  to  render  the  thanks  which  are  merited  for  all  that  you 
have  been  doing.  I  recommend  you  earnestly  however  to 
have  a  care  for  the  security  of  your  person,  for  that  is  of  more 
consequence  than  all  the  rest."^ 

After  the  news  of  the  reduction  of  the  city,  he  again  ex- 
jjressed  gratification,  but  in  rather  cold  language.  "  From 
such  obstinate  people,"  said  he,  "  not  more  could  be  extracted 
than  has  been  extracted  ;  therefore  the  capitulation  is  satis- 


'  Strada,  II.  389. 

2  MS.  Letter,  11  Nov.,  1585. 

3  "  Ya  yo  no  se  palabras  con  que 
daros  las  gracias  que  merece  todo  lo 
que  alii  bftceia,  y  m\  DP  dirp  sipo  que 


OS  encomiendo  mucho  que  mireis  por 
la  seguridad  de  vuestra  persona,  puea 
en  esta  va  mas  que  en  todo."  Philip 
1 1,  to  Parma,  5  July,  1585.      Arch,  d© 

Sim.  MS. 


1585.  GRATIFICATION  OF   PHILIP,  263 

factory."*  What  more  he  wished  to  extract  it  would  be 
difficult  to  say,  for  certainly  the  marrow  had  been  extracted 
from  the  bones,  and  the  dead  city  was  thenceforth  left  to 
moulder  under  the  blight  of  a  foreign  garrison  and  an  army 
of  Jesuits.  "  Perhaps  religious  affairs  will  improve  before 
long,"^  said  Philip.  They  did  improve  very  soon,  as  he 
understood  the  meaning  of  improvement.  A  solitude  of 
religion  soon  brought  with  it  a  solitude  in  every  other  regard, 
and  Antwerp  became  a  desert,  as  Sainte  Aldegonde  had  fore 
told  would  be  the  case. 

The  King  had  been  by  no  means  so  calm,  however,  when 
the  intelligence  of  the  capitulation  first  reached  him  at 
Madrid.  On  the  contrary,  his  oldest  courtiers  had  never  seen 
him  exhibit  such  marks  of  hilarity. 

When  he  first  heard  of  the  glorious  victory  at  Lepanto, 
his  countenance  had  remained  impassive,  and  he  had  con- 
tinued in  the  chapel  at  the  devotional  exercises  which  the 
messenger  from  Don  John  had  interrupted.  Only  when 
the  news  of  the  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  first  reached 
him,  had  he  displayed  an  amount  of  cheerfulness  equal  to 
that  which  he  manifested  at  the  fall  of  Antwerp.  "  Never," 
said  Grranvelle,  "  had  the  King  been  so  radiant  with  joy  as 
when  he  held  in  his  hand  the  despatches  which  announced 
the  capitulation."^  The  letters  were  brought  to  him  after  he 
had  retired  to  rest,  but  his  delight  was  so  great  that  he  could 
not  remain  in  his  bed.  Rushing  from  his  chamber,  so  soon 
as  he  had  read  them,  to  that  of  his  dearly-beloved  daughter, 
Clara  Isabella,  he  knocked  loudly  at  the  door,  and  screaming 
through  the  keyhole  the  three  words,  "  Antwerp  is  ours,*/ 
returned  precipitately  again  to  his  own  apartment.* 

It  was  the  general  opinion  in  Spain,  that  the  capture  of 
this  city  had  terminated  the  resistance  of  the  Netherlands. 
Holland  and  Zeeland  would,  it  was  thought,  accept  with  very 
little  hesitation  the  terms  which  Parma  had  been  offering:, 
through   the   agency   of  Sainte   Aldegonde ;    and,    with   the 


1  "  Sacar  mas  que  lo  que  se  ha  sa- 
cado,"  &c.  Philip  to  Parma,  5  Sept., 
1685.     Arch,  de  Sim.  M& 


»Ibid. 

•  Strada,  II.  388,  389. 

*Ibid. 


264  -THE  tJiflTED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

reduction  of  those  two  provinces,  the  Spanish  dominion  over 
the  whole  country  would  of  course  become  absolute.  Secretary 
Idiaquez  observed,  on  drawing  up  instructions  for  Carlo 
Coloma,  a  Spanish  financier  then  departing  on  special  mission 
for  the  Provinces,  that  he  would  soon  come  back  to  Spain, 
for  the  Prince  of  Parma  was  just  putting  an  end  to  the  whole 
Belgic  war.^ 

Time  was  to  show  whether  Holland  and  Zealand  were  as 
malleable  as  Antwerp,  and  whether  there  would  not  be  a 
battle  or  two  more  to  fight  before  that  Belgic  war  would 
come  to  its  end.  Meantime  Antwerp  was  securely  fettered, 
while  the  spirit  of  commerce — to  which  its  unexampled  pro- 
sperity had  been  due — now  took  its  flight  to  the  lands  where 
civil  and  religious  liberty  had  found  a  home. 


NOTE  ON  MARNIX  de  SAINTE  ALDEGONDE. 

As  every  illustration  of  the  career  and  character  of  this  emi- 
nent personage  excites  constant  interest  in  the  Netherlands,  I 
liave  here  thrown  together,  in  the  form  of  an  Appendix,  many 
important  and  entirely  impubUshed  details,  drawn  mainly  from 
the  Archives  of  Simancas,  and  from  the  State  Paper  Office  and 
British  Musaeura  in  London. 


The  ex-burgomaster  seemed  determined  to  counteract  the 
j>olicy  of  tliose  Netherlanders  who  wished  to  offer  the  sovereignty 
of  the  Provinces  to  the  Enghsh  Queen.  He  had  been  earnestly 
in  favour  of  annexation  to  France,  for  his  sympathies  and  feehnga 
'were  eminently  French.  He  had  never  been  a  friend  to  England, 
and  he  was  soon  aware  that  a  strong  feeling  of  indignation — • 
whether  just  or  unjust — existed  against  him  both  in  that  country 
and  in  the  Netherlands,  on  account  of  the  surrender  of  Antwerp. 

"  I  have  had  large  conference  with  ViUiers,"  Avrote  Sir  John 
Norris  to  Walsingham,  "  he  condemneth  Ste.  Aldegonde's  doings, 
but  will  impute  it  to  fear  and  not  to  malice.  Ste.  Aldegonde, 
not\vithstanding  that  he  was  forbidden  to  come  to  Holland,  and 
laid  for  at  the  fleet,  yet  stole  secretly  to  Dort,  where  they  say  h« 

I  Strada,  II.  389. 


1585.  NOTE  ON  SAINTE  ALDEGONDE.  265 

is  staid,  but  I  doubt  he  will  be  heard  sj^eak,  and  then  assuredly 
he  will  do  great  hurt.'" 

It  was  most  certainly  Sainte  Aldegonde's  determination,  so  soon 
as  the  capitulation  of  Antwerp  had  been  resolved  upon,  to  do 
his  utmost  to  restore  all  the  independent  Provinces  to  their 
ancient  allegiance.  Rather  Spanish  than  English  was  his  settled 
resolution.  Lil)erty  of  religion,  if  possible — that  was  his  che- 
rished Avish — but  still  more  ardently,  perhaps,  did  he  desire  to 
prevent  the  country  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  Elizabeth. 

"  The  Prince  of  Parma  hath  conceived  such  an  assured  hope 
of  the  fidelity  of  Aldegonde,"  wrote  one  of  Walsingham's  agents, 
Richard  Tomson,  "  in  reducing  the  Provinces,  yet  enemies,  into 
a  perfect  subjection,  that  the  Spaniards  are  so  well  persuaded  of 
the  man  as  if  he  had  never  been  against  them.  They  say,  about 
the  middle  of  this  month,  he  departed  for  Zeeland  and  Holland, 
to  prosecute  the  effect  of  his  promises,  and  I  am  the  more 
induced  to  believe  that  he  is  become  altogether  Spanish,  for  that 
the  common  bruit  goeth  that  he  hastened  the  surrendering  of 
the  town  of  Antwerp,  after  he  had  intelligence  of  the  coming 
of  the  English  succours.'" 

There  was  naturally  much  indignation  felt  in  the  indepen- 
dent Provinces,  against  all  who  had  been  thought  instrumental 
in  bringing  about  the  reduction  of  the  great  cities  of  Flanders. 
Famars,  governor  of  Mechlin,  Van  den  Tympel,  governor  of 
Brussels,  Martini,  who  had  been  active  in  effecting  the  capitu- 
lation of  Antwerp,  were  all  arrested  in  Holland.  "  From  all 
that  I  can  hear,"  said  Parma,  "  it  is  likely  that  they  will  be 
very  severely  handled,  which  is  the  reason  why  Ste.  Aldegonde, 
although  he  sent  his  wife  and  children  to  Holland,  has  not 
ventured  thither  himself  It  appears  that  they  threaten  him 
there,  but  he  means  now  to  go,  under  pretext  of  demanding  to 
justify  himself  from  the  imputations  against  him.  Although 
he  tells  me  freely  that,  without  some  amplification  of  the  con- 
cessions hitherto  made  on  the  point  of  religion,  he  hopes  for  no 
good  result,  yet  I  trust  that  he  will  do  good  offices  in  the  mean- 
time, in  spite  of  the  difficulties  which  obstruct  his  efforts. 
On  my  part,  every  exertion  will  be  made,  and  not  without  hope 
of  some  fruit,  if  not  before,  at  least  after,  these  people  have 
become  as  tired  of  the  English  as  they  were  of  the  French."' 

>  Sir  John  Norrevs  to   Walsingham,  I  singham,  29th  August,  1585  (o.s.)  S.  P. 
Aug.    24    (O.S.),    1585.      S.    P.    Offico     Ofliec,  M.S. 
MS.  I      ■'    Parma    to   Philip   II.      Arch,    do 

«    Richard   Tomson   to   Sir  F.   Wal-  |  Sim.  MS. 

VOL.    I. — 10 


266  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

Of  this  mutual  ill-feeling  between  the  English  and  the  bur- 
gomaster, there  can  be  no  doubt  whatever.  The  Queen's  gov- 
ernment was  fully  aware  of  his  efforts  to  counteract  its  ne- 
gotiation with  the  Netherlands,  and  to  bring  about  their 
reconciliation  with  Spain.  When  the  Earl  of  Leicester — as  will 
soon  be  related — arrived  in  the  Provhices,  he  was  not  long  in 
comprehending  his  attitude  and  his  influence. 

"  I  wrote  somewhat  of  Sir  Aldegonde  in  putting  his  case," 
wrote  Leicester,  "  but  this  is  certain,  I  have  the  copy  of  his 
very  letters  sent  hither  to  practise  the  peace  not  two  days  before 
I  came,  and  this  day  one  hath  told  me  that  loves  him  well,  that 
he  hates  our  countrymen  unrecoverably.     I  am  sorry  for  it.'" 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Queen  was  very  indignant  with  the 
man  whom  she  looked  upon  as  the  paid  agent  of  Sjain.  She 
considered  him  a  renegade,  the  more  dangerous  because  his 
previous  services  had  been  so  illustrious.  "  Her  Majesty's  mis- 
like  towards  Ste.  Aldegonde  continueth,"  wrote  Walsingham  to 
Leicester,  "  and  she  taketh  offence  that  he  was  not  restrained 
of  his  liberty  by  your  Lordship's  order.'"  It  is  unquestion- 
able that  the  ex-burgomaster  intended  to  do  his  best  towards 
effecting  the  reconciliation  of  all  the  Provinces  with  Spain  ;  and 
it  is  equally  certain  that  the  King  had  offered  to  j^ay  him  well, 
if  he  j^roved  successful  in  his  endeavours.  There  is  no  proof, 
however,  and  no  probability  that  Sainte  Aldegonde  ever  accepted 
or  ever  intended  to  accept  the  proffered  bribe.  On  the  contrary, 
his  whole  recorded  career  ought  to  disprove  the  supposition. 
Yet  it  is  painful  to  find  him,  at  this  crisis,  assiduous  in  his 
attempts  to  undo  the  great  work  of  his  own  life,  and  still  more 
distressing  to  find  that  great  rewards  Avere  distinctly  offered  to 
him  for  such  service.  Immense  promises  had  been  frequently 
made  no  doubt  to  William  the  Silent ;  nor  could  any  jJublic 
man,  in  such  times,  be  so  j^ure  that  an  attempt  to  tamper  with 
him  might  not  be  made  ;  but  when  the  personage,  thus  solicited, 
was  evidently  acting  in  the  interests  of  the  tempters,  it  is  ncifc 
surprising  that  he  should  become  the  object  of  grave  suspicion. 

"  It  does  not  seem  to  me  bad,"  wrote  Philip  to  Pamia,  "  this 
negotiation  which  you  have  commenced  with  Ste.  Aldegonde,  in 
order  to  gain  him,  and  thus  to  employ  his  services  in  bringing 
about   a   reduction   of  the   islands    (Holland   and    Zeeland).     In 

•  '  Con-espondence    of   Robert   Dud-  I      37.  28,  -  Dec.  1585. 
ley,    J^jarl    01    Leycester,    in    the    years  2o 

1585  and  1586,  edited  by  .Tohn  Bmoe.'         ^  '  Leycester'a     Correspondence,'    by 
Printed  for  the  Camden  Society,  1844.  1  Bruce  p.  36,  Dec.  1585. 


1585. 


NOTE    ON   SAINTE   ALDEGONDE. 


267 


exchange  for  this  work,  any  thing  Avhicli  you  tliink  prof>er  to 
offer  to  hira  as  a  reward,  will  be  capital  well  invested  ;  but  it 
must  not  be  given  until  the  job  is  done." ' 

But  the  job  was  hard  to  do,  and  Sainte  Aldegonde  cared  nothing 
for  the  offered  bribe.  He  was,  however,  most  strangely  con- 
fident of  being  able  to  overcome,  on  the  one  hand,  the  opposition 
of  Holland  and  Zeeland  to  the  hated  authority  of  S})ain,  and,  on 
the  other,  the  intense  abhoi*rence  entertained  by  Phili2>  to  liberty 
of  conscience. 

Soon  after  the  capitulation,  he  applied  for  a  passport  to  visit 
those  tAvo  Provinces.  Permission  to  come  was  refused  him. 
Honest  men  from  Antwerp,  he  was  informed,  would  be  always 
Avelcome,  but  there  was  no  room  for  him.*  There  was,  however 
— or  Parma  persuaded  himself  that  there  was — a  considerable 
party  in  those  countries  in  favour  of  reconciliation  Avith  Spain. 
If  the  ex-burgomaster  could  gain  a  hearing,  it  was  thought 
probable  that  liis  eloquence  would  prove  very  effective. 

"  VTe  have  been  making  efforts  to  bring  about  negotiations 
with  Holland  and  Zeeland,"  wrote  Alexander  to  Philip.  "  Gelder- 
land  and  Overyssel  likewise  show  signs  of  good  disposition,  but 
I  have  not  soldiers  enough  to  animate  the  good  and  terrify  the 
bad.  As  for  Holland  and  Zeeland,  there  is  a  strong  inclination 
on  the  part  of  the  people  to  a  reconciliation,  if  some  concession 
could  be  made  on  the  religious  question,  but  the  governors 
oppose  it,  because  they  are  perverse,  and  are  relying  on  assist- 
ance from  England.  Could  this  religious  concession  be  made,  an 
arrangement  could,  Avithout  doubt,  be  accomplished,  and  more 
quickly  than  people  think.  Nevertheless,  in  such  a  delicate 
matter,  I  am  obhged  to  await  your  Majesty's  exact  instructions 
and  ultimatum."  ^ 

He  then  proceeded  to  define  exactly  the  position  and  inten 
tions  of  the  burgomaster. 

"  The  government  of  Holland  and  Zeeland,"  he  said,  "  have 
refused  a  passport  to  Ste.  Aldegonde,  and  express  dissatisfaction 
with  him  for  having  surrendered  Antwerp  so  soon.  They  know 
that  he  has  much  credit  Avith  the  people  and  with  the  ministers 
of  the  S(!cts,  and  they  are  in  much  fear  of  him  because  he  in 
inclined  for  peace,   which  is  against  their  interests.     They  ai-e, 


>  "  que    a   trueque    dello   sera 

bien  empleado  lo  que  vieredes  que 
combendra  ofrecelle  para  darselo  des- 
puea  de  hecho  el  efecto." — Philip  11. 
to   Parma,    5th   Sept,  1585.     Arch,  do 


Sim.  MS. 

2  Bor,  II.  614-620.  Hoofd  Ver- 
volgh,  116. 

s  Parma  to  Philip  II.  30tb  Sept 
1585,    Arch,  de  Sira.  MS. 


268 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  Y, 


therefore,  endeavouring  to  counteract  my  negotiations  with 
liim.  These  have  been,  tlius  far,  only  in  general  terms.  I  have 
sought  to  induce  him  to  perform  the  offices  required,  without 
giving  him  reason  to  expect  any  concession  as  to  the  exercise  of 
religion.  He  persuades  hhnself  that.,  hi,  the  end.,  there  will  he  some 
satisfaction  obtained  ujion  this  point.,  and,  under  this  impression  he 
considers  the  peace  as  good  as  concluded,  there  remaining  no 
doubt  as  to  other  matters.  He  has  sent  his  wife  to  Zeeland,  and 
is  himself  going  to  Germany,  where,  as  he  says,  he  will  do  all 
the  good  service  that  he  can.  He  hopes  that  very  shortly  the 
Provinces  will  not  only  invite,  but  implore  him  to  come  to  them ; 
in  which  case,  he  promises  me  to  perform  miracles."  ' 

Alexander  then  proceeded  to  pay  a  distinct  tribute  to  Sainte 
Aldegonde's  motives ;  and,  when  it  is  remembered  that  the 
statement  thus  made  is  contained  in  a  secret  despatch,  in  cipher, 
to  the  King,  it  may  be  assumed  to  convey  the  sincere  opinion  of 
the  man  most  quaUfied  to  judge  correctly  as  to  this  calumniated 
person's  character. 

"  Ste.  Aldegonde  offers  me  wonders,"  he  said,  "  and  I  have 
promised  him  that  he  shall  be  recompensed  very  largely ;  yet, 
although  he  is  poor,  I  do  not  find  him  influenced  by  mercenary 
or  selfish  considerations,  but  only  very  set  in  opinions  regarding 
his  religion."  ^ 

The  Prince  had  however  no  doubt  of  Sainte  Aldegonde's  sin- 
cerity, for  sincerity  was  a  leading  characteristic  of  the  man.  His 
word,  once  given,  was  sacred,  and  he  hud  given  his  word  to  do  his 
best  towards  effecting  a  reconciliation  of  the  Provinces  with  Spain, 
and  frustrating  the  efforts  of  England.  "  Through  the  agency 
of  Ste.  Aldegonde  and  that  of  others,"  wrote  Parma,  "  I  shall 
watch,  day  and  night,  to  bring  about  a  reduction  of  Holland  and 
Zeeland,  if  humanly  possible.  I  am  quite  j^ersuaded  that  they 
wUl  soon  be  sick  of  the  English,  who  are  now  arriving,  broken 
down,  without  arms  or  money,  and  obviously  incapable  of  holding 
out  very  long.  Doubtless,  however,  this  English  alliance,  and 
the  determination  of  the  Queen  to  do  her  utmost  against  us, 
complicates  matters,  and  assists  the  government  of  Holland  and 
Zeeland  in  opposing  the  inchnations  of  their  people."  ^ 

Nothing    ever    came    of   these    intended    negotiations.      The 


»  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  30  Sept.,  MS. 
just  cited. 

^  —  "en  el  cual  caso  ofreee  mara- 
villas,  como  le  he  ofrecido  yo  de  que 
sera    recompensado    muy    largamenle, 


aunque    si   bien    es    pobre   no   le   veo 
interesado,    mas  tan   solameute  puesto 
en  la  opinion  de  su  religion.'"     Ibid. 
■^  Ibid. 


158S.  NOTE  ON  SAINTE  ALDEGONDE.  269 

miracles  were  never  wrought,  .incl  even  had  Sainte  Aldegonde  been 
as  venal  as  he  was  suspected  of  being — which  we  have  thus  proof 
positive  that  he  was  not — he  never  could  have  obtained  the 
recompense,  which,  according  to  Philip's  thrifty  policy,  was  not 
to  be  paid  until  it  had  been  earned.  Sainte  Aldegonde's  hands 
Avere  clean.  It  is  pity  that  we  cannot  render  the  same  tribute 
to  his  political  consistency  of  character.  It  is  also  certain  that 
he  remained — not  Avithout  reason — for  a  long  time  under  a  cloud. 
He  became  the  object  of  unboimded  and  reckless  calumny. 
Antwerp  had  fallen,  and  the  necessary  consequence  of  its  rediu> 
tion  was  the  complete  and  permanent  pix)stration  of  its  commerce 
and  manufactures.  These  were  transferred  to  the  new,  free, 
national,  independent,  and  prosperous  commonwealth  that  had 
risen  in  the  "  islands"  which  Parma  and  Sainte  Aldegonde  had 
vainly  hoped  to  restore  to  their  ancient  servitude.  In  a  very 
few  years  after  the  subjugation  of  Antwerp,  it  appeared  by 
statistical  documents  that  nearly  all  the  manufactures  of  linen, 
coarse  and  fine  cloths,  serges,  fustians,  tapestry,  gold  embroidery, 
arras-work,  silks,  and  velvets,  had  been  transplanted  to  the  towns 
of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  which  were  flourishing  and  thriving, 
while  the  Flemish  and  Brabantine  cities  had  become  mere  dens 
of  thieves  and  beggars.  It  was  in  the  mistaken  hojie  of  averting 
this  catastrophe — as  melancholy  as  it  was  inevitable — and  in 
despair  of  seeing  all  the  Netherlands  x;nited,  imless  united  in 
slavery,  and  in  deep-rooted  distrust  of  the  designs  and  policy 
of  England,  that  this  statesman,  once  so  distinguished,  had 
listened  to  the  insidious  tongue  of  Parma.  He  had  sought  to 
eifect  a  general  reconciliation  with  Spain,  and  the  only  result 
of  his  efibrts  was  a  blight  vipon  his  own  illustrious  name. 

He  published  a  defence  of  his  conduct,  and  a  detailed  accoimt 
of  tlie  famous  siege.  His  apology,  at  the  time,  was  not  considered 
t;()nclusive,  but  his  narrative  remains  one  of  the  clearest  and 
most  trustworthy  sources  for  the  history  of  these  important 
transactions.  He  was  never  brought  to  trial,  but  he  discovered, 
with  bitterness,  that  he  had  cominitted  a  fatal  error,  and  that  his 
politicid  influence  had  passed  away.  He  addressed  numerous 
private  epistles  to  eminent  persons,  indignantly  denying  the 
imputations  against  his  character,  and  demanding  an  investiga- 
tion. Among  other  letters  ha  observed  in  one  to  Count  Hohenlo, 
that  he  was  astonished  and  grieved  to  find  that  all  his  faithful 
iabours  and  sufierings  in  the  cause  of  his  fatherland  had  been  for- 
gotten in  an  hour.  In  place  of  praise  and  gratitude,  he  had 
reaped  nothing  but   censure  and  calumny;   because  men  ever 


270  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

judged,  not  by  the  merits,  Imt  by  the  isstie.  That  common  people 
should  be  so  mijust,  he  siiid,  was  not  to  be  wondered  at,  but  of 
men  like  Hohenlo  he  had  hoped  better  thhigs.  He  asserted  that 
he  had  saved  Antwerp  from  another  "  Spanish  fury,"  and  from 
impending  destruction — a  city  in  which  there  was  not  a  single 
regular  soldier,  and  in  which  his  personal  authority  was  so  slight 
that  he  was  unable  to  count  the  number  of  his  masters.  If  a 
man  had  ever  performed  a  service  to  his  country,  he  claimed  to 
have  done  so  in  this  capitulation.  Nevertheless,  he  declared  that 
he  was  the  same  Philip  Marnix,  earnestly  devoted  to  the  service 
of  God,  the  true  religion,  and  the  fatherland ;  although  he 
avowed  himself  weary  of  the  war,  and  of  this  perpetual  offering 
of  the  Netherland  sovereignty  to  foreign  potentates.  He  was 
now  going,  he  said,  to  his  estates  in  Zeeland  ;  there  to  turn  farmer 
again ;  renouncing  public  affairs,  in  the  administration  of  which 
he  had  experienced  so  much  ingratitude  from  his  country- 
men.' Count  Maurice  and  the  States  of  Holland  and  Zeeland 
wrote  to  him,  hoAvever,  in  very  ])lain  language,  describing  the 
public  indignation  as  so  strong  as  to  make  it  unsafe  for  him  to 
visit  the  country.* 

The  Netherlands  and  England — so  soon  as  they  were  united  in 
policy — were,  not  without  reason,  indignant  with  the  man  who 
had  made  such  strenuous  efforts  to  prevent  that  miion.  The 
English  were,  in  truth,  deeply  offended.  He  had  systematically 
opposed  their  schemes,  and  to  his  prejudice  against  their  country, 
and  distrust  of  their  intentions,  they  attributed  the  fall  of 
Antwerp.  Envoy  Davison,  after  his  return  to  Holland,  on  the 
conclusion  of  the  English  treaty,  at  once  expressed  his  suspicions 
of  the  ex-burgomaster,  and  the  great  dangers  to  be  apprehended 
from  his  presence  in  the  free  States.  "  Here  is  some  working 
underhand,"  said  he  to  Walsingham,  "  to  draw  hither  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde,  under  a  pretext  of  his  justification,  which — as  it  has 
hitherto  been  denied  him — so  is  the  sequel  suspected,  if  he 
should  obtain  it  before  they  were  well  settled  here,  betwixt  her 
Majesty  and  them,  considering  the  manifold  presumptions  that 
the  subject  of  his  journey  should  be  little  profitable  or  advanta- 
geous to  the  state  of  these  poor  countries,  as  tending,  at  the  best, 
to  the  propounding  of  some  general  reconcilement." '  It  was 
certainly  not  without  substantial  grounds  that  the  English  and 
Hollanders,  after  concluding  their  articles  of  alliance,  felt  uneasy 

'  Bor,  II.  614.  *  Ibid. 

»  Davison  to  Walsingbam,  Sept.  -  1585  S.  P.  Office  MS. 


15S5.  NOTE  ON  SAINTE  ALDEGONDE.  27 1 

at  the  possibility  of  finding  their  plans  reversed  by  the  intrigues 
of  a  man  whom  they  knew  to  be  a  mediator  between  Spain  and 
her  revolted  Provinces,  and  whom  they  suspected  of  being  a 
venal  agent  of  the  Catholic  King.  It  was  given  out  that  Philip 
had  been  induced  to  promise  liberty  of  religion,  in  case  of 
reconciliation.  We  have  seen  that  Parma  was  at  heart  in 
favour  of  such  a  course,  an  d  that  he  was  very  desirous  of  inducing 
Marnix  to  believe  in  the  possibility  of  obtaining  such  a  boon, 
however  certain  the  Prince  had  been  made  by  the  King's  secret 
letters,  that  such  a  belief  was  a  delusion.  "  Martini  hath  l)een 
examined,"  wrote  Davison,  "  who  confesseth  both  for  himself 
and  others,  to  be  come  hither  by  direction  of  the  Prince  of  Parma 
and  intelligence  of  Sainte  Aldegonde,  from  whom  he  was  first 
addressed  by  Villiers  and  afterwards  to  others  for  advice  and 
assistance.  That  the  scoj^e  of  this  direction  was  to  induce  them 
here  to  hearken  to  a  peace,  wherein  the  Prince  of  Parma  pro- 
raiseth  them  toleration  of  religion,  although  he  confesseth  yet 
to  have  no  absolute  jiower  in  that  behalf,  but  hath  written  thereof 
to  the  King  expressly,  and  holdeth  himself  assured  thereof  hy  the 
first  post^  as  I  have  likewise  been  advertised  from  Rowland  York, 
which  if  it  had  been  propounded  openly  here  before  things  had 
been  concluded  with  her  Majesty,  and  order  taken  for  her 
assurance,  your  honour  can  judge  what  confusion  it  must  of 
necessity  have  brought  forth."  ' 

At  last,  when  Marnix  liad  l)eeome  convinced  that  the  toleration 
would  not  arrive  "by  the  very  next  mail  from  Spain,"  and  that, 
in  truth,  such  a  l)lessing  was  not  to  be  expected  through  the 
post-office  at  all,  he  felt  an  inward  consciousness  of  the  mistake 
whi(;h  he  had  committed.  Too  credulously  had  he  inclined  his 
ear  to  the  voice  of  Parma  ;  too  obstinately  had  he  steeled  his 
heart  against  Elizabeth,  and  he  was  now  the  more  anxious  to 
clear  himself  at  least  from  the  charges  of  corruption  so  cla- 
morously made  against  liim  by  Holland  and  by  England.  Con- 
scious of  no  fault  more  censurable  than  credulity  and  i)rejudice, 
feeling  that  his  long  fidelity  to  the  reformed  religion  ought  to  be 
a  defence  for  him  against  his  calumniators,  he  was  desirous  both 
to  clear  his  own  honour,  and  to  do  at  least  a  tardy  justice  to 
England.  He  felt  confident  that  loyal  natures,  like  those  of 
Davison  and  his  colleagues  at  home,  would  recognize  his  own 
loyalty.  He  trusted,  not  Avithout  cause,  to  English  honour,  and 
coming   to   his   manor-house    of   Zoubourg,    near    Flushing,    he 

^  Davisou  to  Walsinglmiu,  Sept.  1585. 


272 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  Y 


addressed  a  letter  to  the  ambassador  of  Elizabeth,  in  which 
the  strong  desire  to  vindicate  his  aspersed  integrity  is  quite 
manifest. 

"  I  am  A^ery  joyous,"  said  he,  "  that  coming  hither  in  order  to 
justify  myself  against  the  talse  and  malignant  imputations  with 
which  they  charge  me,  I  have  learned  your  arrival  here  on  the 
part  of  her  Majesty,  as  well  as  the  soon  expected  coming  of  the 
Earl  of  Leicester.  I  see,  in  truth,  that  the  Lord  God  is  just, 
and  never  abandons  his  own.  I  have  never  spared  myself  in  the 
servnce  of  my  country,  and  I  would  have  sacrificed  my  life,  a 
thousand  times,  had  it  been  possible,  in  her  cause.  Now,  I  am 
receiving  for  all  this  a  guerdon  of  blame  and  calumny,  which  is 
cast  upon  me  in  order  to  cover  up  faults  which  have  been 
committed  by  others  in  past  days.  I  hope,  however,  to  come 
soon  to  give  you  welcome,  and  to  speak  more  particularly  to  you 
of  all  these  things.  Meantime  demanding  my  justification  before 
these  gentlemen,  Avho  ought  to  have  known  me  better  than  to 
have  added  faith  to  such  villanous  imputations,  I  will  entreat 
you  that  my  definite  justification,  or  condemnation, — if  I  have 
merited  it, — may  be  reserved  till  the  arrival  of  Lord  Leicester."  ' 


'  Sainte  Aldegonde  to  Davison, 
2^tll  1585,    S.   P.    Office    MS.     (The 

Nov.  9 

letter  is  in  French.) 

"Walsingham  always  entertained  a 
high  opinion  of  Sainte  Aldegonde's 
integrity.  "  Je  pourrois  a  bon  droit 
estre  taxe,"  wrote  Marnix,  in  answer 
to  a  letter  from  Sir  Francis,  "ou  de 
stupidite,  ou  d'ingratitude — d'autant 
plus  qu'  en  une  commune  opinion, 
mesmes  de  ceux  qui  estoyent  plus 
proches  tesmoigns  de  mes  actions,  et 
avoyent  plus  de  commodite  d'  en  pou- 
Toir  juger  a  la  verite,  si  ils  en  eussent 
prendre  la  peine  il  vous  a  pleu,  en 
estant  beaucoup  plus  csloigne,  et  plus 
environne  de  prejugus,  maintenir  con- 
stamment  ] 'impression  qu'  aviez  une 
fois  conceue  de  mon  integrete.  ^  j|.  ^ 
Et  pleut  a  Dieu  que  j'eusse  peu  avoir 
gens  de  qualite  et  de  jugement  tels 
qu'  est  V.  S.  ou  spectateurs,  ou  juges 
de  mes  conseils  et  procedures.  Je 
m'asseure  qu'  en  lieu  de  blame,  que, 
ou  les  ignorans  ou  les  malicieux  m'ont 
mis  sus,  j'en  eusse  rapporte  louange  et 
gloire.  Tant  y  a  que  rends  graces  en- 
core pour  ce  jour  d'huy  a  mon  Dieu, 
de  ce  qu'  en  ces  grandes  extremites, 
eoviroaaes  de  tant  de  difficultes,  U  ne 


m'a  oncques  si  avant  prive  de  son  es- 
prit, que  je  n'aye  toujours  eu  mon  seul 
but  et  la  gloire  de  son  nom  et  la  con- 
servation de  ses  eglises.  Ce  que  je 
vous  prie  de  croire,  et  vous  asseure 
qu'en  cette  resolution  je  desire  vivre 
et  mourir."  Marnix  de  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde   to    Walsingham,    May  -,  1586, 

from  Zoubourg.  S.  P.  Office  MS. 

"  The  Count  Maurice,"'  wrote  envoy 
and  counsellor  Wilkes,  a  year  later, 
from  Utrecht,  "  is  loved  and  respected 
here  of  the  people,  for  the  merits  of 
his  late  father;  and  is  (so  far  as  I  can 
judge)  like  to  succeed  him  in  wisdom 
and  sufficiency.  I  cannoi  discern  that 
there  is  any  doubt  to  be  had  of  him, 
that  he  should  be  led  away  by  any 
persuasion  to  seek  his  advancement 
but  by  her  Majesty ;  and  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde, contrary  to  the  opinion  conceived 
of  him  by  her  Majesty,  is  noted  here  of 
all  men  to  he  a  good  j)atriot,  and  worthy 
to  be  employed  in  the  services  here,  in 
respect  of  his  ability  and  wisdom,  hov)- 
heit  I  perceive  {to  take  away  the  offence 
that  may  be  mustered  to  her  Majesty) 
they  are  contented  to  forbear  the  use  of  his 
services."  Wilkes  to  tlie  Lords  of  Coun- 
cU,    20th  Aug.  1586.  S,  P.  Office  M& 


1585.  NOTE  ON  SAINTE  ALDEGONDE.  273 

This  certainly  was  not  the  language  of  a  culprit.  Neverthe- 
less, his  words  did  not  immediately  make  a  deep  impression  on 
the  hearts  of  those  Avho  heard  him.  He  had  come  secretly  to 
his  house  at  Zoubourg,  having  previously  published  his  memora- 
ble apology ;  and  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  English 
government,  he  was  immediately  confined  to  his  own  house. 
Confidence  in  the  intention  of  a  statesman,  who  had  at  least 
committed  such  grave  errors  of  judgment,  and  who  had  been  so 
deeply  suspected  of  darker  faults,  was  not  likely  Aery  soon  to 
revive.  So  far  from  shrinking  from  an  investigation  wliich 
would  have  been  dangerous,  even  to  his  life,  had  the  charges 
against  his  honour  been  founded  in  fact,  he  boldly  demanded  to 
be  confronted  with  his  accusers,  in  order  that  he  might  explain 
his  conduct  before  all  the  world.  "  Sir,  yesterniglit,  at  the 
shutting  of  the  gates,"  Avrote  Davison  to  Walsingham, — trans- 
mitting the  little  note  from  Marnix,  which  has  just  been  cited — 
"I  was  advertised  that  Ste.  Aldegonde  was  not  an  hour  before 
secretly  landed  at  the  head  on  the  other  side  the  Rammekens,  and 
come  to  his  house  at  Zoubourg,  having  prejjared  his  way  by  an 
apology,  newly  published  in  his  defence,  whereof  I  have  as  yet 
recovered  one  only  copy,  which  herewith  I  send  your  honour. 
This  day,  whilst  I  was  at  dinner,  he  sent  his  son  unto  me,  with 
a  few  lines,  whereof  I  send  you  the  copy,  advertising  me  of  his 
arrival  (which  he  knew  I  i;nderstood  before),  together  with  the 
desire  he  had  to  see  me,  and  speak  with  me,  if  the  States,  before 
whom  he  was  to  come  to  purge  himself  of  the  crimes  wherewith 
he  stood,  as  he  saith,  iinjustly  charged,  would  vouchsafe  him  so 
much  liberty.  The  same  morning,  the  council  of  Zeeland,  taking 
knowledge  of  his  arrival,  sent  unto  him  the  pensioner  of  Middel- 
burgh  and  this  town,  to  sound  the  causes  of  his  coming,  and  to 
will  him,  in  their  behalf,  to  keep  his  house,  and  to  forbear  all 
meddling  by  word  or  writing,  with  any  whatsoever,  till  they 
should  further  advise  and  determine  in  his  cause.  In  defence 
thereof,  he  fell  into  large  and  particular  discourse  with  the 
deputies,  accusing  his  enemies  of  malice  and  untruth,  offering 
himself  to  any  trial,  and  to  abide  what  pimishment  the  laws 
should  lay  upon  him,  if  he  were  found  guilty  of  the  crimes 
imputed  to  him.  Touching  the  cause  of  his  coming,  he  pretended 
and  protested  that  he  had  no  other  end  than  his  simple  justifica- 
tion, preferring  any  hazard  he  might  incur  thereby,  to  his 
honour    and    good    fame." '     As   to   the  great   question   at  issue, 

'  Davison  to  Walsingliam,  Nov.  -,  1585.     (S.  P.  Office,  MS.) 
VOL.  I.— T 


274  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  7. 

Marnix  had  at  last  become  conscious  tliat  he  had  been  a  victim 
to  Spanish  dissimulation,  and  that  Alexander  Farnese  was  in 
reality  quite  powerless  to  make  that  concession  of  religious 
liberty,  without  which  a  reconciliation  between  Holland  and 
Philip  was  impossible.  "  Whereas,"  said  Davison,  "  it  Avas 
supposed  that  Ste.  Aldegonde  had  coinmission  from  the  Prince  of 
Parma  to  make  some  offer  of  peace,  he  assured  them  of  the 
contrary  as  a  thing  which  neither  the  Prince  had  any  power  to 
yield  unto  Avith  the  surety  of  religion,  or  himself  would,  in 
conscience,  persuade  without  it ;  with  a  number  of  other  par- 
ticularities in  his  excuse;  amongst  the  rest,  allowing  and  com- 
mending in  his  speech,  the  course  they  had  taken  with  her 
Majesty,  as  the  only  safe  way  of  deliverance  for  these  afflicted 
countries — letting  them  understand  how  much  the  news  thereof — 
specially  since  the  entry  of  our  garrison  into  this  place  (which 
before  they  would  in  no  sort  believe),  hath  troubled  the  enemy, 
who  doth  what  he  may  to  suppress  the  bruit  thereof,  and  yet 
comforteth  himself  with  the  hope  that  betAveen  the  factions  and 
partiahties  nourished  by  his  industry,  and  musters  among  the 
towns,  especially  in  Holland  and  Zeeland  (where  he  is  persuaded 
to  find  some  pliable  to  a  reconcilement,)  and  the  disorders  and 
misgovernment  of  our  people,  there  will  be  yet  occasion  offered 
him  to  make  his  profit  and  advantage.  I  find  that  the  gentleman 
hath  here  many  friends  indifferently  persuaded  of  his  innocency, 
notwithstanding  the  closing  up  of  his  apology  doth  make  but 
little  for  him.  Howsoever  it  be,  it  falleth  out  the  better  that 
the  treaty  with  her  Majesty  is  finished,  and  the  cautionary 
towns  assured  before  his  coming,  which,  if  he  be  ill  affected,  Avill 
I  hope  either  reform  his  judgment  or  restrain  his  Avill.  I  Avill 
not  forget  to  do  the  best  I  can  to  sift  and  decipher  him  yet  more 
narrowly  and  particularly." ' 

Thus,  while  the  scales  had  at  length  fallen  from  the  eyes  of 
Marnix,  it  was  not  strange  that  the  confidence  which  he  now 
began  to  entertain  in  the  policy  of  England,  sliould  not  be  met, 
at  the  outset,  Avith  a  corresponding  sentiment  on  the  ])art  of  the 
statesman  by  whom  that  policy  Avas  regulated.  "  HoAvsoever 
Ste.  Aldegonde  Avould  seem  to  purge  himself,"  said  Davison, 
"  it  is  suspected  that  his  end  is  dangerous.  I  haA'e  done  Avhat 
I  may  to  rest'^ain  him^  so  nevertheless  as  it  may  not  seem  to  eom.e 
from  me.''''  *  And  again — "  Ste.  Aldegonde.''  he  wrote,  "  continu- 
eth  still  our  neighbor  at  his  honse  between  this  and  Middelburg, 

1  Davison  to  "Walsingbam,  MS.  jo-^t  cited.  '  Ibid. 


1585.  NOTE   ON   SAINTE    ALDEGONDE.  27.') 

yet  unmolested.  He  fiiideth  many  favourers,  and,  I  fiear,  doth 
no  good  offices.  He  desireth  to  be  reserved  till  the  coming  of 
my  Lord  of  Leicester,  before  whom  he  pretends  a  desired 
trial."  ' 

This  covert  demeanour  on  the  part  of  the  ambassador  was  in 
accordance  with  the  wishes  of  his  government.  It  wsxs  thought 
necessary  that  Sainte  Aldegonde  should  be  kept  under  arrest  until 
the  arrival  of  the  Earl,  but  deemed  preferable  that  the  restraint 
should  proceed  from  the  action  of  the  States  rather  than  from  the 
order  of  the  Queen.  Davison  Avas  fulfilling  orders  in  atteiiipting, 
by  underhand  means,  to  deprive  Marnix,  for  a  time,  of  his 
liberty.  "  Let  him,  I  pray  you,  remain  in  good  safety  in  any 
wise,"  '  wrote  Leicester,  who  was  imeasy  at  the  thought  of  so 
influential,  and,  as  he  thought,  so  ill-affected  a  person  being  at 
large,  but  at  the  same  time  disposed  to  look  dispassionately  upon 
his  past  conduct,  and  to  do  justice,  according  to  the  results  of 
an  investigation.  "  It  is  thought  meet,"  wrote  Walsingham  to 
Davison,  "  that  you  should  do  your  best  endeavour  to  procure 
that  Ste.  Aldegonde  may  be  restrained,  which  in  mine  opinion 
were  fit  to  be  handled  in  such  sort,  as  the  restraint  might  rather 
proceed  from  themselves  than  by  your  solicitation.  And  yet 
rather  than  he  should  remain  at  liberty  to  practise  underhand, 
whereof  you  seem  to  stand  in  great  doubt,  it  is  thought  meet 
that  you  should  make  yourself  a  partizan,  to  seek  by  all  the 
means  that  you  may  to  have  him  restrained  under  the  guard  of 
some  well  affected  patriot  until  the  Earl's  coming,  at  what  time 
his  cause  may  receive  examination."  ' 

This  was,  however,  a  result  somewhat  difficult  to  accomplish ; 
for  twenty  years  of  noble  service  in  the  cause  of  liberty  had 
not  been  utterly  in  \mn,  and  there  were  many  magnanimous 
spirits  to  sympathize  with  a  great  man  struggling  thus  in 
the  meshes  of  calumny.  That  the  man  who  challenged  rather 
than  shunned  investigation,  should  be  thrown  into  prison,  aa 
if  he  were  a  detected  felon  upon  the  point  of  absconding, 
seemed  a  heartless  and  superfluous  precaution.  Yet  Davison  and 
others  still  feared  the  man  whom  they  felt  obliged  to  regard  as  a 
baffled  intriguer.  "Touching  the  restraint  of  Ste.  Aldegonde," 
wrote  Davison  to  Lord  Burghley,  "  which  I  had  order  from 
Mr.  Secretary  to  procure  underhand,  I  find  the  difficulty  will  be 

S.  P.  Office  MS. 


1  Davison   to   ,  Nov.  — ,  1585, 

21 

8.  P.  Office  MS. 
'  Leicester  to  Davison,  Nov.  — ,  1585, 


19 

3  Minute    of   Walsingham,    Nov.  — , 
1586,  S.  p.  Omce  MS. 


276  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Ch-ap.  V. 

great  in  regard  of  his  many  friends  and  favourers,  preoccupied 
with  some  opinion  of  his  innocence,  although  I  have  travailied 
with  divers  of  them  underhand,  and  am  promised  that  some 
order  shall  be  taken  in  that  behalf,  which  I  think  will  be  harder 
to  execute  as  long  as  Count  Maurice  is  here.  For  Ste.  Alde- 
gonde's  affection,  I  find  continual  matter  to  suspect  it  inclined  to 
a  peace,  and  that  as  one  notably  prejudging  our  scope  and 
proceeding  in  this  cause,  doth  lie  in  wait  for  an  occasion  to  set  it 
forward,  being,  as  it  seems,  fed  Avith  a  hope  of  '  telle  quelle 
liberte  de  conscience,'  which  the  Prince  of  Parma  and  others  of 
his  council  have,  as  he  confesseth,  earnestly  solicited  at  the  King's 
hands.  This  appeareth,  in  truth,  the  only  apt  and  easy  way  for 
them  to  prevail  both  against  religion  and  the  liberty  of  these 
poor  countries,  having  thereby  once  recovered  the  authority 
which  must  necessarily  follow  a  peace,  to  renew  and  alter  the 
magistrates  of  the  particular  towns,  which,  being  at  their  devotion, 
may  turn,  as  we  say,  all  ujiside  down,  and  so  in  an  instant  being 
under  their  servitude,  if  not  wholly,  at  the  least  in  a  great  part 
of  the  country,  leaving  so  much  the  less  to  do  about  the  rest, 
a  thing  confessed  and  looked  for  of  all  men  of  any  judgment 
here,  if  the  drift  of  our  peace-makers  may  take  effect."  ' 

Sainte  Aldegonde  had  been  cured  of  his  suspicions  of  England, 
and  at  last  the  purity  of  his  own  character  shone  through  the 
mists. 

One  winter's  morning,  two  days  after  Christmas,  1585,  Colonel 
Morgan,  an  ingenuous  Welshman,  whom  we  have  seen  doing 
much  hard  fighting  on  Kowenstyn  Dyke,  and  at  other  places, 
and  who  now  commanded  the  garrison  at  Flushing,  was  taking  a 
walk  outside  the  gates,  and  inhaling  the  salt  breezes  from  the 
ocean.  While  thus  engaged  he  met  a  gentleman  coming  along, 
staff  in  hand,  at  a  brisk  pace  towards  the  town,  who  soon  proved 
to  be  no  other  than  the  distinguished  and  deeply  suspected  Samte 
Aldegonde.  The  two  got  at  once  into  conversation.  "  He  began," 
said  Morgan,  "  by  cunning  insinuations,  to  wade  into  matters  of 
state,  and  at  the  last  fell  to  touching  the  principal  points,  to  wit, 
her  Majesty's  entrance  into  the  cause  now  in  hand,  which,  quoth 
he,  was  an  action  of  high  importance,  considering  how  much  it 
behoved  her  to  go  through  the  same,  as  well  in  regard  of  the 
hope  that  thereby  was  given  to  the  distressed  people  of  these 
parts,  as  also  in  consideration  of  that  worthy  personage  whom 
she  hath  here  placed,  whose  estate  and  credit  may  not  be  suffered 

_  Nov.  29 

>  Davison  to  BurgLley, ,  1585,  S.  P.  Office  MS. 


J  585.  NOTE   ON   SAINTE   ALDEGONDE.  277 

to  quail,  but  must  be  upholden  as  becometh  the  lieutenant  of 
such  a  princess  as  Jier  Majesty."  ' 

"  The  opportunity  thus  oftered,"  continued  honest  Morgan, 
"  and  the  way  opened  by  himself,  I  thought  good  to  discourse 
Avith  him  to  the  full,  partly  to  see  the  end  and  drift  of  his 
induced  talk,  and  consequently  to  touch  his  quick  in  the  sus- 
pected cause  of  Antwerjj."  ''  And  thus,  word  for  word,  taken 
down  faithfully  the  same  day,  proceeded  the  dialogue  that  wintry 
morning,  near  three  centuries  ago.  From  that  simple  record — 
mouldering  unseen  and  unthought  of  for  ages,  beneath  piles  of 
official  dust — the  forms  of  the  illustrious  Fleming  and  the  bold 
Welsh  colonel,  seem  to  start,  for  a  brief  moment,  out  of  the  three 
hundred  years  of  sleep  Avhich  have  succeeded  their  energetic 
existence  upon  earth.  And  so,  with  the  bleak  winds  of  Decem- 
ber whistling  over  the  breakers  of  the  North  Sea,  the  two  dis- 
coursed together,  as  they  paced  along  the  coast. 

Morgan. — "  I  charge  you  with  your  want  of  confidence  in  her 
Majesty's  promised  aid.  'Twas  a  thing  of  no  small  moment  had 
it  been  embraced  when  it  w^as  first  most  graciously  offered." 

Sainte  Aldegonde. — "•  I  left  not  her  prince-hke  purpose  un- 
known to  the  States,  who  too  coldly  and  carelessly  passed  over  the 
benefit  thereof,  until  it  was  too  late  to  put  the  same  in  practice. 
For  my  own  part,  I  acknowledge  that  mdeed  I  thought  some 
further  advice  would  either  alter  or  at  least  detract  from  the 
accomplishment  of  her  determination.  I  thought  this  the  rather 
because  she  had  so  long  been  w^edded  to  peace,  and  I  supposed  it 
impossible  to  divorce  her  from  so  sweet  a  spouse.  But,  set  it 
down  that  she  were  resolute,  yet  the  sickness  of  Antwerp  was 
so  dangerous,  as  it  was  to  be  doubted  the  patient  would  be  dead 
before  the  physician  could  come.  I  protest  that  the  state  of  the 
town  was  much  worse  than  was  known  to  any  but  myself  and 
Bome  few  private  persons.  The  w^ant  of  victuals  was  far  greater 
than  they  durst  bewray,  fearing  lest  the  common  people,  per-' 
ceiving  the  plague  of  famine  to  be  at  hand,  would  rather  grow' 
desperate  than  patiently  expect  some  happy  event.  For  as  they 
were  many  in  number,  so  were  they  wonderfully  divided  :  some 
being  Martinists,  some  Papists,  some  neither  the  one  nor  the 
other,  but  generally  given  to  be  factious,  so  that  the  horror  at 
home  was  equal  to  the  hazard  abroad." 

Morgan. — "  But  you  forget  the  motion  made  l)y  the  mailijil 

'  Sir  Thomas  Morgan  to  Sir  F.  WalsiDgham,  Jan.  -,  1585,  S.  P.  Office  MS. 
«  Ibid 


278  THK   UNITED   NKTHKRLANDS.  Chap.  V 

men  for  puttiiie;  out  of  tlie  town  such  as  were  simple  artificers, 
with  women  and  cliildren,  mouths  that  consumed  meat,  but  stood 
in  no  steaii  for  defence." 

Sainte  Aklegonde. — "  Alas,  alas  !  would  you  have  had  me  guilty 
of  the  slaughter  of  so  many  innocents,  whose  lives  were  com- 
mitted to  my  charge,  as  well  as  the  best  ?  Or  might  I  have 
answered  my  God  Avhen  those  massacred  creatures  should  have 
stood  up  against  me,  that  the  hope  of  Antwei'p's  deliverance  was 
purchased  Avith  the  blood  of  so  many  simple  souls  ?  No,  no. — 
I  should  have  found  my  conscience  such  a  hell  and  continual 
worm  as  the  gnawing  thereof  would  have  been  more  painful  and 
bitter  than  the  possession  of  the  whole  world  would  have  been 
pleasant." 

Morg:ui  continued  to  press  the  various  points  which  had 
created  suspicion  as  to  the  character  and  motives  of  Marnix,  and 
point  by  point  Marnix  answered  his  antagonist,  impressing  him, 
armed  as  he  had  been  in  distrust,  with  an  irresistible  con- 
viction as  to  the  loftiness  of  the  nature  which  had  been  so  much 
calumniated. 

Sainte  Aldegonde  (with  vehemence). — "I  do  assure  you,  in 
cenclusion,  that  I  have  solemnly  vowed  service  and  duty  to  her 
Majesty,  which  I  am  ready  to  j^erform  where  and  when  it  may 
best  like  her  to  use  the  same.  I  Avill  add  moreover  that  I  have 
oftentimes  determined  to  pass  into  England  to  make  my  own 
purgation,  yet  fearing  lest  her  Highness  would  mislike  so  bold  a 
resolution,  I  have  checked  that  purpose  with  a  resolution  to 
tarry  the  Lord's  leisure,  until  some  better  opportunity  might 
ansAver  my  desire.  For  since  I  know  not  how  I  stand  in  her 
grace,  unwilUng  I  am  to  attempt  her  pi*esence  without  permission  ; 
but  might  it  please  her  to  command  my  attendance,  I  should  not 
only  most  joyfully  accomplish  the  same,  but  also  satisfy  her  of 
and  in  all  such  matters  as  I  stand  charged  with,  and  afterwards 
spend  life,  land,  and  goods,  to  Avitness  my  duty  towards  her 
Highness." 

Morgan. — "  I  tell  you  plainly,  that  if  you  are  in  heart  the 
same  man  that  you  seem  outwardly  to  be,  I  doubt  not  but  her 
Majesty  might  easily  be  persuaded  to  conceive  a  gracious  opinion 
of  you.  For  mme  OAvn  part,  I  Avill  surely  advertise  Sir  Francis 
Walsingham  of  as  much  matter  as  this  present  conference  hath 
ministered. 

"  Hereof,"  said  the  Colonel — Avhen,  according  to  his  promise, 
faithfully  recording  the  conversation  in  all  its  details  for  Mr. 
Secretai-y's   benefit, — "  he   seemed  not    only  content    but    most 


1585.  NOTE  ON  SAINTE  ALDEGONDE.  279 

glad.  Therefore  I  beseech  your  honour  to  vouchsafe  soine  few 
lines  herein,  tliat  I  may  return  liini  some  part  of  your  mind.  I 
have  ah-eady  written  thereof  to  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  lord  governor 
of  Flushing,  Avith  request  that  his  Excellency  tlie  Earl  of  Lei- 
cester may  presently  be  made  acquainted  with  the  cause." 

Indeed  the  brave  Welshman  was  thoroughly  converted  from 
his  suspicions  by  the  earnest  language  and  sympathetic  presence 
of  the  fallen  statesman.  This  result  of  the  conference  was  credit- 
able to  the  ingenuous  character  of  both  personages. 

"  Thus  did  he,"  wrote  Morgan  to  Sir  Francis,  "  from  point  to 
point  ans\ver  all  objections  from  the  first  to  the  last,  and  that  in 
such  sound  and  svibstantial  manner,  with  a  strong  show  of  truth, 
as  I  think  his  very  enemies,  having  heard  his  tale,  would  be 
satisfied.  And  truly.  Sir,  as  heretofore  I  have  thought  hardly 
of  him,  being  led  by  a  superficial  judgment  of  things  as  they 
stood  in  outward  appearance  ;  so  now,  having  pierced  deep,  and 
weighed  causes  by  a  sounder  and  more  deliberate  consideration, 
I  find  myself  somewhat  changed  in  conceit — not  so  mu(!h  carried 
away  by  the  sweetness  of  his  speech,  as  confirmed  by  the  force 
of  his  religious  profession,  wherein  he  remaineth  constant, 
Avithout  wavering — an  argument  of  great  strength  to  set  him 
free  from  treacherous  attempts  ;  but  as  I  am  herein  least  able 
and  most  unworthy  to  yield  any  censure,  much  less  to  give 
advice,  so  I  leave  the  man  and  the  matter  to  your  honour's 
opinion.  Only  (your  graver  judgment  reserved)  thus  I  think, 
that  it  Avere  good  either  to  em])loy  him  as  a  friend,  or  as  an 
enemy  to  remove  him  farther  from  us,  being  a  man  of  such  action 
as  the  world  knoweth  he  is.  And  to  conclude,"  added  Morgan, 
"  this  was  the  upshot  between  us."  ' 

Nevertheless,  he  remained  in  this  obscurity  for  a  long  period.' 
When,  toAvards  the  close  of  the  year  1585,  the  English  govern- 
ment was  established  in  Holland,  he  was  the  object  of  constant 
suspicion. 

"  Here  is  Aldegonde,"  wrote  Sir  Philip  Sidney  to  Lord 
Leicester  from  Flushing,  "  a  man  greatly  suspected,  but  by  no 
man  charged.  He  lives  restrained  to  his  own  house,  and  for 
aught  I  can  find,  deals  with  nothing,  only  desiring  to  have  his 
cause  wholly  referred  to  your  Lordship,  and  therefore,  with  the 
best  heed  I  can  to  his  proceedings,  I  will  leave  him  to  his 
clearing  or  condemning,  when  your  Lordship  shall  hear  him." ' 

'  Thomas  Morgan  to  Sir  F.  Walsiiig-  I  volgb,  116,  117.  Wagenaar,  viii.  83,  84 
ham,  MS.  just  cited.  |      '■'  Sir  P.  Sidney  to  Eail  of  Leicestei; 

»  Bor,     II.     610-614.      Hoofd    Yer-  ;  Brit.  Mus.  Galba.  C.  viii.  213.  MS. 


280 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.   V. 


In  anotlier  letter,  Sir  Pliilip  again  spoke  of  Sainte  Aldeyoiide  as 
"  oue  of  whom  he  kept  a  good  ophiion,  and  yet  a  suspicious 
eye."  ' 

Leit5ester  himself  was  excessively  anxious  on  the  subject, 
deeply  fearing  the  designs  of  a  man  whom  he  deemed  so  mis- 
chievous, and  being  earnestly  desirous  that  he  should  not  elude 
the  chastisement  which  he  seemed  to  deserve. 

"  Touching  Ste.  Aldegonde,"  he  wrote  to  Davison,  "  I  grieve 
that  he  is  at  his  house  without  good  guard.  I  do  earnestly 
pray  you  to  move  such  as  have  poAver  presently  to  commit  a 
guard  about  him,  for  I  know  he  is  a  dangerous  and  a  bold  man, 
and  presumes  yet  to  carry  all,  for  he  hath  made  many  promises 
to  the  Prince  of  Parma.  I  would  he  were  in  Fort  Rammekyns, 
or  else  that  Mr.  Russell  had  chai'ge  of  him,  with  a  recommenda- 
tion from  me  to  Russell  to  look  w^ell  to  him  till  I  shall  arrive. 
You  must  have  been  so  commanded  in  this  from  her  Majesty,  for 
she  thinks  he  is  in  close  and  safe  guard.  If  he  is  not,  look  for  a 
turn  of  all  things,  for  he  hath  friends,  I  know."  * 

But  very  soon  after  his  arrival,  the  Earl,  on  examhiing  into 
the  matter,  saAV  fit  to  change  his  opinions  and  his  language. 
Persuaded,  in  spite  of  his  previous  convictions,  even  &,s  the 
honest  Welsh  colonel  had  been,  of  the  upright  charactGi-  of  the 
man,  and  feeling  sure  that  a  change  had  come  over  the  feelings 
of  Marnix  himself  in  regard  to  the  English  alliance^  Leicester  at 
once  interested  himself  in  removing  the  prejudibe;?  entertained 
towards  him  by  the  Queen. 

"  Now  a  few  words  for  Ste.  Aldegonde,"  said  he  in  his  earliest 
despatches  from  Holland  ;  "  I  will  beseech  her  Majesty  to  stay 
her  judgment  till  I  write  next.  If  the  man  be  as  he  now  seemeth, 
it  were  pity  to  lose  him,  for  he  is  indeed  marvellously  friended. 
Her  Majesty  will  think,  I  know,  that  I  am  easily  pacified  or  led 
in  such  a  matter,  but  I  trust  so  to  deal  as  she  shall  give  me 
thanks.  Once  if  he  do  offer  service  it  is  sure  enough,  for  he  is 
esteemed  that  icay  above  all  the  men  in  this  eountri/  for  his  word^ 
if  he  give  it.  His  worst  enemies  here  procure  me  to  Avin  him,  for 
sure,  just  matter  for  his  life  there  is  none.  He  would  fain  come 
into  England,  so  far  is  he  come  already,  and  doth  extol  her 
Majesty  for  this  work  of  hers  to  heaven,  and  confesseth,  till  now 
an  angel  could  not  make  him  believe  it." ' 


'  Sir  P.  Sidney  to  Earl  of  Leicester, 
19th  Feb.  1586.  Brit.  Mus.  Galba.  C. 
ix.  p.  93. 


^  Leicester  to  Davison,  Nov.  — ,  1585, 

S.  P.  Office  MS. 

^  Bruce,  '  Leycest.  Corresp.'  p.  33,  34. 


1585.  NOTE  ON  SAINTE  ALDEGONDB.  281 

Here  certainly  was  a  noble  tribute  paid  unconsciously,  as  it 
were,  to  the  character  of  the  maligned  statesman.  "  Above  all 
the  men  in  the  country  for  his  word,  if  he  give  it."  What 
wonder  that  Orange  had  leaned  upon  hiiu,  that  Alexander  had 
sought  to  gain  him,  and  how  much  does  it  add  to  our  bitter 
regret  that  his  prejudices  against  England  should  not  have  been 
removed  until  too  late  for  Antwerj?  and  for  his  own  usefulness. 
Had  his  good  angel  really  been  present  to  make  him  believe  in 
that  "  work  of  her  Majesty,"  when  his  ear  was  open  to  the 
seductions  of  Parma,  the  destiny  of  Belgium  and  his  own  sub- 
sequent career  might  have  been  more  fortunate  than  they 
became. 

The  Queen  was  slow  to  return  from  her  prejudices.  She  be- 
lieved— not  Avithout  reason — that  the  opposition  of  Ste.  Aldegonde 
to  her  policy  had  been  disastrous  to  the  cause  both  of  England 
and  the  Netherlands  ;  and  it  had  been  her  desire  that  he  should 
be  imprisoned,  and  tried  for  his  life.  Her  councillors  came 
gradually  to  take  a  more  faA'ourable  view  of  the'  case,  and  to  be 
moved  by  the  pathetic  attitude  of  the  man  who  had  once  been  so 
conspicuous. 

"  I  did  acquaint  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,"  wrote  Walsingham 
to  Leicestex*,  "  with  the  letter  which  Ste.  Aldegonde  wi'ote  to 
your  Lordship,  which,  carrying  a  true  picture  of  an  afflicted  mind, 
cannot  but  move  an  honest  heart,  weighing  the  rare  parts  the 
gentleman  is  endowed  withal,  to  pity  his  distressed  estate,  and 
to  procure  him  relief  and  comfort,  which  Mr.  Vice-Chamberlain 
(Hatton)  hath  promised  on  his  part  to  perform.  I  thought  good  to 
send  Ste.  Aldegonde's  letter  unto  the  Lord  Treasurer  (Burghley), 
who  heretofore  has  carried  a  hard  conceit  of  the  gentleman, 
hoping  that  the  view  of  his  letter  will  breed  some  remorse 
towards  him.  I  have  also  j^rayed  his  Lordship,  if  he  see  cause, 
to  acquaint  her  Majesty  with  the  said  letter."  ' 

But  his  high  public  career  was  closed.  He  lived  down  calumny, 
and  put  his  enemies  to  shame,  but  the  fatal  error  which  he  had 
committed,  in  taking  the  side  of  Spain  rather  than  of  England  at 
so  momentous  a  crisis,  could  never  be  repaired.  He  regained 
the  good  opinion  of  the  most  virtuous  and  eminent  personages  in 
Europe,  but  in  the  noon  of  life  he  voluntarily  Avithdrew  from 
public  aifairs.  The  circumstances  just  detailed  had  made  him 
impossible  as  a  pohtical  leader,  and  it  was  equally  impossible  for 
him  to  play  a  secondary  part.     He  occasionally  consented  to  be 

»  Bruce,  'Leycest.  Corresp.,'  pp.  31,  34. 


282  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  V. 

employofl  in  special  diplomatic  missions,  but  the  serious  avoca- 
tions of  his  life  now  became  theological  and  literary.  lie  sought 
— in  his  own  words — to  penetrate  himself  still  more  deeply  than 
ever  with  the  spirit  of  the  reformation,  and  to  imbue  the  minds  of 
the  young  with  that  deep  love  for  the  reformed  religion  which  had 
been  the  guiding  thought  of  his  own  career.  He  often  spoke  with 
a  sigh  of  his  cojnpulsory  exile  from  the  field  where  he  had  been 
so  conspicuous  all  his  lifetime ;  he  bitterly  lamented  the  vanished 
dream  of  the  great  national  union  between  Belgium  and  Holland, 
which  had  flattered  his  youth  and  his  manhood ;  and  he  some- 
times alluded  Avith  bitterness  to  the  calumny  which  had  crippled 
him  of  his  usefulness.  He  might  have  played  a  distinguished  part 
in  that  powerful  commonwealth  which  was  so  steadily  and 
splendidly  arising  out  of  the  lagunes  of  Zeeland  and  Holland,  but 
destiny  and  calumny  and  his  own  error  had  decided  otherwise. 

"  From  the  depth  of  my  exile — "  he  said,  "  for  I  am  resolved 
to  retire,  I  know  not  where,  into  Germany,  pei-haps  into  Sar- 
matia,  I  shall  look  from  afar  upon  the  calamities  of  my  country. 
That  which  to  me  is  most  mournful  is  no  longer  to  be  able  to 
assist  my  fatherland  by  my  counsels  and  my  actions.'"  He  did 
not  go  into  exile,  but  remained  chiefly  at  his  mansion  of  Zouboui'g, 
occupied  with  agriculture  and  with  profound  study.  Many  noble 
works  conspicuous  in  the  literature  of  the  epoch  —  were  the 
results  of  his  learned  leisure ;  and  the  name  of  Marnix  of  Sainte 
Aldegonde  will  be  always  as  dear  to  the  lovers  of  science  and 
letters  as  to  the  believers  in  civil  and  religious  liberty.  At  the 
request  of  the  States  of  Holland  he  undertook,  in  1593,  a  transla- 
tion of  the  Scriptures  from  the  original,  and  he  was  at  the  same 
time  deeply  engaged  with  a  Histoi-y  of  Christianity,  Avhich  he 
intended  for  his  literary  master-piece.  The  man  Mhose  sword 
had  done  knightly  service  on  many  a  battle-field  for  freedom, 
whose  tongue  had  controlled  mobs  and  senates,  courts  and 
councils,  whose  subtle  spirit  had  metamorphosed  itself  into  % 
thousand  shapes  to  do  battle  with  the  genius  of  tyranny,  now, 
quenched  the  feverish  agitation  of  his  youth  and  manhood  in 
Hebrew  and  classical  lore.  A  grand  and  noble  figure  always: 
most  pathetic  when  thus  redeeming  by  vigorous  but  solitary  and 
melancholy  hard  labor,  the  poUtical  error  which  had  condemned 
him  to  retirement.  To  work,  ever  to  work,  was  the  primary  law 
of  his  nature.  Repose  in  the  other  world,  "  Repos  ailleurs"  was 
the  device  which  he  assumed  in  earliest  youth,  and  to  which  he 
was  faithful  all  his  days. 

A  great  and  good  man  whose  life  had  been  brim-full  of  noble 
1  Commentaire  sur  les  Affaires  d'Anvers.' 


1585.  NOTE  ON  SAINTE  ALDEGONDE.  283 

deeds,  and  who  liad  been  led  astray  from  the  path,  not  of"  virtue, 
but  of  sound  poHcy,  by  his  own  prejudices  and  by  the  fascination 
of  an  intellect  even  more  brilliant  than  his  own,  he  at  least 
enjoyed  in  his  letireinent  whatever  good  may  come  from  hearty 
and  genuine  labor,  and  from  the  high  regard  entertained  for  him 
by  the  noblest  si)irits  among  his  contemporaries. 

"They  tell  me,"  said  La  None,  "that  the  Seigneur  de  Ste. 
Aldegonde  has  been  sus2)ected  by  the  Hollanders  and  the  English. 
I  am  deeply  grieved,  for  'tis  a  personage  worthy  to  be  emplo}'ed. 
I  liave  ahvays  known  him  to  be  a  zealous  friend  of  his  religion 
and  his  country,  and  I  will  bear  him  this  testimony,  that  his 
hands  a) id  his  heart  are  clean.  Had  it  been  otherwise,  I  must  have 
known  it.  His  example  has  made  me  regret  the  less  the  promise 
I  was  obliged  to  make,  never  to  bear  arms  again  in  the  Nether- 
lands. For  I  have  thought  that  since  this  man,  who  has  so 
much  credit  and  authority  among  your  people,  after  having  done 
his  duty  well,  has  not  foiled  to  be  calumniated  and  ejected  from 
service,  what  would  they  have  done  wdth  me,  who  am  a  stranger, 
had  I  continued  in  their  employment  ?  The  consul  Terentiua 
Varro  lost,  by  his  fault,  the  battle  of  Cannae  ;  nevertheless,  when 
he  returned  to  Rome,  offering  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  the 
cause  of  his  Rejjublic  reduced  to  extremity,  he  was  not  rejected, 
but  well  received,  because  he  hoped  well  for  the  country.  It  is 
not  to  be  imputed  as  blame  to  Ste.  Aldegonde  that  he  lost  Antw^erp, 
for  he  surrendered  w^hen  it  could  not  be  saved.  What  I  now  say 
is  drawn  from  me  by  the  compassion  I  feel  when  persons  of 
merit  suffer  without  cause  at  the  hands  of  their  fellow  citizens. 
In  these  terrible  tempests,  as  it  is  a  duty  rigorously  to  punish 
the  betrayers  of  their  country,  even  so  it  is  an  obligation  ujjon 
us  to  honor  good  patriots,  and  to  support  them  in  venial  errors, 
that  we  may  all  encourage  each  other  to  do  the  right." ' 

Strange  too  as  it  may  now  seem  to  us,  a  reconciliation  of  the 
Netherlands  with  Philip  was  not  thought  an  impossibility  by 
other  experienced  and  sagacious  patriots,  besides  Marnix.  Even 
Olden-Barneveld,  on  taking  office  as  Holland's  Advocate,  at  this 
period,  made  it  a  condition  that  his  service  was  to  last  only  until 
the  reunion  of  the  Provinces  with  Spain.* 

There  was  another  illustrious  personage  in  a  foreign  land  w^ho 

ever  rendered  homage  to  the  character  of  the  retired  Netherland 

statesman.      Amid   the   desolation    of  Fi'ance,  Duplessis  Mornay 

often  solaced   himself  by  distant  communion  with   that   kindred 

and  sympathizing  spirit. 

1  Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  '  Archives,'  &c.  1.  19,  80. 
*  Willems,  '  Mengelingen,'  p.  389. 


284 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


CUAP.     V. 


"  Plunged  in  public  annoyances,"  he  wrote  to  Sainte  Aldegonde, 
"  I  find  no  consolation,  except  in  conference  with  the  good,  and 
among  the  good  I  hold  you  for  one  of  the  best.  With  such  men 
I  had  rather  sigh  profoundly  than  laugh  heartily  with  others. 
In  particular,  Sir,  do  me  the  honor  to  love  me,  and  believe  that 
I  honor  you  singularly.  Impart  to  me  something  from  your 
solitude,  for  I  consider  your  deserts  to  be  more  fruitful  and 
fertile  than  our  most  cultivated  habitations.  As  for  me,  think  of 
me  as  of  a  man  drowning  in  the  anxieties  of  the  time,  but  desirous, 
if  possible,  of  swimming  to  solitude."  ' 

Thus  solitary,  yet  thus  befriended, — remote  from  public  em- 
ployment, yet  ever  employed,  doing  his  daily  work  with  all  his 
soul  and  strength,  Mamix  passed  the  fifteen  years  yet  remaining 
to  him.  Death  surprised  him  at  last,  at  Leyden,  in  the  year 
1598,  while  steadily  laboring  upon  his  Flemish  translation  of 
the  Old  Testament,  and  upon  the  great  political,  theological, 
controversial,  and  satirical  work  on  the  differences  of  religion, 
which  remains  the  most  stately,  though  unfinished,  monument  of 
his  literary  genius.  At  the  age  of  sixty  he  went  at  last  to 
the  repose  which  he  had  denied  to  himself  on  earth.  "Repos 
ailleurs." "' 


1  "Memoires  and  Corresp.  de  Du- 
plessis  Mornay,"  vi.  35. 

^  I  am  bound  to  state  that  there  is 
a  single  passage  in  one  of  Parma's  let- 
ters to  Philip,  which  contains  a  some- 
what suspicious  allusion  to  Mamix. 
Were  it  not  for  the  distinct  assertion 
of  Farnese,  already  cited,  to  the  disin- 
terested character  of  the  burgomaster, 
and  to  his  elevation  above  mercenary 
considerations,  the  observation  now  al- 
luded to  would  be  stUl  more  painful. 

Six  months  after  the  fall  of  Ant- 
werp, the  Prince  informed  his  sove- 
reign that  Sainte  Aldegonde  had  not 
yet  gone  to  Germany,  but  was  still  in 
Zeeland,  where  they  were  treating  him 
with  great  attention,  but  conferring 
no  authority  upon  him.  "Those  in 
power,"  added  Farnese,  "  distrust  him, 
because  they  see  him  inclined  to 
tiiat  party,  to  which,  when  he  can — 
unless  I  deceive  myself — he  will  give 
his  support.  If  he  had  not  found  the 
English  already  introduced,  I  think 
they  would  have  made  less  of  him,  and 
that  he  would  have  accomplished  some 
valuable  piece  of  service.  I  do  not 
fail  to  send  compliments,  as  well  to 
nim,  as  to  others  who  may  prove  use- 


ful agents,  and  to  do  all  I  can  to  keep 
them  in  their  good  dispositions,  and 
in  this  course  I  shall  ever  persist, 
keeping  awake  by  day  and  night." 

"  Desconfiando  per  verle  inclinado 
a  la  parte  a  la  cual  cuando  puede,  sino 
me  engano,  creo  ajudara,  3'  sino  hal- 
lara  introducidos  los  Ingleses,  creo 
hecharen  menos  de  el,  y  que  hiciera 
algun  buen  efeto.  Yo  asi  a  el,  como  a 
los  demas  medios  que  me  parecen  ser 
a  proposito,  no  dejo  de  embiar  recau- 
dos,*  ni  de  procurar  tenerlos  en  su 
buen  proposito,  y  en  la  dicha  cod- 
formidad  lo  hire,  haciendo  siempre, 
desvelandome  de  dia  y  de  noche," 
&c.,  &c.  Parma  to  Philip  II.  28th 
Feb.,  1586.     Arcliivo  de  Simancas  MS. 

*  The  word  '  recaudo"  or  "recado"  means  a 
a  complimentary  iiiessase.  which  might  or 
might  not,  be  accompanied  wiib  more  solid 
arguments. 

It  has  been  seen  that  Philip  authorized  Far- 
nese to  oflfer  large  rewards  to  Mamix,  with  the 
stipulation  that  they  were  not  to  be  conferred 
until  the  service  required  had  been  rendered. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Prince  privately  as- 
sured the  King  that  the  man  whom  they  so 
much  wished  to  gain,  was  not  lo  be  won  by  a 
bribe.  After  scriipulously  examining  the  evi- 
dence. T  can  not  resist  a  conclusion  favourgbl* 
to  the  purity  of  Marnix 


1585.  POLICY  OF  ENGLAND.  285 


CHAPTER    VI. 

Policy  of  England  —  Diplomatic  Coquetry  —  Dutch  Envoys  in  England- 
Conference  of  Ortel  and  "Walsingham  —  Interview  with  Leicester  — 
Private  Audience  of  the  Queen  —  Letters  of  the  States-General —  111  Effects 
of  Gilpin's  Despatch  —  Close  Bargaining  of  the  Queen  and  States  — 
Guarantees  required  by  England  —  England's  comparative  Weakness  — ^• 
The  English  characterised  —  Paul  Hentzner  —  The  Envoys  in  London  — 
Their   Characters  —  Olden-Barneveldt  described  —  Reception    at    Greenwich 

—  Speech  of  Menin  —  Reply  of  the  Queen  —  Memorial  of  the  Envoys  — 
Discussions  with  the  Ministers  —  Second  Speech  of  the  Queen  —  Third 
Speech  of  the  Queen  —  Sir  John  Norris  sent  to  Holland  —  Parsimony  of 
Elizabeth  —  Energy  of  Davison  —  Protracted  Negotiations  —  Friendly 
Sentiments  of  Count    Maurice  —  Letters    from    him    and  Louisa  de  Coligny 

—  Davison  vexed  by  the  Queen's  Caprice  —  Dissatisfaction  of  Leicester  — 
His  vehement  Complaints  —  The    Queen's  Avarice  —  Perplexity  of  Davison 

—  Manifesto  of  Elizabeth  —  Sir  Philip  Sidney —  His  Arrival  at  Flushing. 

England — as  we  have  seen — had  carefully  watched  the 
negotiations  between  France  and  the  Netherlands.  Although 
she  had — upon  the  whole,  for  that  intriguing  age — been  loyal 
in  her  bearing  towards  both  parties,  she  was  perhaps  not 
entirely  displeased  with  the  result.  As  her  cherished  trium- 
virate was  out  of  the  question,  it  was  quite  obvious  that,  now 
or  never,  she  must  come  forward  to  prevent  the  Provinces 
from  falling  back  into  the  hands  of  Spain.  The  future  was 
plainly  enough  foreshadowed,  and  it  was  already  probable, 
in  case  of  a  prolonged  resistance  on  the  part  of  Holland, 
that  Philip  would  undertake  the  reduction  of  his  rebellious 
subjects  by  a  preliminary  conquest  of  England.  It  was  there- 
fore quite  certain  that  the  expense  and  danger  of  assisting 
the  Netherlands  must  devolve  upon  herself,  but,  at  the  same 
time  it  was  a  consolation  that  her  powerful  next-door  neigh- 
bour was  not  to  be  made  still  more  2)owerful  by  the  annexa- 
tion to  his  own  dominion  of  those  important  territories. 

Accordingly,  so  soon  as  the  deputies  in  France  had  received 
their  definite  and  somewhat  ignominious  repulse  from  Henry 
III.  and  his  mother^  the  English  government  lost  no  time  iu 


286  I'ilE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI- 

intimating  to  the  States  that  they  were  not  to  be  left  without 
an  ally.  Queen  Elizabeth  was  however  resolutely  averse 
from  assuming  that  sovereignty  which  she  was  not  unwilling 
to  see  offered  for  her  acceptance  ;  and  her  accredited  envoy 
at  the  Hague,  besides  other  more  secret  agents,  were  as  busily 
employed  in  the  spring  of  1585 — as  Des  Pruneaux  had  been 
the  previous  winter  on  the  part  of  France — to  bring  about  an 
application,  by  solemn  embassy,  for  her  assistance. 

There  was,  however,  a  difference  of  view,  from  the  outset, 
between  the  leading  politicians  of  the  Netherlands  and  the 
English  Queen.  The  Hollanders  were  extremely  desirous  of 
becoming  her  subjects  ;  for  the  United  States,  although  they 
had  already  formed  themselves  into  an  independent  republic, 
were  quite  ignorant  of  their  latent  j)Owers.  The  leading 
personages  of  the  country — those  who  were  soon  to  become 
the  foremost  statesmen  of  the  new  commonwealth — were  al- 
ready shrinking  from  the  anarchy  which  was  deemed  insepa- 
rable from  a  non-regal  form  of  government,  and  were  seeking 
protection  for  and  against  the  people  under  a  foreign  sceptre. 
On  the  other  hand,  they  were  indisposed  to  mortgage  large 
and  important  fortified  towns,  such  as  Flushing,  Brill,  and 
others,  for  the  repayment  of  the  subsidies  which  Elizabeth 
might  be  induced  to  advance.  They  preferred  to  pay  in 
sovereignty  rather  than  in  money.  The  Queen,  on  the  con- 
trary, preferred  money  to  sovereignty,  and  was  not  at  all 
inclined  to  sacrifice  economy  to  ambition.  Intending  to  drive 
a  hard  bargain  with  the  States,  whose  cause  was  her  own,  and 
whose  demands  for  aid  she  had  secretly  prompted,  she  meant 
to  grant  a  certain  number  of  soldiers  for  as  brief  a  period  as 
possible,  serving  at  her  expense,  and  to  take  for  such  outlay  a 
most  ample  security  in  the  shape  of  cautionary  towns. 

Too  intelligent  a  politician  not  to  feel  the  absolute  necessity  of 
at  last  coming  into  the  field  to  help  the  Netherlanders  to  fight 
her  own  battle,  she  was  still  willing,  for  a  season  longer,  to 
wear  the  mask  of  coyness  and  coquetry,  which  she  thought 
most  adapted  to  irritate  the  Netherlanders  into  a  full  compli- 
ance with  her  wishes.  Her  advisers  in  the  Provinces  were 
inclined  to  take  the  same  view.     It  seemed  obvious,  after  the 


1585.  DIPLOMATIC    COQUETRY.  287 

failure  in  France,  that  those  countries  must  now  become 
either  English  or  Spanish  ;  yet  Elizabeth,  knowing  the  risk  of 
their  falling  back,  from  desperation,  into  the  arms  of  her  rival, 
allowed  them  to  remain  for  a  season  on  the  edge  of  destruction 
— which  would  probably  have  been  her  ruin  also — in  the  hope 
of  bringing  them  to  her  feet  on  her  own  terms.  There  was 
something  of  feminine  art  in  this  policy,  and  it  was  not  with- 
out the  success  which  often  attends  such  insincere  manoeuvres. 
At  the  same  time,  as  the  statesmen  of  the  republic  knew  that 
it  "was  the  Queen's  affair,  when  so  near  a  neighbour's  roof 
was  blazing,  they  entertained  little  doubt  of  ultimately  ob- 
taining her  alliance.  It  was  pity — in  so  grave  an  emergency 
— that  a  little  frankness  could  not  have  been  substituted  for 
a  good  deal  of  superfluous  di23lomacy. 

Giljjin,  a  highly  intelligent  agent  of  the  English  govern- 
ment in  Zeeland,  kept  Sir  Francis  Walsingham  thoroughly 
informed  of  the  sentiments  entertained  by  the  people  of  that 
Province  towards  England.  Mixing  habitually  with  the  most 
influential  politicians,  he  was  able  to  render  material  assist- 
ance to  the  English  council  in  the  diplomatic  game  which 
had  been  commenced,  and  on  which  a  no  less  important  stake 
than  the  crown  of  England  was  to  be  hazarded. 

"  In  conference,"  he  said,  "  with  particular  persons  that 
bear  any  rale  or  credit,  I  find  a  great  inclination  towards 
her  Majesty,  joined  notwithstanding  with  a  kind  of  coldness. 
They  allege  that  matters  of  such  importance  are  to  be  ma- 
turely and  thoroughly  pondered,  while  some  of  them  harp 
upon  the  old  string,  as  if  her  Majesty,  for  the  security  of  her 
own  estate,  was  to  have  the  more  care  of  their's  here." ' 

He  was  also  very  careful  to  insinuate  the  expediency  of 
diplomatic  coquetry  into  the  mind  of  a  Princess  who  needed 
no  such  prompting.  "The  less  by  outward  api)earance,"  said 
he,  ^'  this  people  shall  perceive  that  her  Majesty  can  be  con- 
tented to  take  the  protection  of  them  upon  her,  the  forwarder 
they  will  be  to  seek  and  send  unto  her,  and  the  larger  condi- 
tions in  treaty  may  be  required.     For  if  they  see  it  to  come 

»  Gilpin  to  "Walsingham,  *  March,  1585.     S.  P.  Office  MS. 


288  'I'lif^'  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI. 

from  herself,  then  do  they  persuade  themselves  that  it  is  for 
the  greater  security  of  our  own  country  and  her  Highness  to 
fear  the  King  of  Spain's  greatness.  But  if  they  become 
seekers  unto  her  Majesty,  and  if  they  may,  by  outward  show, 
deem  that  she  accounteth  not  of  the  said  King's  might,  but 
able  and  sufficient  to  defend  her  own  realms,  then  verily  1 
think  they  may  be  brought  to  whatsoever  points  her  Majesty 
may  desire." ' 

Certainly  it  was  an  age  of  intrigue,  in  which  nothing  seemed 
worth  getting  at  all  unless  it  could  be  got  by  underhand  means, 
and  in  which  it  was  thought  impossible  for  two  parties  to  a 
bargain  to  meet  together  except  as  antagonists,  who  believed 
that  one  could  not  derive  a  profit  from  the  transaction  unless 
the  other  had  been  overreached.  This  was  neither  good 
morality  nor  sound  diplomacy,  and  the  result  of  such  trifling 
was  much  loss  of  time  and  great  disaster.  In  accordance  with 
this  crafty  system,  the  agent  expressed  the  opinion  that  it 
would  "  be  good  and  requisite  for  the  English  government 
somewhat  to  temporise,"  and  to  dally  for  a  season  longer,  in 
order  to  see  what  measures  the  States  would  take  to  defend 
themselves,  and  how  much  ability  and  resources  they  would 
show  for  belligerent  purposes.  If  the  Queen  were  too  eager, 
the  Provinces  would  become  jealous,  "  yielding,  as  it  were, 
their  power,  and  yet  keeping  the  rudder  in  their  own  hands." 

At  the  same  time  Giljiin  was  favourably  impressed  with  the 
character  both  of  the  country  and  the  nation,  soon  to  be  placed 
in  such  important  relations  with  England.  "  This  people,"  he 
said,  "is  such  as  by  fair  means  they  will  be  won  to  yield  and 
grant  any  reasonable  motion  or  demand.  What  these  islands 
of  Zeeland  are  her  Majesty  and  all  my  lords  of  her  council 
do  know.  Yet  for  their  government  thus  much  I  must  write, 
that  during  these  troubles  it  never  was  better  than  now.  They 
draw,  in  a  manner,  one  line,  long  and  carefully  in  their  resolu- 
tion ;  but  the  same  once  taken  and  promises  made,  they  would 
perform  them  to  the  uttermost."^ 

Such  then  was  the  character  of  the  people,  for  no  man  was 
better  enabled  to  form  an  opinion  on  the  subject  than  was 

Gilpm  to  Walsingham,  MS.  lust  cited.  5  Ibid. 


£585.  DUTCH   ENVOYS   IN   ENGLAND.  289 

Gilpin.  Had  it  not  been  as  well,  then,  for  Englishmen — 
who  were  themselves  in  that  age,  as  in  every  other,  apt  to 
"■  perform  to  the  uttermost  promises  once  taken  and  made," 
and  to  respect  those  endowed  with  the  same  wholesome  cha- 
racteristic— to  strike  hands  at  once  in  a  cause  which  was  so 
vital  to  both  nations  ? 

So  soon  as  the  definite  refusal  of  Henry  III,  was  known  in 
England,  Leicester  and  Walsingham  wrote  at  once  to  the 
Netherlands.  The  Earl  already  saw  shining  through  tha 
distance  a  brilliant  prize  for  his  own  ambition,  although  he  was 
too  haughty,  perhaps  too  magnanimous,  but  certainly  far  too 
crafty,  to  suffer  such  sentiments  as  yet  to  pierce  to  the  surface. 
"  Mr.  Davison,"  he  wrote,  "  you  shall  perceive  by  Mr.  Secre- 
tary's letters  how  the  French  have  dealt  with  these  people. 
They  are  ivell  enough  served;  but  yet  I  think,  if  they  will 
heartily  and  earnestly  seek  it,  the  Lord  hath  appointed  them 
a  far  better  defence.  But  you  must  so  use  the  matter  as  that 
they  must  seek  their  ow7i  good,  although  we  shall  be  partakers 
thereof  also.  They  may  now,  if  they  will  effectually  and 
liberally  deal,  bring  themselves  to  a  better  end  than  ever 
France  would  have  brought  them." ' 

At  that  moment  there  were  two  diplomatic  agents  from  the 
States  resident  in  England — Jacques  de  Gryze,  whom  Paul 
Buys  had  formerly  described  as  having  thrust  himself  head 
and  shoulders  into  the  matter  without  proper  authority,  and 
Joachim  Ortel,  a  most  experienced  and  intelligent  man, 
speaking  and  writing  English  like  a  native,  and  thoroughly 
conversant  with  English  habits  and  character.  So  soon  as  the 
despatches  from  France  arrived,  Walsingham,  18th  March, 
1585,  sent  for  Ortel,  and  the  two  held  a  long  conference.  ^ 


'  Leicester  to  Davison,  *  Mar.  1585. 
S.  P.  Office  MS.  >^ 

"  Memorie  van  Ortel  &  de  Gryze, 
24  March,  1585.  Hague  Archives 
MS. 

It  is  necessary,  once  for  all,  to  state 
that  no  personasje  is  ever  made,  in  the 
text,  to  say  or  to  write  anytliing  except 
what,  upon  the  best  evidence  of  eye 

VOL.  L — U 


and  ear  witnesses,  he  is  known  to  hare 
said  or  written.  It  is  no  longer  per- 
mitted to  historians — as  was  formerly 
the  case,  from  the  times  of  Livy  to 
those  of  Cardinal  Bentivoglio — to  in- 
vent harangues,  letters,  and  confer- 
ences. Where  my  narrative,  for  the 
convenifnce  of  the  reader,  is  thrown 
into  a  dramatic  form,  the  words — not 


290  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI. 

VValsinghara. — "  We  have  just  received  letters  from  Lord 
Derby  and  8ir  Edward  Stafford,  dated  the  13th  March.  They 
inform  us  that  your  deputies — contrary  to  all  expectation  and 
to  the  great  hopes  that  had  been  held  out  to  them — have 
received,  last  Sunday,  their  definite  answer  from  the  King  of 
France.  He  tells  them,  that,  considering  the  present  condition 
of  his  kingdom,  he  is  unable  to  undertake  the  protection  of 
the  Netherlands  ;  but  says  that  if  they  like,  and  if  the  Queen 
of  England  be  willing  to  second  his  motion,  he  is  disposed  to 
Bend  a  mission  of  mediation  to  Spain  for  the  purpose  of  begging 
the  King  to  take  the  condition  of  the  provinces  to  heart,  and 
bringing  about  some  honourable  composition,  and  so  forth, 
and  so  forth. 

"  Moreover  the  King  of  France  has  sent  Monsieur  de  Bel- 
lievre  to  Lord  Derby  and  Mr.  Stafford,  and  Bellievre  has  made 
those  envoys  a  long  oration.  He  explained  to  them  all  about 
the  original  treaty  between  the  States  and  Monsieur,  the  King's 
brother,  and  what  had  taken  place  from  that  day  to  this,  con- 
cluding, after  many  allegations  and  divers  reasons,  that  the 
King  could  not  trouble  himself  with  the  provinces  at  present ; 
but  hoped  her  Majesty  would  make  the  best  of  it,  and  not  be 
offended  with  him. 

"  The  ambassadors  say  further,  that  they  have  had  an  inter- 
view with  your  deputies,  who  are  excessively  provoked  at  this 
most  unexpected  answer  from  the  King,  and  are  making  loud 
comj)laints,  being  all  determined  to  take  themselves  off  as  fast 
as  possible.  The  ambassadors  have  recommended  that  some  of 
the  number  should  come  home  by  the  way  of  England." 

Ortel. — "  It   seems   necessary  to   take   active  measures  at 


the  substance  merely,  but  the  ipsissi-  i  never  made  to  be  present  at  imaginary 
ma  verba — have  been  gathered  from  conversations,  which,  however  agree- 
autheiitic  documents.    Letters,  speeches,       able   and    instructive   in   works  inten- 


and  the  like,  are  often  translated  into 
the  text  from  various  languages— - 
Latin,  French,  Flemish,  Spanish, 
Italian,  German,  and — where  the 
sources  are  English — the  spelling, 
and,  in  a  very  slight  measure,  tlie  dic- 
tion, have  been  put  into  modern  garb. 
But  the  reader  may  be  sure  that  he  is 


tionally  fictitious,  are  quite  out  of 
place  in  those  which  claim  to  be  his- 
torical. 

In  this  instance  the  account  of  the 
conference  is  derived  from  the  Report 
made  by  Envoy  Ortel  to  the  States 
General,  preserved  in  the  Royal  Ar- 
chives at  the  Hague. 


1585.  C0NFP]11ENCE  OF  ORTEL  AND  WALSINGHAM.  291 

once,  and  to  leave  no  duty  undone  in  this  matter.  It  will  be 
advisable  to  confer,  so  soon  as  may  be,  with  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal counsellors  of  her  Majesty,  and  recommend  to  them  most 
earnestly  the  present  condition  of  the  provinces.  They  know 
the  affectionate  confidence  which  the  States  entertain  towards 
England,  and  must  now,  remembering  the  sentiments  of  good- 
will which  they  have  expressed  towards  the  Netherlands,  be 
willing  to  employ  their  efforts  with  her  Majesty  in  this 
emergency." 

Walsingham  (with  much  show  of  vexation). — "  This  conduct 
on  the  part  of  the  French  court  has  been  most  pernicious. 
Your  envoys  have  been  delayed,  fed  with  idle  hopes,  and  then 
disgracefully  sent  away,  so  that  the  best  part  of  the  year  has 
been  consumed,  and  it  will  be  most  difficult  now,  in  a  great 
hurry,  to  get  together  a  sufficient  force  of  horse  and  foot  folk, 
with  other  necessaries  in  abundance.  On  the  contrary,  the 
enemy,  who  knew  from  the  first  what  result  was  to  he  expected  in 
France,  has  been  doing  his  best  to  be  beforehand  with  you  in 
the  field  :  add,  moreover,  that  this  French  negotiation  has 
given  other  princes  a  bad  taste  in  their  mouths.  This  is  the 
case  loith  her  Majesty.  The  Queen  is,,  not  without  reason, 
annoyed  that  the  States  have  not  only  despised  her  friendly 
and  good-hearted  offers,  but  have  all  along  been  endeavouring 
to  embark  her  in  this  war,  for  the  defence  of  the  Provinces, 
which  would  have  cost  her  several  millions,  without  offering 
to  her  the  slightest  security.  On  the  contrary,  others,  enemies 
of  the  religion,  who  are  not  to  be  depended  upon — who  had 
never  deserved  well  of  the  States  or  assisted  them  in  their 
need,  as  she  has  done — have  received  this  large  offer  of  sove- 
reignty without  any  reserve  whatever." 

Ortel  (not  suffering  himself  to  be  disconcerted  at  this  unjust 
and  somewhat  insidious  attack). — "  That  which  has  been 
transacted  with  France  was  not  done  except  with  the  express 
approbation  and  full  foreknowledge  of  her  Majesty,  so  far 
back  as  the  lifetime  of  his  Excellency  (William  of  Orange), 
of  high  and  laudable  memory.  Things  had  already  gone  so 
far,  and  the  Provinces  had  agreed  so  entirely  together,  as  to 


292  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI 

make  it  inexpedient  to  bring  about  a  separation  in  policy.  It 
was  our  duty  to  hold  together,  and,  once  for  all,  thoroughly  to 
understand  what  the  King  of  France,  after  such  manifold  pre- 
sentations through  Monsieur  Dos  Pruneaulx  and  others,  and 
in  various  letters  of  his  own,  finally  intended  to  do.  At  the 
same  time,  notwithstanding  these  negotiations,  we  had  always 
an  especial  eye  upon  her  Majesty.  We  felt  a  hopeful  confi- 
dence that  she  would  never  desert  us,  leaving  us  without  aid 
or  counsel,  but  would  consider  that  these  affairs  do  not  concern 
the  Provinces  alone  or  even  especially,  but  are  just  as  deeply 
important  to  her  and  to  all  other  princes  of  the  religion." 

After  this  dialogue,  with  much  more  conversation  of  a 
similar  character,  the  Secretary  and  the  envoy  set  themselves 
frankly  and  manfully  to  work.  It  was  agreed  between  them 
that  every  effort  should  be  made  with  the  leading  members  of 
the  Council  to  induce  the  Queen  "in  this  terrible  conjuncture, 
not  to  forsake  the  Provinces,  but  to  extend  good  counsel  and 
prompt  assistance  to  them  in  their  present  embarrassments." 

There  was,  however,  so  much  business  in  Parliament  just 
then,  that  it  was  impossible  to  obtain  immediately  the  desired 
interviews. 

On  the  20th,  Ortel  and  De  G-ryze  had  another  interview  with 

Walsingham   at   the   Palace   of   Greenwich.     The    Secretary 

March  20  expressed  the  warmest  and  most  sincere  affection  for 

1585.  ^jjQ  Provinces,  and  advised  that  one  of  the  two  envoys 
fihould  set  forth  at  once  for  home  in  order  to  declare  to  the 
States,  without  loss  of  time,  her  Majesty's  good  inclination  to 
assume  the  protection  of  the  land,  together  with  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  reformed  religion  and  the  ancient  privileges.  Not 
that  she  was  seeking  her  own  profit,  or  wished  to  obtain  that 
sovereignty  which  had  just  been  offered  to  another  of  the 
contrary  religion,  but  in  order  to  make  manifest  her  affec- 
tionate solicitude  to  preservethe  Protestant  faith  and  to  support 
her  old  allies  and  neighbours.  Nevertheless,  as  she  could  not 
assume  this  protectorate  without  embarking  in  a  dangerous 
war  with  the  King  of  Spain,  in  which  she  would  not  only  be 
obliged  to  spend  the  blood  of  her  subjects,  but  also  at  least  two 


1585.  INTERVIEW  WITH  LEICESTER.  293 

millions  of  gold,  there  was  the  more  reason  that  the  States 
should  give  her  certain  cities  as  security.  Those  cities  would 
be  held  by  certain  of  her  gentlemen,  nominated  thereto,  of 
quality,  credit,  and  religion,  at  the  head  of  good,  true,  and 
well-paid  garrisons,  who  should  make  oath  never  to  surrender 
them  to  the  King  of  Spain  or  to  any  one  else  without  consent 
of  the  States.  The  Provinces  were  also  reciprocally  to  bind 
themselves  by  oath  to  make  no  treaty  with  the  King,  without 
the  advice  and  approval  of  her  Majesty.  It  was  likewise 
thoroughly  to  be  understood  that  such  cautionaiy  towns  should 
be  restored  to  the  States  so  soon  as  j)ayment  should  be  made 
of  all  moneys  advanced  during  the  war. 

Next  day  the  envoys  had  an  interview  with  the  Earl  of 
Leicester,  whom  they  found  as  amicably  disj)Osed  towards  their 
21st  March    cause    as  Secretary  Walsinghara  had   been.     "  Her 

1585.  Majesty,"  said  the  Earl,  "  is  excessively  indignant 
with  the  King  of  France,  that  he  should  so  long  have  abused 
the  Provinces,  and  at  last  have  dismissed  their  deputies  so  con- 
temptuously. Nevertheless,"  he  continued,  "'tis  all  your 
own  fault  to  have  placed  your  hopes  so  entirely  uj^on  him  as 
to  entirely  forget  other  princes,  and  more  especially  her 
Majesty.  Notwithstanding  all  that  has  passed,  however,  I 
find  her  fully  determined  to  maintain  the  cause  of  the  Pro- 
vinces. For  my  own  part,  I  am  ready  to  stake  my  life,  estates, 
and  reputation,  upon  this  issue,  and  to  stand  side  by  side  with 
other  gentlemen  in  persuading  her  Majesty  to  do  her  utmost 
for  the  assistance  of  your  country." 

He  intimated  however,  as  Walsingham  had  done,  that  the 
matter  of  cautionary  towns  would  prove  an  indispensable 
condition,  and  recommended  that  one  of  the  two  envoys 
Bhould  proceed  homeward  at  once,  in  order  to  procure,  as 
speedily  as  possible,  the  appointment  of  an  embassy  for  that 
purpose  to  her  Majesty.  "  They  must  bring  full  powers," 
said  the  Earl,  "  to  give  her  the  necessary  guarantees,  and 
make  a  formal  demand  for  protection  ;  for  it  would  be  unbe- 
coming, and  against  her  reputation,  to  be  obliged  to  present 
herself,  unsought  by  the  other  party." 


294  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  VL 

In  conclusion,  after  many  strong  expressions  of  good-will, 
Leicester  promised  to  meet  them  next  day  at  court,  where  he 
would  address  the  Queen  personally  on  the  subject,  and  see 
that  they  spoke  with  her  as  well.  Meantime  he  sent  one  of 
his  principal  gentlemen  to  keep  com[)any  with  the  envoys, 
and  make  himself  useful  to  them.  This  personage,  being 
"  of  good  quality  and  a  member  of  Parliament,"  gave  them 
much  useful  information,  assuring  them  that  there  was  a 
strong  feeling  in  England  in  favour  of  the  Netherlands,  and 
that  the  matter  had  been  very  vigorously  taken  up  in  the 
national  legislature.  That  assembly  had  been  strongly 
encouraging  her  Majesty  boldly  to  assume  the  protectorate, 
and  had  manifested  a  willingness  to  assist  her  with  the 
needful.  "And  if,"  said  he,  "one  subsidy  should  not  be 
enough,  she  shall  have  three,  four,  five,  or  six,  or  as  much  as 
may  be  necessary." 

The  same  day,  the  envoys  had  an  interview  with  Lord 
Treasurer  Burghley,  who  held  the  same  language  as  Walsing- 
ham  and  Leicester  had  done.  "  The  Queen,  to  his  know- 
ledge/' he  said,  "  was  quite  ready  to  assume  the  protectorate  ; 
but  it  was  necessary  that  it  should  be  formally  offered,  with 
the  necessary  guarantees,  and  that  without  further  loss 
of  time." 

On  the  22nd  March,  according  to  agreement,  Ortel  and 
De  Gryze  went  to  the  court  at  Greenwich.  While  waiting 
there  for  the  Queen,  who  had  ridden  out  into  the  country, 
they  had  more  conversation  with  Walsingham,  whom  they 
found  even  more  energetically  disposed  in  their  favour  than 
ever,  and  who  assured  them  that  her  Majesty  w^as  quite  ready 
to  assume  the  protectorate  so  soon  as  offered.  "  Within  a 
month,"  he  said,  "  after  the  signing  of  a  treaty,  the  troops 
would  be  on  the  spot,  under  command  of  such  a  personage  of 
quality  and  religion  as  would  be  highly  satisfactory."  While 
they  were  talking,  the  Queen  rode  into  the  court-yard, 
accompanied  by  the  Earl  of  Leicester  and  other  gentlemen- 
Very  soon  afterwards  the  envoys  were  summoned  to  her 
presence,  and  allowed  to  recommend  the  affairs  of  the  Pro- 


168ff.  PRIVATE   AUDIENCE   OF   THE   QUEEN.  £95 

vinces  to  her  consideration.  She  lamented  the  situation  of 
their  country,  and  in  a  few  words  expressed  her  incHnation 
to  render  assistance,  provided  the  States  would  manifest  full 
confidence  in  her.  They  replied  by  offering  to  take  instant 
measures  to  gratify  all  her  demands,  so  soon  as  those  demands 
should  be  made  known  ;  and  the  Queen  finding  herself  sur- 
rounded by  so  many  gentlemen  and  by  a  crowd  of  people, 
appointed  them  accordingly  to  come  to  her  private  apartments 
the  same  afternoon. 

At  that  interview  none  were  present  save  Walsingham  and 
Lord  Chamberlain  Howard.  The  Queen  showed  herself 
"  extraordinarily  resolute"  to  take  up  the  affairs  of  the  Pro- 
vinces. "  She  had  always  been  sure,"  she  said,  "  that  the 
French  negotiation  would  have  no  other  issue  than  the  one 
which  they  had  just  seen.  She  was  fully  aware  what  a 
powerful  enemy  she  was  about  to  make — one  who  could  easily 
create  mischief  for  her  in  Scotland  and  Ireland  ;  but  she  was 
nevertheless  resolved,  if  the  States  chose  to  deal  with  her 
frankly  and  generously,  to  take  them  under  her  protection. 
She  assured  the  envoys  that  if  a  deputation  with  full  powers 
and  reasonable  conditions  should  be  immediately  sent  to  her, 
she  would  not  delay  and  dally  with  them,  as  had  been  the 
case  in  France,  but  would  despatch  them  back  again  at  the 
speediest,  and  would  make  her  good  inclination  manifest  by 
deeds  as  well  as  words.  As  she  was  hazarding  her  treasure 
together  with  the  blood  and  repose  of  her  subjects,  she  was 
not  at  liberty  to  do  this  except  on  receipt  of  proper  securities."^ 

Accordingly  Do  Gryze  went  to  the  Provinces,  provided  with 
3omplimentary  and  affectionate  letters  from  the  Queen,  while 
Ortel  remained  in  England.  So  far  all  was  plain  and  above- 
board  ;  and  Walsingham,  who,  from  the  first,  liad  l)(^en  warmly 
in  favour  of  taking  up  the  Netherland  cause,  was  relieved  by 
being  able  to  write  in  straightforward  language.  Stealthy 
and  subtle,  where  the  object  was  to  get  within  the  guard  of 
an  enemy  v/hr  menaced  a  mortal  blow,  he  was,  both  by  nature 

1  Momorie  vau  de  Gryze  &  OrteL     MS.  before  cited. 


296  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  TI 

and  policy,  disposed  to  deal  frankly  with  those  he  called  hie 
friends. 

"  Monsieur  de  G-ryze  repaireth  presently,"  he  wrote  to 
Davison,  "  to  try  if  he  can  induce  the  States  to  send  their 
deputies  hither,  furnished  with  more  ample  instructions  than 
they  had  to  treat  with  the  French  King,  considering  that  her 
Majesty  carryeth  another  manner  of  princely  disposition  than 
that  sovereign.  Meanwhile,  for  that  she  doubteth  lest  in  this 
hard  estate  of  their  affairs,  and  the  distrust  they  have  con- 
ceived to  he  relieved  from  hence,  they  should  from  despair 
throw  themselves  into  the  course  of  Spain,  her  pleasure 
therefore  is — though  hy  Burnham  I  sent  you  directions  to 
put  them  in  comfort  of  relief,  only  as  of  yourself — that  you 
shall  now,  as  it  were,  in  her  name,  if  you  see  cause  sufficient, 
assure  some  of  the  aptest  instruments  that  you  shall  make 
choice  of  for  that  purpose,  that  her  Majesty,  rather  than  that 
they  should  perish,  will  be  content  to  take  them  under  her 
protection." 

He  added  that  it  was  indispensable  for  the  States,  upon 
their  part,  to  oifer  "  such  sufficient  cautions  and  assurances 
as  she  might  in  reason  demand." ' 

Matters  were  so  well  managed  that  by  the  22nd  April  the 

States-General  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Queen,  in  which  they 

22  April,  notified  her,  that  the  desired  deputation  was  on  the 

1586.  point  of  setting  forth.  "  Eecognizing,"  they  said, 
"  that  there  is  no  prince  or  potentate  to  whom  they  are  more 
obliged  than  they  are  to  your  Majesty,  we  are  about  to 
request  you  very  humbly  to  accept  the  sovereignty  of  these 
Provinces,  and  the  people  of  the  same  for  your  very  humble 
vassals  and  subjects."  They  added  that,  as  the  necessity  of 
the  case  was  great,  they  hoped  the  Queen  would  send,  so 
soon  as  might  be,  a  force  of  four  or  five  thousand  men  for  the 
purpose  of  relieving  the  siege  of  Antwerp.* 


j5 

'  "Walainerham  to  Davipon,  —  March, 

23 

1586,  S.  P.  Office  MS. 
2  Lettre    des    Etats    Generaux   des  I 


Provinces  Unies  a  la  seronissimo  Reyne 
d'Aiigleterre,  21  April,  1585.  Hague 
Arcliives,  MS. 


1585. 


LETTERS  OF  THE  STATES-GENERAL. 


297 


A  similar  letter  was  despatched  by  the  same  courier  to  the 
Earl  of  Leicester. 

On  the  1st  of  May,  Ortel  had  audience  of  the  Queen,  to 
deliver  the  letters  from  the  States-General.     He  found  that 

May  1,     despatches,  very  encouraging  and  agreeable  in  tlieir 

1585.  tenor,  had  also  just  arrived  from  Davison.  The 
Queen  was  in  good  humour.  She  took  the  letter  from  Ortel, 
read  it  attentively,  and  paused  a  good  while.  Then  she 
assured  him  that  her  good  affection  towards  the  Provinces  was 
not  in  the  least  changed,  and  that  she  thanked  the  States  for 
the  confidence  in  her  that  they  were  manifesting.  "  It  is 
unnecessary/'  said  the  Qu«en,  "  for  me  to  repeat  over  and 
over  again  sentiments  which  I  have  so  plainly  declared.  You 
are  to  assure  the  States  that  they  shall  never  be  disappointed 
in  the  trust  that  they  have  reposed  in  my  good  intentions. 
Let  them  deal  with  me  sincerely,  and  without  holding  open 
any  back-door.  Not  that  I  am  seeking  the  sovereignty  of 
the  Provinces,  for  I  wish  only  to  maintain  their  privileges 
and  ancient  liberties,  and  to  defend  them  in  this  regard 
against  all  the  world.  Let  them  ripely  consider,  then,  with 
what  fidelity  I  am  espousing  their  cause,  and  how,  without 
fear  of  any  one,  I  am  arousing  most  powerful  enemies."^ 

Ortel  had  afterwards  an  interview  with  Leicester,  in  which 
the  Earl  assured  him  that  her  Majesty  had  not  in  the  least 
changed  in  her  sentiments  towards  the  Provinces.  "  For 
myself,"  said  he,  "  I  am  ready,  if  her  Majesty  choose  to  make, 
use  of  me,  to  go  over  there  in  person,  and  to  place  life, 
j)roperty,  and  all  the  assistance  I  can  gain  from  my  friends, 
upon  the  issue.  Yea,  with  so  good  a  heart,  that  I  jjray  the 
Lord  may  be  good  to  me,  only  so  far  as  I  serve  faithfully  in 
this  cause."  He  added  a  warning  that  the  deputies  to  be 
appointed  should  come  with  absolute  powers,  in  order  that 
her  Majesty's  bountiful  intentions  might  not  be  retarded  by 
their  own  fault.* 


'  Lettre  des  Etats  au  Cte.  de  Lei- 
cester, 21  April,  1585.  Hague  Ar- 
cliivGS,  MS. 

VOL.    I, —  II 


2  Brief  van  Ortel  aan  de  Staten 
Generaal,  8  Mai,  1585.  H;»gue  Aj 
chives,  MS.  3  ibid. 


298 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VI 


Ortel  then  visited  Walsingham  at  his  house,  Barn-Elins, 
where  he  was  confined  by  illness.  Sir  Francis  assured  the 
envoy  that  he  would  use  every  efibrt,  by  letter  to  her  Majesty 
and  by  v(;rbal  instructions  to  his  son-in-law,  Sir  Philip  Sidney, 
to  further  the  success  of  the  negotiation,  and  that  he  deeply 
regretted  his  enforced  absence  from  the  court  on  so  important 
an  occasion. 

Matters  were  proceeding  most  favourably,  and  the  all- 
important  point  of  sending  an  auxiliary  force  of  Englishmen 
to  the  relief  of  Antwerp — ^before  it  should  be  too  late,  and  in 
advance  of  the  final  conclusion  of  the  treaty  between  the 
countries — had  been  nearly  conceded.  Just  at  that  moment, 
however,  "as  ill-luck  would  have  it,"  said  Ortel,  "came  a 
letter  from  Gilpin.  I  don't  think  he  meant  it  in  malice,  but 
the  eifect  was  most  pernicious.^  He  sent  the  information 
that  a  new  attack  was  to  be  made  by  the  10th  May  upon  the 
Kowenstyn,  that  it  was  sure  to  be  successful,  and  that  the 
siege  of  Antwerp  was  as  good  as  raised.  So  Lord  Burghley 
informed  me,  in  presence  of  Lord  Leicester,  that  her  Majesty 
was  determined  to  await  the  issue  of  this  enterprise.  It  was 
quite  too  late  to  get  troops  in  readiness,  to  co-operate  with 
the  States'  army,  so  soon  as  the  10th  May,  and  as  Antwerp 
was  so  sure  to  be  relieved,  there  was  no  pressing  necessity 
for  haste.  I  uttered  most  bitter  complaints  to  these  lords 
and  to  other  counsellors  of  the  Queen,  that  she  should  thus 
draw  back,  on  account  of  a  letter  from  a  single  individual, 
without  paying  sufficient  heed  to  the  despatches  from  the 
States-General,  who  certainly  knew  their  own  aifairs  and 
their  own  necessities  better  than  any  one  else  could  do,  but 
her  Majesty  sticks  firm  to  her  resolution." ' 

Here  were  immense  mistakes  committed  on  all  sides.  The 
premature  shooting  up  of  those  three  rockets  from  the  cathe- 
dral-tower, on  the  unlucky  10th  May,  had   thus   not   only 


'  "Nu  zynde  in  al  desen  geoccu- 
peert,  voert  het  ongeluck  zeker  missive 
van  den  Seeretaris  Gilpin,  uyt  Mid- 
delbourg,  daertoe,  hoewel  ick  nyet  en 


dencke   tzelve   nyt   eenich  malitie  by 
hem  gescbiot  te  zyn,"  &c.     (Ibid.) 
'  Ibid. 


/585.  ILL  EFFECTS  OF  GILPIN'S  DESPATCH.  299 

ruined  the  first  assault  against  the  Kowenstyn,  but  also  the 
second  and  the  more  promising  adventure.  Had  the  four 
thousand  bold  Englishmen  there  enlisted,  and  who  could  have 
reached  the  Provinces  in  time  to  cooperate  in  that  great 
enterprise,  have  stood  side  by  side  with  the  Hollanders,  the 
Zeelanders,  and  the  Antwerpers,  upon  that  fatal  dyke,  it  is 
almost  a  certainty  that  Antwerp  would  have  been  relieved, 
and  the  whole  of  Flanders  and  Brabant  permanently  annexed 
to  the  independent  commonwealth,  which  would  have  thus 
assumed  at  once  most  imposing  proportions. 

It  was  a  great  blunder  of  Sainte  Aldegonde  to  station 
in  the  cathedral,  on  so  important  an  occasion,  watchmen  in 
whose  judgment  he  could  not  thoroughly  rely.  It  was  a 
blunder  in  Gilpin,  intelligent  as  he  generally  showed  himself, 
to  write  in  such  sanguine  style  before  the  event.  But  it  was 
the  greatest  blunder  of  all  for  Queen  Elizabeth  to  suspend 
her  cooperation  at  the  very  instant  when,  as  the  result 
showed,  it  was  likely  to  prove  most  successful.  It  was  a 
chapter  of  blunders  from  first  to  last,  but  the  most  fatal  of  all 
the  errors  was  the  one  thus  prompted  by  the  great  Queen's 
most  traitorous  characteristic,  her  obstinate  parsimony. 

And  now  began  a  series  of  sharp  chafierings  on  both  sides, 
not  very  much  to  the  credit  of  either  party.  The  kingdom 
of  England,  and  the  rebellious  Provinces  of  Spain,  were 
drawn  to  each  other  by  an  irresistible  law  of  political  attrac- 
tion. Their  absorption  into  each  other  seemed  natural  and 
almost  inevitable  ;  and  the  weight  of  the  strong  Protestant 
organism,  had  it  been  thus  completed,  might  have  balanced 
the  great  Catholic  League  which  was  clustering  about  Spain. 
It  was  unfortunate  that  the  two  governments  of  England  and 
the  Netherlands  should  now  assume  the  attitude  of  traders 
driving  a  hard  bargain  with  each  other,  rather  than  that  of 
two  imjKjrtant  commonwealths,  upon  whose  action,  at  that 
momentous  epoch,  the  weal  and  wo  of  Christendom  was 
hanging.  It  is  quite  true  that  the  danger  to  England  was 
great^  but  that  danger  in  any  event  was  to  be  confronted 


300 


THE    UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VI. 


Philip  was  to  be  defied,  and,  by  assuming  the  cause  of  the 
Provinces  to  be  her  own,  which  it  unquestionably  was,  Eliza- 
beth was  taking  the  diadem  from  her  head — as  the  King  of 
Sweden  well  observed — and  adventuring  it  upon  the  doubtful 
chance  of  war.*  Would  it  not  have  been  better  then — her 
mind  being  once  made  up — promptly  to  accept  all  the  benefits, 
as  well  as  all  the  hazards,  of  the  bold  game  to  which  she 
was  of  necessity  a  party  ?  But  she  could  not  yet  believe  in 
the  incredible  meanness  of  Henry  III.  "I  asked  her  Majesty" 
(3rd  May,  1585),  said  Ortel,  "whether,  in  view  of  these  vast 
preparations  in  France,  it  did  not  behove  her  to  be  most 
circumspect  and  upon  her  guard.  For,  in  the  opinion  of 
many  men,  everything  showed  one  great  scheme  already  laid 
down — a  general  conspiracy  throughout  Christendom  against 
the  reformed  religion.  She  answered  me,  that  thus  far  she 
could  not  perceive  this  to  be  the  case  ;  nor  could  she  believe,' 
she  said,  '  that  the  King  of  France  could  be  so  faint-hearted 
as  to  submit  to  such  injuries  from  the  Guises.'  "  ^ 

Time  was  very  soon  to  show  the  nature  of  that  unhappy 
monarch  with  regard  to  injuries,  and  to  prove  to  Elizabeth 
the  error  she  had  committed  in  doubting  his  faint-heartedness. 
Meanwhile,  time  was  passing,  and  the  Netherlands  were 
shivering  in  the  storm.  They  needed  the  open  sunshine 
which  her  caution  kept  too  long  behind  the  clouds.  For  it 
was  now  enjoined  upon  Walsingham  to  manifest  a  coldness 
upon  the  part  of  the  English  government  towards  the  States. 
Davison  was  to  be  allowed  to  return  ;  "  but,"  said  Sir  Francis, 
"  her  Majesty  would  not  have  you  accompany  the  commis- 
sioners who  are  coming  from  the  Low  Countries,  but  to  come 
over,  either  before  them  or  after  them,  lest  it  be  thought  they 
come  over  by  her  Majesty's  procurement."* 

As  if  they  were  not  coming  over  by  her  Majesty's  most 
especial   procurement,    and   as  if  it  would   matter  to  Philip 


'  Camden,  321. 

"  MS.  Letter   of  Ortel,  8  May,  1585, 
before  cited. 


'  "Walsingham  to  Davison,  22  April, 
1585,  S.  P.  Office  MS. 


1685.  CLOSE  BARGAINING  OF  THE  QUEEN  AND  STATES.         301 

— the  union  once  made  between  England  and  Holland — 
whether  the  invitation  to  that  union  came  first  from  the  one 
party  or  the  other  ! 

"  I  am  retired  for  my  health  from  the  court  to  mine  own 
house,"  said  Walsingham,  "  but  I  find  those  in  whose  judgment 
her  Majesty  reposeth  greatest  trust  so  coldly  afiected  unto 
the  cause,  as  I  have  no  great  hope  of  the  matter  ;  and  yet, 
for  that  the  hearts  of  princes  are  in  the  hands  of  God,  who 
both  can  will  and  dispose  them  at  his  pleasure,  I  would  be 
loath  to  hinder  the  repair  of  the  commissioners."  ^ 

Here  certainly  had  the  sun  gone  most  suddenly  into  a 
cloud.  Sir  Francis  would  be  loath  to  advise  the  commissioners 
to  stay  at  home,  but  he  obviously  thought  them  coming  on  aa 
bootless  an  errand  as  that  which  had  taken  their  colleagues 
so  recently  into  France. 

The  cause  of  the  trouble  was  Flushing.  Hence  the  tears, 
and  the  coldness,  and  the  scoldings,  on  the  jmrt  of  the  im- 
perious and  the  economical  Queen.  Flushing  was  the  patri- 
mony— a  large  portion  of  that  which  was  left  to  him — of 
Count  Maurice.  It  was  deeply  mortgaged  for  the  payment 
of  the  debts  of  William  the  Silent,  but  his  son  Maurice,  so 
long  as  the  elder  brother  Philip  William  remained  a  captive 
in  Spain,  wrote  himself  Marquis  of  Flushing  and  Kampveer, 
and  derived  both  revenue  and  importance  from  his  riglits  in 
that  important  town.  The  States  of  Zeeland,  while  desirous 
of  a  political  fusion  of  the  two  countries,  were  averse  from 
the  prospect  of  converting,  by  exception,  their  commercial 
capital  into  an  English  city,  the  remainder  of  the  Provinces 
remaining  meanwhile  upon  their  ancient  footing.  The  ne- 
gociations  on  the  subject  caused  a  most  ill-timed  delay.  The 
States  finding  the  English  government  cooling,  afiected  to 
grow  tepid  themselves.  This  was  the  true  mercantile  system, 
perhaps,  for  managing  a  transaction  most  thriftily,  but  frank- 
ness and  promptness  would  have  been  more  Btatesmanlike  at 
Buch  a  juncture. 

'  Walsingham  to  Davison,  MS.  just  cited. 


302  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuai-.  VI. 

"I  am  sorry  to  understand,"  wrote  Walsingham,  "that  the 
States  are  not  yet  grown  to  a  full  resolution  for  the  delivering 
of  the  town  of  Flushing  into  her  Majesty's  hands.  The  Queen 
finding  the  people  of  that  island  so  wavering  and  inconstant, 
besides  that  they  can  hardly,  after  the  so  long  enjoying  a 
popular  liberty,  bear  a  regal  authority,  would  be  loath  to 
embark  herself  into  so  dangerous  a  war  without  some  sufficient 
caution  received  from  them.  It  is  also  greatly  to  be  doubted, 
that  if,  by  practice  and  corruption,  that  town  might  be  re- 
covered by  the  Spaniards,  it  would  put  all  the  rest  of  the 
country  in  peril.  I  find  her  Majesty,  in  case  that  town  may 
be  gotten,  fully  resolved  to  receive  them  into  her  protection, 
so  as  it  may  also  be  made  probable  unto  her  that  the  promised 
three  hundred,  thousand  guilders  the  month  will  be  duly 
paid."! 

A  day  or  two  after  writing  this  letter,  Walsingham  sent 
one  afternoon,  in  a  great  hurry,  for  Ortel,  and  informed  him 
very  secretly,  that,  according  to  information  just  received,  the 
deputies  from  the  States  were  coming  without  sufficient 
authority  in  regard  to  this  very  matter.  Thus  all  the  good 
intentions  of  the  English  government  were  likely  to  be  frus- 
trated, and  the  Provinces  to  be  reduced  to  direful  extremity. 

"  What  can  we  possibly  advise  her  Majesty  to  do  ?"  asked 
Walsingham,  "  since  you  are  not  willing  to  put  confidence  in 
her  intentions.  You  are  trying  to  bring  her  into  a  public 
war,  in  which  she  is  to  risk  her  treasure  and  the  blood  of  her 
subjects  against  the  greatest  potentates  of  the  world,  and  you 
hesitate  meantime  at  giving  her  such  security  as  is  required 
for  the  very  defence  of  the  Provinces  themselves.  The  de- 
puties are  coming  hither  to  offer  the  sovereignty  to  her 
Majesty,  as  was  recently  done  in  France,  or,  if  that  should 
not  prove  acceptable,  they  are  to  ask  assistance  in  men  and 
money  upon  a  mere  taliter  qualiter  guaranty.  That's  not 
the  way.  And  there  are  plenty  of  ill-disposed  persons  here 
to  take  advantage  of  this  position  of  affairs  to  ruin  the  interest 

»  Minute  to  Gilpin,  -  May,  1585.     S.  P.  Office  MS. 
17 


1585.  GUARANTEES   REQUIRED  BY   ENGLAND.  303 

of  the  Provinces  now  placed  on  so  good  a  footing.  Moreover, 
in  this  perpetual  sending  of  despatches  back  and  forth,  much 
precious  time  is  consumed  ;  and  this  is  exactly  what  our 
enemies  most  desire." ' 

In  accordance  with  Walsingham's  urgent  suggestions,  Ortel 
wrote  at  once  to  his  constituents,  imploring  them  to  remedy 
this  matter.  "  Do  not  allow,"  he  said,  "  any  more  time  to  be 
wasted.  Let  us  not  painfully  build  a  wall  only  to  knock  our 
own  heads  against  it,  to  the  dismay  of  our  friends  and  the 
gratification  of  our  enemies."  ^ 

It  was  at  last  arranged  that  an  important  blank  should  be 
left  in  the  articles  to  be  brought  by  the  de^iuties,  upon  which 
vacant  place  the  names  of  certain  cautionary  towns,  afterwards 
to  be  agreed  upon,  were  to  be  inscribed  by  common  consent. 
Meantime  the  English  ministers  were  busy  in  preparing  to 
receive  the  commissioners,  and  to  bring  the  Netherland  matter 
handsomely  before  the  legislature. 

The  integrity,  the  caution,  the  thrift,  the  hesitation,  which 
characterized  Elizabeth's  government,  were  well  pourtrayed 
in  the  habitual  language  of  the  Lord  Treasurer,  chief  minister 
of  a  third-rate  kingdom  now  called  on  to  play  a  first-rate  part, 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  moral  and  intellectual  power 
of  the  nation  whose  policy  he  directed,  and  prophetically 
conscious  of  the  great  destinies  which  were  opening  upon  her 
horizon.  Lord  Burghley  could  hardly  be  censured — least  of 
all  ridiculed — for  the  patient  and  somewhat  timid  attributes 
of  his  nature.  The  ineffable  ponderings,  which  might  now 
be  ludicrous,  on  the  part  of  a  minister  of  the  British  Empire, 
with  two  hundred  millions  of  subjects  and  near  a  hundred 
millions  of  revenue,  were  almost  inevitable  in  a  man  iruidinff 
a  realm  of  four  millions  of  people  with  half  a  million  of 
income. 

It  was,  on  the  whole,  a  strange  negociation,  this  between 
England  and  HoUand.  A  commonwealth  had  arisen,  but 
was  unconscious  of  the  strength  which  it  was  to  find  in  the 

'  Brief  van  Ortel  aan  de  Staaten  Generaal,  13  Mai,  1585.  Hague  Ar- 
chives MS.  "  Ibid. 


304 


TIIK  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.   VL 


principle  of  states'  union,  and  of  religious  equality.     It  sought, 
on  the  contrary,  to  exchange  its  federal  sovereignty  for  pro- 
vincial dependence,  and  to  imitate,  to  a  certain  extent,  the 
very  intolerance  by  which  it  had  been  driven  into  revolt.     It 
was  not  unnatural  that  the  Netherlanders   should  hate  the 
Roman   Catholic   religion,    in   the   name  of  which  they  had 
endured  such  infinite  tortures,  but  it  is,  nevertheless,  painful 
to  observe  that  they  requested  Queen  Elizabeth,  whom  they 
styled   defender,  not  of  "  the   faith "  but   of  the  "  reformed 
religion,"  to  exclude  from  the  Provinces,  in  case  she  accepted 
the   sovereignty,  the   exercise   of    all   religious    rites    except 
those   belonging   to    the   reformed   church.      They,   however, 
expressly  provided  against  inquisition  into  conscience.'     Pri- 
vate houses  were  to  be  sacred,  the  papists  free  within  their 
own  walls,  but  the  churches  were  to  be  closed '  to  those  of  the 
ancient  faith.     This  was  not  so  bad  as  to  hang,  burn,  drown, 
and  bury  alive  nonconformists,  as  had  been  done  by  Philip 
and  the  holy  inquisition  in  the  name  of  the  church  of  Rome  ; 
nor  is  it  very  surprising  that  the  horrible  past  should   have 
caused  that  church  to  be  regarded  with  sentiments  of   such 
deep-rooted  hostility  as  to  make  the  Hollanders    shudder  at 
the  idea  of  its  re-establishment.     Yet,  no  doubt,  it  was  idle 
for  either  Holland  or  England,  at  that  day,  to  talk  of  a  recon- 
ciliation with  Rome.     A  step  had  separated  them,  but  it  was 
a  step  from  a  precipice.     No  human  power  could  bridge  the 
chasm.      The   steep   contrast    between    the   league   and   the 
counter-league,  between  the  systems  of  Philip  and  Mucio,  and 
that  of  Ehzabeth  and  Olden- Barne veld,  ran  through  the  whole 
world  of  thought,  action,  and  life. 

But  still  the  negociation  between  Holland  and  England 
was  a  strange  one.  Holland  wished  to  give  herself  entirely, 
and  England  feared  to  accept.  Elizabeth,  in  place  of 
sovereignty,  wanted  mortgages ;    while   Holland    was     afraid 


>  Points  et  Articles  concus  et  ar- 
restes  par  les  etats  generaulx  de  Pay 
Bas  pour  traicter  avez  la  Serenissime 
Reyne  d'Angleterre  sur  la  souverainete. 
Hague  Archives,  MS. 


Art.  IL  "  Sans  qu'icelle  pourra  estre 
change  ou  aultro  Religion  es  dicta 
pays  exercee.  Pourveu  toutefois  que 
personne  ne  sera  recherche  en  sa  ooa* 
science," 


1585.  ENGLAND'S  COMPARATIVE  WEAKNESS.  306 

to  give  a  part,  although  offering  the  whole.  There  was  no 
great  inequality  between  the  two  countries.  Both  were  in- 
stinctively conscious,  perhaps,  of  standing  on  the  edge  of  a 
vast  expansion.  Both  felt  that  they  were  about  to  stretch 
their  wings  suddenly  for  a  flight  over  the  whole  earth.  Yet 
each  was  a  very  inferior  power,  in  comparison  with  the  great 
empires  of  the  past  or  those  which  then  existed. 

It  is  difficult,  without  a  strong  effort  of  the  imagination,  to 
reduce  the  English  empire  to  the  slender  proportions  which 
belonged  to  her  in  the  days  of  Elizabeth.  That  epoch  was 
full  of  light  and  life.  The  constellations  which  have  for 
centuries  been  shining  in  the  English  firmament  were  then 
human  creatures  walking  English  earth.  The  captains,  states- 
men, corsairs,  merchant-adventurers,  poets,  dramatists,  the 
great  Queen  herself,  the  Cecils,  Raleigh,  Walsingham,  Drake, 
Hawkins,  Gilbert,  Howard,  Willoughby,  the  Norrises,  Essex, 
Leicester,  Sidney,  Spenser,  Shakspeare  and  the  lesser  but 
brilliant  lights  which  surrounded  him  ;  such  were  the  men 
who  lifted  England  upon  an  elevation  to  which  she  was  not 
yet  entitled  by  her  material  grandeur.  At  last  she  had  done 
with  Rome,  and  her  expansion  dated  from  that  moment. 
Holland  and  England,  by  the  very  condition  of  their  existence, 
were  sworn  foes  to  Philip.  Elizabeth  stood  excommunicated 
of  the  Pope,  There  was  hardly  a  month  in  which  intelligence 
was  not  sent  by  English  agents  out  of  the  Netherlands  and 
France,  that  assassins,  hired  by  Philip,  were  making  their 
way  to  England  to  attempt  the  life  of  the  Queen,  The 
Netherlanders  were  rebels  to  the  Spanish  monarch,  and  they 
Btood,  one  and  all,  under  death-sentence  by  Rome.  The 
alliance  was  inevitable  and  wholesome.  Elizabeth  was, 
however,  consistently  opposed  to  the  acceptance  of  a  new 
sovereignty.  England  was  a  weak  power.  Ireland  was  at 
her  side  in  a  state  of  chronic  rebellion — a  stepping-stone  for 
Spain  in  its  already  foreshadowed  invasion,  Scotland  was  at 
her  back  with  a  strong  party  of  Catholics,  stipendiaries  of 
Philip,  encouraged  by  the  Guises  and  periodically  inflamed 
to  enthusiasm  by  the  hope  of  rescuing  Mary  Stuart  from  her 

VOL.  I. — V 


306  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cqap.  VL 

imprisonment,  bringing  her  rival's  head  to  the  block,  and 
elevating  the  long-sufiering  martyr  upon  the  throne  of  uU  the 
British  Islands.  And  in  the  midst  of  England  itself,  con- 
spiracies were  weaving  every  day.  The  mortal  duel  between 
tlie  two  queens  was  slowly  approaching  its  termination.  In 
the  fatal  form  of  Mary  was  embodied  everything  most  perilous 
to  England's  glory  and  to  England's  Queen.  Mary  Stuart 
meant  absolutism  at  home,  subjection  to  Rome  and  Spain 
abroad.  The  uncle  Guises  were  stipendiaries  of  Philip,  Philip 
was  the  slave  of  the  Pope.  Mucio  had  frightened  the  unlucky 
Henry  III.  into  submission,  and  there  was  no  health  nor  hope 
in  France.  For  England,  Mary  Stuart  embodied  the  possible 
relapse  into  sloth,  dependence,  barbarism.  For  Elizabeth, 
Mary  Stuart  embodied  sedition,  conspiracy,  rebellion,  battle, 
murder,  and  sudden  death. 

It  was  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  Queen  thus  situated 
should  be  cautious,  when  about  throwing  down  the  gauntlet 
to  the  greatest  powers  of  the  earth.  Yet  the  commissioners 
from  the  United  States  were  now  on  their  way  to  England  to 
propose  the  throwing  of  that  gauntlet.  What  now  was  that 
England  ? 

Its  population  was,  perhaps,  not  greater  than  the  numbers 
which  dwell  to-day  within  its  capital  and  immediate  suburbs. 
Its  revenue  was  perhaps  equal  to  the  sixtieth  part  of  the 
annual  interest  on  the  present  national  debt.  Single,  highly- 
favoured  individuals,  not  only  in  England  but  in  other 
countries  cis-  and  trans-Atlantic,  enjoy  incomes  equal  to  more 
than  half  the  amount  of  Elizabeth's  annual  budget.  London, 
then  containing  perhaps  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  in- 
habitants, was  hardly  so  imposing  a  town  as  Antwerp,  and 
was  inferior  in  most  material  respects  to  Paris  and  Lisbon. 
Forty-two  hundred  children  were  born  every  year  within  its 
precincts,  and  the  deaths  were  nearly  as  many.'  In  plague 
years,  which  were  only  too  frequent,  a^  many  as  twenty  and 
even  thirty  thousand  people  had  been  annually  swept  away.* 

'  Meteren,    xiii.    243.      The    historian    -was,   for    a    long   period,    resident   in 
London  at  this  epoch.  ''  Ibid. 


1585.  THE   ENGLISH   CHARAGTERIZED  307 

At  the  present  epoch  there  are  seventeen  hundred  births  every 
week,  and  about  one  thousand  deaths. 

It  is  instructive  to  throw  a  glance  at  the  character  of  the 
English  people  as  it  appeared  to  intelligent  foreigners  at  that 
day  ;  for  the  various  parts  of  the  world  were  not  then  so 
^losely  blended,  nor  did  national  colours  and  characteristics 
flow  so  liquidly  into  each  other,  as  is  the  case  in  these  days 
of  intimate  juxta-position. 

"  The  English  are  a  very  clever,  handsome,  and  well-made 
people,"  says  a  learned  Antwerp  historian  and  merchant,  who 
had  resided  a  long  time  in  London,  "but,  like  all  islanders, 
by  nature  weak  and  tender.  They  are  generally  fair,  par- 
ticularly the  women,  who  all — even  to  the  peasant  women — 
protect  their  complexions  from  the  sun  with  fans  and  veils, 
as  only  the  stately  gentlewomen  do  in  Germany  and  the 
Netherlands.  As  a  people  they  are  stout-hearted,  vehement, 
eager,  cruel  in  war,  zealous  in  attack,  little  fearing  death  ; 
not  revengeful,  but  fickle,  presumptuous,  rash,  boastful,  de- 
ceitful, very  suspicious,  especially  of  strangers,  whom  they 
despise.  They  are  full  of  courteous  and  hypocritical  gestures 
and  words,  which  they  consider  to  imply  good  manners,  civility, 
and  wisdom.  They  are  well  spoken,  and  very  hospitable. 
They  feed  well,  eating  much  meat,  which — owing  to  the  rainy 
climate  and  the  ranker  character  of  the  grass — is  not  so 
firm  and  succulent  as  the  meat  of  France  and  the  Netherlands. 
The  people  are  not  so  laborious  as  the  French  and  Hollanders, 
preferring  to  lead  an  indolent  life,  like  the  Spaniards.  The 
most  difficult  and  ingenious  of  the  handicrafts  are  in  the 
hands  of  foreigners,  as  is  the  case  with  the  lazy  inhabitants 
of  Spain.  They  feed  many  sheep,  with  fine  wool,  from  which, 
two  hundred  years  ago,  they  learned  to  make  cloth.  They 
keep  many  idle  servants,  and  many  wild  animals  for  their 
pleasure,  instead  of  cultivating  the  soil.  They  have  many 
ships,  but  they  do  not  even  catch  fish  enough  for  their 
own  consumption,  but  purchase  of  their  neighbours.  They 
dress  very  elegantly.  Their  costume  is  light  and  costly,  but 
they  are  very  changeable  and  capricious^  altering  their  fasljiuij^ 


308  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VL 

every  year,  both  the  men  and  the  women.  When  they  go 
away  from  home,  riding  or  travelling,  they  always  wear  their 
best  clothes,  contrary  to  the  habit  of  other  nations.  The  English 
language  is  broken  Dutch,  mixed  with  French  and  British 
terms  and  words,  but  with  a  lighter  pronunciation.  They  do 
not  speak  from  the  chest,  like  the  Germans,  but  prattle  only^ 
with  the  tongue.'" 

Here  are  few  statistical  facts,  but  certainly  it  is  curious  to 
see  how  many  national  traits  thus  photographed  by  a  con- 
temporary, have  quite  vanished,  and  have  been  exchanged 
for  their  very  opposites.  Certainly  the  last  physiological 
criticism  of  all  would  indicate  as  great  a  national  metamor- 
phosis, during  the  last  three  centuries,  as  is  offered  by  many 
other  of  the  writer's  observations. 

"  With  regard  to  the  women,"  continues  the  same  authority, 
"  they  are  entirely  in  the  power  of  the  men,  except  in  matters 
of  life  and  death,  yet  they  are  not  kept  so  closely  and  strictly 
as  in  Spain  and  elsewhere.  They  are  not  locked  up,  but  have 
free  management  of  their  household,  like  the  Netherlanders 
and  their  other  neighbours.  They  are  gay  in  their  clothing, 
taking  well  their  ease,  leaving  house-work  to  the  servant- 
maids,  and  are  fond  of  sitting,  finely- dressed,  before  their 
doors  to  see  the  passers-by  and  to  be  seen  of  them.  In  all 
banquets  and  dinner-parties  they  have  the  most  honour, 
sitting  at  the  upper  end  of  the  board,  and  being  served  first. 
Their  time  is  spent  in  riding,  lounging,  card-playing,  and 
making  merry  with  their  gossips  at  child-bearings,  christenings, 
churchings,  and  buryings  ;  and  all  this  conduct  the  men  wink 
at,  because  such  are  the  customs  of  the  land.  They  much 
commend  however  the  industry  and  careful  habits  of  the 
German  and  Netherland  women,  who  do  the  work  which  in 
England  devolves  upon  the  men.  Hence,  England  is  called 
the  paradise  of  married  women,  for  the  unmarried  girls  are 
kept  much  more  strictly  than  upon  the  continent.  The 
women  are  handsome,  white,  dressy,  modest ;  although  they 
go  freely  about  the  streets  without  bonnet,  hood,  or  veil ;  but 

'  Emauutl  van  Meteren,  '  Necl^rJ^clsche  Historien,'  xiii.  243. 


1685.  PAUL  HENTZNER.  309 

the  noble  dames  have  lately  learned  to  cover  their  faces  with 
a  silken  mask  or  vizard  with  a  plumage  of  feathers,  for  they 
change  their  fashions  every  year,  to  the  astonishment  of  many."  * 

Paul  Hentzner,  a  tourist  from  Germany  at  precisely 
the  same  epoch,  touches  with  equal  minuteness  on  English 
characteristics.  It  may  be  observed,  that,  ^ith  some  dis- 
crepancies, there  is  also  much  similarity  in  the  views  of  the 
two  critics. 

"  The  English,"  says  the  whimsical  Paul,  "  are  serious, 
like  the  Germans,  lovers  of  show,  liking  to  be  followed, 
wherever  they  go,  by  troops  of  servants,  who  wear  their  mas- 
ter's arms,  in  silver,  fastened  to  their  left  sleeves,  and  are 
justly  ridiculed  for  wearing  tails  hanging  down  their  backs. 
They  excel  in  dancing  and  music,  for  they  are  active  and 
lively,  although  they  are  of  thicker  build  than  the  Germans. 
They  cut  their  hair  close  on  the  forehead,  letting  it  hang 
down  on  either  side.  They  are  good  sailors,  and  better 
pirates,  cunning,  treacherous,  thievish.  Three  hundred  and 
upwards  are  hanged  annually  in  London.  Hawking  is  the 
favourite  sport  of  the  nobility.  The  English  are  more  polite 
in  eating  than  the  French,  devouring  less  bread,  but  more 
meat,  which  they  roast  in  perfection.  They  put  a  great 
deal  of  sugar  in  their  drink.  Their  beds  are  covered  with 
tapestry,  even  those  of  farmers.  They  are  powerful  in  the 
field,  successful  against  their  enemies,  impatient  of  anything 
like  slavery,  vastly  fond  of  great  ear-filling  noises,  such  as 
cannon-firing,  drum-beating,  and  bell-ringing  ;  so  that  it  is 
very  common  for  a  number  of  them,  when  they  have  got  a 
cup  too  much  in  their  heads,  to  go  up  to  some  belfry,  and 
ring  the  bells  for  an  hour  together,  for  the  sake  of  the  amuse- 
ment. If  they  see  a  foreigner  very  well  made  or  particularly 
handsome,  they  will  say  "  'tis  pity  he  is  not  an  Englishman.'" 

It  is  also  somewhat  amusing,  at  the  present  day,  to  find 
a  German  elaborately  explaining  to  his  countrymen  the 
mysteries  of  tobacco-smoking,  as  they  appeared  to  his  un- 

'   Emanuel  van  Meteren,  just  cited.       r  Germaniae,    Galliae,    Angliae,    Italiae,' 
*   Paulus    Hentznerus,    '  Itinerarium   j  Breslae,  1617. 


310  TUE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Vi 

sophisticated  eyes  in  England.  "  At  the  theatres  and  every- 
where else/'  says  the  traveller,  "  the  English  are  constantly 
smoking  tobacco  in  the  following  manner.  They  have  pipes, 
made  on  purpose,  of  clay.  At  the  further  end  of  these  is  a 
bowl.  Into  the  bowl  they  put  the  herb,  and  then  setting  fire 
to  it,  they  dratv  the  smoke  into  their  mouths,  which  they  pufF 
out  again  through  their  nostrils,  like  funnels,"^  and  so  on; 
conscientious  explanations  which  a  Grerman  tourist  of  our 
own  times  might  think  it  superfluous  to  offer  to  his  com- 
patriots. 

It  is  also  instructive  to  read  that  the  light-fingered  gentry 
of  the  metropolis  were  nearly  as  adroit  in  their  calling  as 
they  are  at  present,  after  three  additional  centuries  of  deve- 
lopment for  their  delicate  craft ;  for  the  learned  Tobias 
Salander,  the  travelling  companion  of  Paul  Hentzner,  finding 
himself  at  a  Lord  Mayor's  Show,  was  eased  of  his  purse, 
containing  nine  crowns,  as  skilfully  as  the  feat  could  have 
been  done  by  the  best  pickpocket  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
much  to  that  learned  person's  discomfiture.  * 

Into  such  an  England  and  among  such  English  the  Nether- 
land  envoys  had  now  been  despatched  oh  their  most  important 
errand. 

After  twice  putting  back,  through  stress  of  weather,  the  com- 
missioners, early  in  July,  arrived  at  London,  and  were  "  lodged 
and  very  worshipfuUy  appointed  at  charges  of  her  Majesty  in 
the  Clothworkers'  Hall  in  Pynchon-lane,  near  Tower-street."* 
About  the  Tower  and  its  faubourgs  the  buildings  were  stated 
to  be  as  elegant  as  they  were  in  the  city  itself,  although 
this  was  hardly  very  extravagant  commendation.  From  this 
district  a  single  street  led  along  the  river's  strand  to  West- 
minster, where  were  the  old  and  new  palaces,  the  famous 
hall  and  abbey,  the  Parliament  chambers,  and  the  bridge  to 
South wark,  built  of  stone,  with  twenty  arches,  sixty  feet  high, 
and  with  rows  of  shops  and  dwelling-houses  on  both  its  sides. 
Thence,  along   the   broad   and   beautiful  river,  were   dotted 

•  Paulus  Hentznerus,  just  cited.  »  Ibid. 

=  Stowe's  'Chronicle,'  p.  708. 


1585.  THE   ENVOYS   IN    LONDON.  311 

here  and  there  many  stately  mansions  and  villas,  residences 
of  bishops  and  nobles,  extending  farther  and  farther  west  as 
the  city  melted  rapidly  into  the  country.  London  itself  was 
a  town  lying  high  upon  a  hill — the  hill  of  Lud — and  consisted 
of  a  coil  of  narrow,  tortuous,  unseemly  streets,  each  with  a 
black,  noisome  rivulet  running  through  its  centre,  and  with 
rows  of  three-storied,  leaden-roofed  houses,  built  of  timber- 
work  filled  in  with  lime,  with  many  gables,  and  with  the  up- 
per stories  overhanging  and  darkening  the  basements.  There 
were  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  churches,  small  and  large, 
the  most  conspicuous  of  which  was  the  Cathedral.  Old  Saint 
Paul's  was  not  a  very  magnificent  edifice — but  it  was  an  ex- 
tremely large  one,  for  it  was  seven  hundred  and  twenty  feet 
long,  one  hundred  and  thirty  broad,  and  had  a  massive  quad- 
rangular tower,  two  hundred  and  sixty  feet  high.  Upon  this 
tower  had  stood  a  timber-steeple,  rising  to  a  height  of  five 
hundred  and  thirty-four  feet  from  the  ground,  but  it  had 
been  struck  by  lightning  in  the  year  1561,  and  consumed  to 
the  stone-work.^ 

The  Queen's  favourite  residence  was  Greenwich  Palace,  the 
place  of  her  birth,  and  to  this  mansion,  on  the  9th  of  July, 
the  Netherland  envoys  were  conveyed,  in  royal  barges,  from 
the  neighbourhood  of  Pynchon-lane,  for  their  first  audience. 

The  deputation  was  a  strong  one.  There  was  Falck  of 
Zeeland,  a  man  of  consummate  adroitness,  perhaps  not  of 
as  satisfactory  integrity;  "a  shrewd  fellow  and  a  fine,"  as 
Lord  Leicester  soon  afterwards  characterised  him.  There 
was  Menin,  pensionary  of  Dort,  an  eloquent  and  accomplished 
orator,  and  employed  on  this  occasion  as  chief  spokesman  of 
the  legation — "a  deeper  man,  and,  I  think,  an  honester," 
said  the  same  personage,  adding,  with  an  eye  to  business, 
"  and  he  is  but  poor,  which  you  must  consider,  but  with  great 
secrecy."-  There  was  Paul  Buys,  whom  we  have  met  with 
before  ;  keen,  subtle,  somewhat  loose  of  life,  very  passionate, 
a  most  energetic  and  valuable  friend   to  England,  a  deter- 

1  Meteren,  xiii.  24.3.     Camden,  57. 
2  Bruce's  '  Leyceat.  Corresp.'  409,   i   Sept.  1586. 


312  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI 

iiiiiit'd  foe  to  France,  who  had  resigned  the  important  post  of 
Holland's  Advocate,  when  the  mission  oftering  sovereignty  to 
Henry  III.  had  been  resolved  upon,  and  who  had  since  that 
period  been  most  influential  in  procuring  the  present  triumph 
of  the  English  policy.  Through  his  exertions  the  Province  of 
Holland  had  been  induced  at  an  early  moment  to  furnish  the 
most  ample  instructions  to  the  commissioners  for  the  satisfac- 
tion of  Queen  Elizabeth  in  the  great  matter  of  the  mortgages. 
"Judge  if  this  Paul  Buys  has  done  his  work  well,"  said  a 
French  agent  in  the  Netherlands,  who,  despite  the  infamous 
conduct  of  his  government  towards  the  Provinces,  was  doing 
his  best  to  frustrate  the  subsequent  negociation  with  Eng- 
land, "  and  whether  or  no  he  has  Holland  under  his  thumb." ' 
The  same  individual  had  conceived  hopes  from  Falck  of  Zee- 
land.  That  Province,  in  which  lay  the  great  bone  of  conten- 
tion between  the  Queen  and  the  States — the  important  town 
of  Flushing — was  much  slower  than  Holland  to  agree  to 
the  English  policy.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  Falck  was  not 
the  most  ingenuous  and  disinterested  politician  that  could 
be  found  even  in  an  age  not  distinguished  for  frankness 
or  purity  ;  for  even  while  setting  forth  upon  the  mission 
to  Elizabeth,  he  was  still  clinging,  or  affecting  to  cling,  to 
the  wretched  delusion  of  French  assistance.  "  I  regret  infi- 
nitely," said  Falck  to  the  French  agent  just  mentioned,  "that 
I  am  employed  in  this  affair,  and  that  it  is  necessary  in  our 
present  straits  to  have  recourse  to  England.  There  is — so  to 
speak — not  a  person  in  our  Province  that  is  inclined  that  way, 
all  recognizing  very  well  that  France  is  much  more  salu- 
tary for  us,  besides  that  we  all  bear  her  a  certain  affection. 
Indeed,  if  I  were  assured  that  the  King  still  felt  any  good- 
will towards  us,  I  would  so  manage  matters  that  neither 
the  Queen  of  England,  nor  any  other  prince  whatever  except 
his  most  Christian  Majesty  should  take  a  bite  at  this  country, 
at  least  at  this  Province,  and  with  that  view,  while  waiting 
for  news  from  France,  I  will  keep  things  in  suspense^  and 
spin  them  out  as  long  as  it  is  possible  to  do." ' 

'  Groen  v.  Prinsterer,  '  Archives,'  ic.  i.  14.  2  Ibid. 


1585.  THEIR   CHARACTERS.  313 

The  news  from  France  happened  soon  to  be  very  conclu- 
sive, and  it  then  became  difficult  even  for  Falck  to  believe — 
after  intelligence  received  of  the  accord  between  Henry  III. 
and  the  Guises — that  his  Christian  Majesty  would  be  inclined 
for  a  bite  at  the  Netherlands.  This  duplicity  on  the  part  of 
so  leading  a  personage  furnishes  a  key  to  much  of  the  ap- 
parent dilatoriness  on  the  part  of  the  English  government. 
It  has  been  seen  that  Elizabeth,  up  to  the  last  moment,  could 
not  fairly  comprehend  the  ineffable  meanness  of  the  French 
monarch.  She  told  Ortel  that  she  saw  no  reason  to  believe 
in  that  great  Catholic  conspiracy  against  herself  and  against 
all  Protestantism  which  was  so  soon  to  be  made  public  by  the 
King's  edict  of  July,  promulgated  at  the  very  instant  of  the 
arrival  in  England  of  the  Netherland  envoys.  When  that 
dread  fiat  had  gone  forth,  the  most  determined  favourer  of 
the  French  alliance  could  no  longer  admit  its  possibility,  and 
Falck  became  the  more  open  to  that  peculiar  line  of  argu- 
ment which  Leicester  had  suggested  with  regard  to  one  of 
the  other  deputies.  "  I  will  do  my  best,"  wrote  Walsingham, 
"  to  procure  that  Paul  Buys  and  Falck  shall  receive  under- 
hand some  reward." ' 

Besides  Menin,  Falck,  and  Buys,  were  Noel  de  Caron, 
an  experienced  diplomatist ;  the  poet-soldier.  Van  der  Does, 
heroic  defender  of  Leyden ;  De  Gryze,  Hersolte,  Francis 
Maalzoon,  and  three  legal  Frisians  of  pith  and  substance, 
Feitsma,  Aisma,  and  Jongema  f  a  dozen  Dutchmen  together 
— as  muscular  champions  as  ever  little  republic  sent  forth  to 
wrestle  with  all  comers  in  the  slippery  ring  of  diplomacy. 
For  it  was  instinctively  felt  that  here  were  conclusions  to  be 
tried  with  a  nation  of  deep,  solid  thinkers,  who  were  aware 
that  a  great  crisis  in  the  world's  history  had  occurred,  and 
would  put  forth  their  most  substantial  men  to  deal  with  it. 
Burghley  and  Walsingham,  the  great  Queen  herself,  were 
no   feather-weights   like   the   frivolous    Henry   III.    and   his 

1  Walsingham  to  Davison,  '/ °|^,  1585.     S.  P.  Office  MS. 

2  Wagentiar,  viii.  90. 


314 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


CUAP.  VI 


minions.  It  was  pity,  however,  that  the  discussions  about  to 
ensue  presented  from  the  outset  rather  the  aspect  of  a  hard- 
hitting encounter  of  antagonists  than  that  of  a  frank  and 
friendly  congress  between  two  great  parties  whose  interests 
were  identical. 

Since  the  death  of  William  the  Silent,  there  was  no 
one  individual  in  the  Netherlands  to  impersonate  the  great 
struggle  of  the  Provinces  with  Spain  and  Rome,  and  to  con- 
centrate upon  his  own  head  a  poetical,  dramatic,  and  yet 
most  legitimate  interest.  The  great  purpose  of  the  present 
history  must  be  found  in  its  illustration  of  the  creative  power 
of  civil  and  religious  freedom.  Here  was  a  little  republic, 
just  born  into  the  world,  suddenly  bereft  of  its  tutelary  saint, 
left  to  its  own  resources,  yet  already  instinct  with  healthy 
vigorous  life,  and  playing  its  difficult  part  among  friends  and 
enemies  with  audacity,  self-reliance,  and  success.  To  a  cer- 
tain extent  its  achievements  were  anonymous,  but  a  great 
principle  manifested  itself  through  a  series  of  noble  deeds. 
Statesmen,  soldiers,  patriots,  came  forward  on  all  sides  to  do 
the  work  which  was  to  be  done,  and  those  who  were  brought 
into  closest  contact  with  the  commonwealth  acknowledged  in 
strongest  language  the  signal  ability  with  which,  self-guided, 
she  steered  her  course.  Nevertheless,  there  was  at  this  mo- 
ment one  Netherlander,  the  chief  of  the  present  mission 
to  England,  already  the  foremost  statesman  of  his  country, 
whose  name  will  not  soon  be  effaced  from  the  record  of  the 
sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.  That  man  was  John 
of  Olden-Barneveld. 

He  was  now  in  his  thirty-eighth  year,  having  been  born  at 
Amersfoot  on  the  14th  of  September,  1547.'  He  bore  an 
imposing  name,  for  the  Olden-Barnevelds  of  Gelderland 
were  a  race  of  unquestionable  and  antique  nobility.  His 
enemies,  however,  questioned  his  right  to  the  descent  which 
he  claimed.     They  did  not  dispute  that  the  great  grandfather, 


'  Naeranus,  '  Historie  van  het  Leven 
en  Sterven  van  Johans  van  Olden-' 
Bamevelt,  1648,  p.  3.     '  Levensbeschrij- 


ving     Nederslandscher 
Vrouwen '  II.  247. 


Mannen     en 


1585.  OLDEN-BARNEVELD  DESCRIBED.  315 

Claas  van  Olden-Barneveld,  was  of  distinguished  lineage  and 
allied  to  many  illustrious  houses,  hut  they  denied  that  Claas 
was  really  the  great  grandfather  of  John.  John's  fother, 
Gerritt,  they  said,  was  a  nameless  outcast,  a  felon,  a  murderer, 
who  had  escaped  the  punishment  due  to  his  crimes,  but  had 
dragged  out  a  miserable  existence  in  the  downs,  burrowing 
like  a  rabbit  in  the  sand.  They  had  also  much  to  say  in  dis- 
paragement of  all  John's  connections.  Not  only  was  his  father 
a  murderer,  but  his  wife,  whom  he  had  married  for  money, 
was  the  child  of  a  most  horrible  incest,  his  sisters  were  prosti- 
tutes, his  sons  and  brothers  were  debauchees  and  drunkards, 
and,  in  short,  never  had  a  distinguished  man  a  more  uncom- 
fortable and  discreditable  family-circle  than  that  which  sur- 
rounded Barneveld,  if  the  report  of  his  enemies  was  to  be 
believed.^  Yet  it  is  agreeable  to  reflect  that,  with  all  the 
venom  which  they  had  such  power  of  secreting,  these  malig- 
nant tongues  had  been  unable  to  destroy  the  reputation  of 
the  man  himself.  John's  character  was  honourable  and  up- 
right, his  intellectual  power  not  disputed  even  by  those  who 
at  a  later  period  hated  him  the  most  bitterly.  He  had  been 
a  profound  and  indefatigable  student  from  his  earliest  youth. 
He  had  read  law  at  Leyden,  in  France,  at  Heidelberg.  Here, 
in  the  head-quarters  of  German  Calvinism,  his  youthful  mind 
had  long  pondered  the  dread  themes  of  foreknowledge,  judg- 
ment absolute,  free  will,  and  predestination.  To  believe  it 
worth  the  while  of  a  rational  and  intelligent  Deity  to  create 
animally  several  millions  of  thinking  beings,  who  were  to 
struggle  for  a  brief  period  on  earth,  and  to  consume  in  per- 
petual brimstone  afterwards,  while  others  were  predestined  to 
endless  enjoyment,  seemed  to  him  an  indiiferent  exchange  for 
a"  faith  in  the  purgatory  and  paradise  of  Rome.  Perplexed 
in  the  extreme,  the  youthful  John  bethought  himself  of  an 
inscription  over  the  gateway  of  his  famous  but  questionable 
great  grandfather's  house  at  Amersfort — nil  scire  ttitissima 
jides!^     He  resolved   thenceforth  to  adopt  a  system  of  igno- 

*  'Gulden  Legende  van  don  Nieuwen  St.  Jan,'  1618.         *  Naeranus,  p.  5. 


316  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS  Chap.  VL 

ranee  upon  matters  beyond  the  flaming  walls  of  the  world  ;  to 
do  the  work  before  him  manfully  and  faithfully  while  he 
walked  the  earth,  and  to  trust  that  a  benevolent  Creator 
would  devote  neither  him  nor  any  other  man  to  eternal  hell- 
fire.  For  this  most  oiFensive  doctrine  he  was  howled  at  by 
the  strictly  pious,  while  he  earned  still  deeper  opprobrium 
by  daring  to  advocate  religious  toleration.  In  face  of  the 
endless  ho<Tors  inflicted  by  the  Spanish  Inquisition  upon  his 
native  land,  he  had  the  hardihood — although  a  determined 
Protestant  himself — to  claim  for  Roman  Catholics  the  right 
to  exercise  their  religion  in  the  free  States  on  equal  terms 
with  those  of  the  reformed  faith.  "  Any  one,"  said  his  ene- 
mies, "  could  smell  what  that  meant  who  had  not  a  wooden 
nose." '  In  brief,  he  was  a  liberal  Christian,  both  in  theory 
and  practice,  and  he  nobly  confronted  in  consequence  the 
wrath  of  bigots  on  both  sides.  At  a  later  period  the  most 
zealous  Calvinists  called  him  Pope  John,  and  the  opinions  to 
which  he  was  to  owe  such  appellations  had  already  been 
formed  in  his  mind. 

After  completing  his  very  thorough  legal  studies,  he  had 
practised  as  an  advocate  in  Holland  and  Zeeland.  An  early 
defender  of  civil  and  religious  freedom,  he  had  been  brought 
at  an  early  day  into  contact  with  William  the  Silent,  who 
recognized  his  ability.  He  had  borne  a  snap-hance  on  his 
shoulder  as  a  volunteer  in  the  memorable  attempt  to  relieve 
Haarlem,  and  was  one  of  the  few  survivors  of  that  bloody 
night.  He  had  stood  outside  the  walls  of  Leyden  in  company 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange  when  that  magnificent  destruction  of 
the  dykes  had  taken  place  by  which  the  city  had  been  saved 
from  the  fate  impending  over  it.  At  a  still  more  recent  period 
we  have  seen  him  landing  from  the  gun-boats  upon  the  Kow- 
enstyn,  on  the  fatal  26th  May.  These  military  adventures 
were,  however,  but  brief  and  accidental  episodes  in  his  career, 
which  was  that  of  a  statesman  and  diplomatist.  As  pensionary 
of  Rotterdam,  he  was  constantly  a  member  of  the  General 

'  "  "Waertoo  dit  alles  soude  strecken,  I  neusen  hebbeu."  '  Gulden  Legende^' 
konnev  sy  wel  ruycken  die  geen  houte    J  p.  33. 


1586.  RECEPTION  AT  GREENWICH.  Si7 

Assembly,  and  had  already  begun  to  guide  the  policy  of  the 
new  commonwealth.  His  experience  was  considerable,  and  he 
was  now  in  the  high  noon  of  his  vigour  and  his  usefulness.' 

He  was  a  man  of  noble  and  imposing  presence,  with  thick 
hair  pushed  from  a  broad  forehead  rising  dome-like  above  a 
square  and  massive  face  ;  a  strong  deeply-coloured  physiog- 
nomy, with  shaggy  brow,  a  chill  blue  eye,  not  winning  but 
commanding,  high  cheek  bones,  a  solid,  somewhat  scornful 
nose,  a  firm  mouth  and  chin,  enveloped  in  a  copious  brown 
beard  ;  the  whole  head  not  unfitly  framed  in  the  stiff  formal 
ruff  of  the  period  ;  and  the  tall  stately  figure  well  draped  in 
magisterial  robes  of  velvet  and  sable — such  was  John  of  Olden- 
Barneveld. 

The  Commissioners  thus  described  arrived  at  Greenwich 
Stairs,  and  were  at  once  ushered  into  the  palace,  a  residence 
which  had  been  much  enlarged  and  decorated  by  Henry  VIII. 
They  were  received  with  stately  ceremony.  The  presence- 
chamber  was  hung  with  Gobelin  tapestry,  its  floor  strewn  with 
rushes.  Fifty  gentlemen  pensioners,  with  gilt  battle-axes,  and 
a  throng  of  buffetiers,  or  beef-eaters,  in  that  quaint  old-world 
garb  which  has  survived  so  many  centuries,  were  in  attend- 
ance, while  the  counsellors  of  the  Queen,  in  their  robes  of 
state,  waited  around  the  throne. 

There,  in  close  skull-cap  and  dark  flowing  gown,  was  the 
subtle,  monastic-looking  Walsingham,  with  long,  grave,  me- 
lancholy face  and  Spanish  eyes.  There  too,  white  staff  in 
hand,  was  Lord  High  Treasurer  Burghley,  then  sixty-five 
years  of  age,  with  serene  blue  eye,  large,  smooth,  pale,  scarce- 
wrinkled  face  and  forehead  ;  seeming,  with  his  placid,  sym- 
metrical features,  and  great  velvet  bonnet,  under  which  such 
silver  hairs  as  remained  were  soberly  tucked  away,  and  with 
his  long  dark  robes  which  swept  the  ground,  more  like  a  dig- 
nified gentlewoman  than  a  statesman,  but  for  the  wintry  beard 
which  lay  like  a  snow-drift  on  his  ancient  breast. 

The  Queen  was  then  in  the  fifty-third  year  of  her  age,  and 

»  Naeranus,  l-U.     '  Levensbeschrijving,'  4c.  II.  246-241. 


318  THE  UMITED  NETHERLANDS.  CHAl^  VL 

considered  herself  in  the  lull  bloom  of  her  beauty.  Her  gar- 
ments were  of  satin  and  velvet,  with  fringes  of  pearl  as 
big  as  beans.  A  small  gold  crown  was  upon  her  head, 
and  her  red  hair,  throughout  its  multiplicity  of  curls,  blazed 
with  diamonds  and  emeralds.  Her  forehead  was  tall,  her 
face  long,  her  complexion  fair,  her  eyes  small,  dark,  and 
glittering,  her  nose  high  and  hooked,  her  lips  thin,  hei 
teeth  black,  her  bosom  white  and  liberally  exposed.  As  she 
passed  through  the  ante-chamber  to  the  presence-hall,  suppli- 
cants presented  petitions  upon  their  knees.  Wherever  she 
glanced,  all  prostrated  themselves  on  the  ground.  The  cry  of 
"Long  live  Queen  Elizabeth"  was  spontaneous  and  perpetual; 
the  reply,  "  I  thank  you,  my  good  people,"  was  constant  and 
cordial.  She  spoke  to  various  foreigners  in  their  respective 
languages,  being  mistress,  besides  the  Latin  and  Greek,  of 
French,  Spanish,  Italian,  and  German.  As  the  Commissioners 
were  presented  to  her  by  Lord  Buckhurst  it  was  observed  that 
she  was  perpetually  gloving  and  ungloving,  as  if  to  attract 
attention  to  her  hand,  which  was  esteemed  a  wonder  of  beauty. 
She  spoke  French  with  purity  and  elegance,  but  with  a  drawl- 
ing, somewhat  affected  accent,  saying  "  Paar  maafoi  ;  paar  le 
Dieeu  vivaant,"  and  so  forth,  in  a  style  which  was  ridiculed  by 
Parisians,  as  she  sometimes,  to  her  extreme  annoyance,  dis- 
covered.^ 

Joos  de  Menin,  pensionary  of  Dort,  in  the  name  of  all  the 
envoys,  made  an  elaborate  address.  He  expressed  the  grati- 
tude which  the  States  entertained  for  her  past  kindness,  and 
particularly  for  the  good  offices  rendered  by  Ambassador 
Davison  after  the  death  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  for  the 
deep  regret  expressed  by  her  Majesty  for  their  disappoint- 
ment in  the  hopes  they  had  founded  upon  France. 

"  Since  the  death  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,"  he  said,  "the 
States  have  lost  many  important  cities,  and  now,  for  the  pre- 
servation of  their  existence,  they  have  need  of  a  prince  and 
sovereign  lord  to  defend  them  against  the  tyranny  and  iniqui- 

'  Pu  Maurier,  'Mernoires/  257. 


1585.  SPEECH  OF  MENIN.  319 

tous  oppression  of  the  Spaniards  and  their  adherents,  who  are 
more  and  more  determined  utterly  to  destroy  their  country, 
and  reduce  the  poor  people  to  a  perpetual  slavery  worse  than 
that  of  Indians,  under  the  insupportable  and  detestable  yoke 
of  the  Spanish  Inquisition.  We  have  felt  a  confidence  that 
your  Majesty  will  not  choose  to  see  us  perish  at  the  hands  of 
the  enemy  against  whom  we  have  been  obliged  to  sustain  this 
long  and  cruel  war.  That  war  we  have  undertaken  in  order 
to  preserve  for  the  poor  people  their  liberty,  laws,  and 
franchises,  together  with  the  exercise  of  the  true  Christian 
religion,  of  which  your  Majesty  bears  rightfully  the  title  of 
defender,  and  against  which  the  enemy  and  his  allies 
have  made  so  many  leagues  and  devised  so  many  ambushes 
and  stratagems,  besides  organizing  every  day  so  many  plots 
against  the  life  of  your  Majesty  and  the  safety  of  your  realms — 
schemes  which  thus  far  the  good  Grod  has  averted  for  the  good 
of  Christianity  and  the  maintenance  of  His  churches.  For 
these  reasons.  Madam,  the  States  have  taken  a  firm  resolution 
to  have  recourse  to  your  Majesty,  seeing  that  it  is  an  ordinary 
thing  for  all  oppressed  nations  to  apjjly  in  their  calamity  to 
neighbouring  princes,  and  especially  to  such  as  are  endowed 
with  piety,  justice,  magnanimity,  and  other  kingly  virtues. 
For  this  reason  we  have  been  deputed  to  offer  to  your  Majesty 
the  sovereignty  over  these  Provinces,  under  certain  good  and 
equitable  conditions,  having  reference  chiefly  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  reformed  religion  and  of  our  ancient  liberties 
and  customs.  And  although,  in  the  course  of  these  long  and 
continued  wars,  the  enemy  has  obtained  possession  of  many 
cities  and  strong  places  within  our  country,  nevertheless  tho 
Provinces  of  Holland,  Zeeland,  Utrecht,  and  Friesland,  are, 
thank  God,  still  entire.  And  in  those  lands  are  many  large 
and  stately  cities,  beautiful  and  deep  ri^rs,  admirable  sea- 
ports, from  which  your  Majesty  and  your  successors  can  derive 
much  good  fruit  and  commodity,  of  which  it  is  scarcely  neces- 
sary to  make  a  long  recital.  This  point,  however,  beyond  the 
rest,  merits  a  special  consideration,  namely,  that  the  conjunc- 
tion of  those   Provinces  of  Holland,  Zeeland,  Utrecht,  and 


320  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Crap.  VL 

Friesland,  together  with  the  cities  of  Sluys  and  Ostend,  with 
the  kingdoms  of  your  Majesty,  carries  with  it  the  absolute 
empire  of  the  great  ocean,  and  consequently  an  assurance  of 
perpetual  felicity  for  your  subjects.  We  therefore  humbly 
entreat  you  to  agree  to  our  conditions,  to  accept  the  sovereign 
seignory  of  these  Provinces,  and  consequently  to  receive  the 
people  of  the  same  as  your  very  humble  and  obedient  subjects, 
under  the  perpetual  safeguard  of  your  crown — a  people  cer- 
tainly as  faithful  and  loving  towards  their  princes  and  sove- 
reign lords,  to  speak  without  boasting,  as  any  in  all  Chris- 
tendom. 

"  So  doing.  Madam,  you  will  preserve  ma;ny  beautiful 
churches  which  it  has  pleased  God  to  raise  up  in  these  lands, 
now  much  afflicted  and  shaken,  and  you  will  deliver  this 
country  and  people — before  the  iniquitous  invasion  of  the 
Spaniards,  so  rich  and  flourishing  by  the  great  commodity  of 
the  sea,  their  ports  and  rivers,  their  commerce  and  manufac- 
tures, for  all  which  they  have  such  natural  advantages — 'from 
ruin  and  perpetual  slavery  of  body  and  soul.  This  will  be  a 
truly  excellent  work,  agreeable  to  God,  profitable  to  Christi- 
anity, worthy  of  immortal  praise,  and  comporting  with  the 
heroic  virtues  of  your  Majesty,  and  ensuring  the  prosperity  of 
your  country  and  people.  With  this  we  present  to  your 
Majesty  our  articles  and  conditions,  and  pray  that  the  King 
of  Kings  may  preserve  you  from  all  your  enemies  and  ever 
have  you  in  His  holy  keeping."^ 

The  Queen  listened  intently  and  very  courteously  to  the 
delivery  of  this  address,  and  then  made  answer  in  French  to 
this  effect : — "  Gentlemen, — Had  I  a  thousand  tongues  I  should 
not  be  able  to  express  my  obUgation  to  you  for  the  great  and 
handsome  offers  which  you  have  just  made.  I  firmly  believe 
that  this  proceeds  from  the  true  zeal,  devotion,  and  affection, 
which  you  have  always  borne  me,  and  I  am  certain  that  you 
have  ever  preferred  me  to  all  the  princes  and  potentates  in 
the  world.     Even  when  you  selected  the  late  Duke  of  Anjou, 

'   '  Vertoog  door  de   Gedeputeerden    I    ix*"'"    July,    1585,   voor  de    Koningir 
by  monde  van  der   Heere   Menin  den    I   gedaan.'     Hague  Archives,  MS. 


1585.  REPLY  OF  THE  QUEEN.  321 

who  was  so  dear  to  me,  and  to  whose  soul  I  hope  that  God 
has  been  merciful,  I  know  that  you  would  sooner  have  offered 
your  country  to  me  if  I  had  desired  that  you  should  do  so. 
Certainly  I  esteem  it  a  great  thing  that  you  wish  to  be 
governed  by  me,  and  I  feel  so  much  obliged  to  you  in  conse- 
quence that  I  will  never  abandon  you,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
assist  you  till  the  last  sigh  of  my  life.  I  know  very  well  that 
your  princes  have  treated  you  ill,  and  that  the  Spaniards 
are  endeavouring  to  ruin  you  entirely  ;  but  I  will  come  to 
your  aid,  and  I  will  consider  what  I  can  do,  consistently  with 
my  honour,  in  regard  to  the  articles  which  you  have  brought 
me.  They  shall  be  examined  by  the  members  of  my  council, 
and  I  promise  that  I  will  not  keep  you  three  or  four  months, 
for  I  know  very  well  that  your  affairs  require  haste,  and  that 
they  will  become  ruinous  if  you  are  not  assisted.  It  is  not 
my  custom  to  procrastinate,  and  upon  this  occasion  I  shall  not 
dally,  as  others  have  done,  but  let  you  have  my  answer  very 
soon."^ 

Certainly,  if  the  Provinces  needed  a  king,  which  they  had 
most  unequivocally  declared  to  be  the  case,  they  might  have 
wandered  the  whole  earth  over,  and,  had  it  been  possible, 
searched  through  the  whole  range  of  history,  before  finding  a 
monarch  with  a  more  kingly  spirit  than  the  great  Queen  to 
whom  they  had  at  last  had  recourse. 

Unfortunately,  she  was  resolute  in  her  refusal  to  accept  the 
offered  sovereignty.  The  first  interview  terminated  with  this 
exchange  of  addresses,  and  the  deputies  departed  in  their 
barges  for  their  lodgings  in  Pynchon-lane. 

The  next  two  days  were  past  in  perpetual  conferences, 
generally  at  Lord  Burghley's  house,  between  the  envoys  and 
the  lords  of  the  council,  in  which  the  acceptance  of  the 
sovereignty  was  vehemently  urged  on  the  part  of  the  Nether- 
landers,  and  steadily  declined  in  the  name  of  her  Majesty. 

"  Her  Highness,"  said  Burghley,  "  cannot  be  induced,  by 
any  writing  or  harangue  that  you  can  make,  to  accept   the 

'  Vertoog,  &c.  MS.  before  cited.  Compare  Bor,  TI.  635,  seq.  Tloofd,  Vervoigh, 
\18. 

VOL.  I, — W 


322  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Y1 

principality  or  proprietorship  as  sovereign,  and  it  will  there- 
fore be  labour  lost  for  you  to  exhibit  any  writing  for  the 
purpose  of  changing  her  intention.  It  will  be  better  to 
content  yourselves  with  her  Majesty's  consent  to  assist  you, 
and  to  take  you  under  her  protection."  ' 

Nevertheless,  two  days  afterwards,  a  writing  was  exhibited, 
drawn  up  by  Menin,  in  which  another  elaborate  effort  was 
made  to  alter  the  Queen's  determination.  This  anxiety,  on 
the  part  of  men  already  the  principal  personages  in  a  republic, 
to  merge  the  independent  existence  of  their  commonwealth  in 
another  and  a  foreign  political  organism,  proved,  at  any  rate, 
that  they  were  influenced  by  patriotic  motives  alone.  It  is 
also  instructive  to  observe  the  intense  language  with  which 
the  necessity  of  a  central  paramount  sovereignty  for  all  the 
Provinces,  and  the  inconveniences  of  the  separate  States' 
right  principle  were  urged  by  a  deputation,  at  the  head  of 
which  stood  Olden-Barneveld.  "  Although  it  is  not  becoming 
in  us,"  said  they,  "  to  enquire  into  your  Majesty's  motives  for 
refusing  the  sovereignty  of  our  country,  nevertheless,  we 
cannot  help  observing  that  your  consent  would  be  most  pro- 
fitable, as  well  to  your  Majesty  and  your  successors,  as  to  the 
Provinces  themselves.  By  your  acceptance  of  the  sovereignty 
the  two  peoples  would  be,  as  it  were,  united  in  one  body. 
This  would  cause  a  fraternal  benevolence  between  them,  and 
a  single  reverence,  love,  and  obedience  to  your  Majesty.  The 
two  peoples  being  thus  under  the  government  of  the  same 
sovereign  prince,  the  intrigues  and  practices  which  the  enemy 
could  attempt  with  persons  under  a  separate  subjection,  would 
of  necessity  surcease.  Moreover,  those  Provinces  are  all 
distinct  duchies,  counties,  seignories,  governed  by  their  own 
magistrates,  laws,  and  ordinances  ;  each  by  itself,  without  any 
authority  or  command  to  be  exercised  by  one  Province  over 
another.  To  this  end  they  have  need  of  a  supreme  power 
and  of  one  sovereign  prince  or  seignor,  who  may  command 
all  equally,  having  a  constant  regard  to  the  public  weal — con- 
sidered as  a  generality,  and  not  with  regard  to  the  profit  of 

'  MS.  Report  of  the  Envoys.     Oomp.  Bor,  Hoofd.  ubi  sup. 


1585.  MEMORIAL   OP   THE    ENVOYS.  323 

the  one  or  the  other  individual  Province — and  causing 
promptly  and  universally  to  be  executed  such  ordinances  as 
may  be  made  in  the  matter  of  war  or  police,  according  to 
various  emergencies.  Each  Province,  on  the  contrary,  re- 
taining its  sovereignty  over  its  own  inhabitants,  obedience 
will  not  be  so  promptly  and  completely  rendered  to  the  com- 
mands of  the  lieutenant-general  of  your  Majesty,  and  many 
a  good  enterprise  and  ojDportunity  will  be  lost.  Where  there 
is  not  a  single  authority  it  is  always  found  that  one  party 
endeavours  to  usurp  power  over  another,  or  to  escape  doing 
his  duty  so  thoroughly  as  the  others.  And  this  has  notoriously 
been  the  case  in  the  matter  of  contributions,  imposts,  and 
similar  matters."  ^ 

Thus  much,  and  more  of  similar  argument,  logically  urged, 
made  it  sufficiently  evident  that  twenty  years  of  revolt  and  of 
hard  fighting  against  one  king,  had  not  destroyed  in  the  minds 
of  the  leading  Netherlanders  their  conviction  of  the  necessity 
of  kingship.  If  the  new  commonwealth  was  likely  to  remain 
a  republic,  it  was,  at  that  moment  at  any  rate,  because  they 
could  not  find  a  king.  Certainly  they  did  their  best  to  annex 
themselves  to  England,  and  to  become  loyal  subjects  of 
England's  Elizabeth.  But  the  Queen,  besides  other  objec- 
tions to  the  course  proposed  by  the  Provinces,  thought  that 
she  could  do  a  better  thing  in  the  way  of  mortgages.  In  this, 
perhaps,  there  was  something  of  the  penny-wise  policy,  which 
sprang  from  one  great  defect  in  her  character.  At  any  rate 
much  mischief  was  done  by  the  mercantile  spirit  which 
dictated  the  hard  chaffering  on  both  sides  the  Channel  at  this 
important  juncture  ;  for  during  this  tedious  flint-paring,  Ant- 
werp, which  might  have  been  saved,  was  falling  into  the 
hands  of  Philip.  It  should  never  be  forgotten,  however,  that 
the   Queen  had  no  standing  army,  and  but  a  small  revenue. 


*  Remonstrantie  der  Gedeputeerden 
aan  H.  M.  In  the  MS.  Report  before 
cited.  Compare  Bor,  uhi  sup.,  who, 
as  an  historian  of  the  States'  right  and 
republican  party,  seems  to  have  been 


strong  monarchical  and  centripetal 
tendencies,  thus  expressed  by  men 
subsequently  the  representatives  of 
very  diflerent  doctrines;  and  so  omits 
these    passages     altogether    from    hLs 


Unwilling     to    give    currency    to    the   •  abstract  of  the  report. 


324  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI. 

The  men  to  be  sent  from  England  to  the  Nelherland  wars 
were  first  to  he  levied  wherever  it  was  possible  to  find  them. 
In  truth,  many  were  pressed  in  the  various  wards  of  London, 
furnished  with  red  coats  and  matchlocks  at  the  expense  of 
the  citizens,  and  so  despatched,  helter-skelter,  in  small  squads 
as  opportunity  offered.  ^  General  Sir  John  Norris  was  already 
superintending  these  operations,  by  command  of  the  Queen, 
before  the  present  formal  negotiation  with  the  States  had 
begun. 

Subsequently  to  the  11th  July,  on  which  day  the  second 
address  had  been  made  to  Elizabeth,  the  envoys  had  many 
conferences  with  Leicester,  Burghley,  Walsingham,  and  other 
councillors,  without  making  much  progress.  There  was  per- 
petual wrangling  about  figures  and  securities. 

"  What  terms  will  you  pledge  for  the  repayment  of  the 
monies  to  be  advanced  ?"  asked  Burghley  and  Walsingham. 

"  But  if  her  Majesty  takes  the  sovereignty,"  answered  the 
deputies,  "  there  will  be  no  question  of  guarantees.  The 
Queen  will  possess  our  whole  land,  and  there  will  be  no  need 
of  any  repayment." 

"  And  we  have  told  you  over  and  over  again,"  said  the  Lord 
Treasurer,  "  that  her  Majesty  will  never  think  of  accepting 
the  sovereignty.  She  will  assist  you  in  money  and  men,  and 
must  be  repaid  to  the  last  farthing  when  the  war  is  over ;  and, 
until  that  period,  must  have  solid  pledges  in  the  shape  of  a 
town  in  each  Province.  * 

Then  came  interrogatories  as  to  the  amount  of  troops  and 
funds  to  be  raised  respectively  by  the  Queen  and  the  States 
for  the  common  cause.  The  Provinces  wished  her  Majesty  to 
pay  one-third  of  the  whole  expense,  while  her  Majesty  was 
reluctant  to  pay  one-quarter.  The  States  wished  a  permanent 
force  to  be  kept  on  foot  in  the  Netherlands  of  thirteen  thousand 
infantry  and  two  thousand  cavalry  for  the  field,  and  twenty- 
three  thousand  for  garrisons.  The  councillors  thought  the 
last  item  too  much.  Then  there  were  queries  as  to  the 
expense  of  maintaining  a  force  in  the  Provinces.     The  envoys 

'  Stowe,  'Chronicle,'  708-709.  »  MS.  Report. 


1585.  DISCUSSIONS   WITH   THE   MINISTERS.  325 

reckoned  one  pound  sterling,  or  ten  florins,  a  month  for  the 
pay  of  each  foot  soldier,  including  officers  ;  and  for  the 
cavalry,  three  times  as  much.  This  seemed  reasonable,  and 
the  answers  to  the  inquiries  touching  the  expense  of  the 
war-vessels  and  sailors  were  equally  satisfactory.  Neverthe- 
less it  was  difficult  to  bring  the  Queen  up  to  the  line  to  which 
the  envoys  had  been  limited  by  their  instructions.  Five 
thousand  foot  and  one  thousand  horse  serving  at  the  Queen's 
expense  till  the  war  should  be  concluded,  over  and  above  the 
garrisons  for  such  cautionary  towns  as  should  be  agreed  upon ; 
this  was  considered,  by  the  States,  the  minimum.  The  Queen 
held  out  for  giving  only  four  thousand  foot  and  four  hundred 
horse,  and  for  deducting  the  garrisons  even  from  this  slender 
force.  As  guarantee  for  the  expense  thus  to  be  incurred,  she 
required  that  Flushing  and  Brill  should  be  placed  in  her 
hands.  Moreover  the  position  of  Antwerp  comjDlicated  the 
negotiation.  Elizabeth,  fully  sensible  of  the  importance  of 
preserving  that  great  capital,  offered  four  thousand  soldiers  to 
serve  until  that  city  should  be  relieved,  requiring  repayment 
within  three  months  after  the  object  should  have  been  accom- 
plished. As  special  guarantee  for  such  repayment  she  re- 
quired Sluys  and  Ostend.  ^  This  was  sharp  bargaining,  but, 
at  any  rate,  the  envoys  knew  that  the  Queen,  though  cavilling 
to  the  ninth-part  of  a  hair,  was  no  trifler,  and  that  she  meant 
to  perform  whatever  she  should  promise. 

There  was  another  exchange  of  speeches  at  the  Palace  of 
Nonesuch,  on  the  5th  August ;  and  the  position  of  affairs  and 
the  respective  attitudes  of  the  Queen  and  envoys  were  plainly 
characterized  by  the  language  then  employed. 

After  an  exordium  about  the  cruelty  of  the  Spanish  tyranny 
and  the  enormous  expense  entailed  by  the  war  upon  the 
Netherlands,  Menin,  who,  as  usual,  was  the  spokesman, 
alluded  to  the  difficulty  which  the  States  at  last  felt  in 
maintaining  themselves. 

"  Five  thousand  foot  and  one  thousand  horse,"  he  said, 
"  over  and  above  the  maintenance  of  garrisons  in  the  towns 

>  MS.  Report. 


32G  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.    VI 

to  be  pledoj(Hl  as  security  to  your  Majesty,  seemed  the  very 
least  amount  of  succour  that  would  be  probably  obtained 
from  your  royal  bounty.  Considering  the  great  demonstra- 
tions of  affection  and  promises  of  support,  made  as  well  by 
your  Majesty's  own  letters  as  by  the  mouth  of  your  ambas- 
sador Davison,  and  by  our  envoys  De  Gryse  and  Ortel,  who 
have  all  declared  publicly  that  your  Majesty  would  never 
forsake  us,  the  States  sent  us  their  deputies  to  this  country 
in  full  confidence  that  such  reasonable  demands  as  we  had 
been  authorized  to  make  would  be  satisfied." 

The  speaker  then  proceeded  to  declare  that  the  offer  made 
by  the  royal  councillors  of  four  thousand  foot  and  four 
hundred  horse,  to  serve  during  the  war,  together  with  a 
special  force  of  four  thousand  for  the  relief  of  Antwerp,  to  be 
paid  for  within  three  months  after  the  siege  should  be  raised, 
against  a  concession  of  the  cities  of  Flushing,  Brill,  Sluys, 
and  Ostend,  did  not  come  within  the  limitations  of  the  States- 
Greneral.  They  therefore  begged  the  Queen  to  enlarge  her 
offer  to  the  number  of  five  thousand  foot  and  one  thousand 
horse,  or  at  least  to  allow  the  envoys  to  conclude  the  treaty 
provisionally,  and  subject  to  approval  of  their  constituents.  ^ 

So  soon  as  Menin  had  concluded  his  address,  her  Majesty 
instantly  replied,  with  much  earnestness  and  fluency  of 
language.  ^ 

"  Gentlemen,"  she  said,  "  I  will  answer  you  upon  the  first 
point,  because  it  touches  my  honour.  You  say  that  I  pro- 
mised you,  both  by  letters  and  through  my  agent  Davison, 
and  also  by  my  own  lips,  to  assist  you  and  never  to  abandon 
you,  and  that  this  had  moved  you  to  come  to  me  at  present. 
Very  well,  masters,  do  you  not  think  I  am  assisting  you  when 
I  am  sending  you  four  thousand  foot  and  four  hundred  horse 
to  serve  during  the  war  ?  Certainly,  I  think  yes  ;  and  I  say 
frankly  that  I  have  never  been  wanting  to  my  word.  No 
man  shall  ever  say,  with  truth,  that  the  Queen  of  England 

1  Discours  du  S''  Menin  au  uom  des    I    1585.     (Hague  Archives,  MS.) 
deputes  des  Provinces  unies  pronouce  '^  Reponse  de  la  Reine  au  Discours 

deviiut  S,  M.  a  NpftsucU  Jo  &  d'Aout,   |  precedent.    (Hague  Archives,  MS,) 


1685. 


SECOND  SPEECH  OP  THE  QUEEN. 


327 


had  at  any  time  and  ever  so  slightly  failed  in  her  promises, 
whether  to  the  mightiest  monarch,  to  republics,  to  gentlemen, 
or  even  to  private  persons  of  the  humblest  condition.  Am  I, 
then,  in  your  opinion,  forsaking  you  when  I  send  you  English 
blood,  which  I  love,  and  which  is  my  own  blood,  and  which  I 
am  bound  to  defend  ?  It  seems  to  me,  no.  For  my  part  I 
tell  you  again  that  I  will  never  forsake  you. 

"  Sed  de  modo  ?  That  is  matter  for  agreement.  You  are 
aware,  gentlemen,  that  I  have  storms  to  fear  from  many 
quarters — from  France,  Scotland,  Ireland,  and  within  my 
own  kingdom.  What  would  be  said  if  I  looked  only  on  one 
side,  and  if  on  that  side  I  employed  all  my  resources.  No,  I 
will  give  my  subjects  no  cause  for  murmuring.  I  know  that 
my  counsellors  desire  to  manage  matters  with  prudence  ;  sed 
(ctatem  habeo,  and  you  are  to  believe,  that,  of  my  own  motion, 
I  have  resolved  not  to  extend  my  offer  of  assistance,  at 
present,  beyond  the  amount  already  stated.  But  I  don't  say 
that  at  another  time  I  may  not  be  able  to  do  more  for  you. 
For  my  intention  is  never  to  abandon  your  cause,  always  to 
assist  you,  and  never  more  to  suffer  any  foreign  nation  to 
have  dominion  over  you. 

"  It  is  true  that  you  present  me  with  two  places  in  each  of 
your  Provinces.  I  thank  you  for  them  infinitely,  and  cer- 
tainly it  is  a  great  offer.  But  it  wiU  be  said  instantly,  the 
Queen  of  England  wishes  to  embrace  and  devour  everything ; 
while,  on  the  contrary,  I  only  wish  to  render  you  assistance.^ 
I  believe,  in  truth,  that  if  other  monarchs  should  have  this 
offer,  they  would  not  allow  such  an  opportunity  to  escape.  I 
do  not  let  it  slip  because  of  fears  that  I  entertain  for  any 
prince  whatever.  For  to  think  that  I  am  not  aware — doing 
what  I  am  doing — that  I  am  embarking  in  a  war  against  the 
King  of  Spain,  is  a  gi-eat  mistake.  I  know  very  well  that 
the  succour  which  I  am  affording  you  will  offend  him  as 
much  as  if  I  should  do  a  great  deal  more.     But  what  care 


'  " mais    on   diroit    incontinent 

que   la    Royne   d'  Angleterre  vouldroit 
embrasser    et    gourmander     tout,    et 


moy  je  ne  veulx  que  vous  assister  et 
ayder,"  &c.  (Discours  de  la  Royne,  &G. 
MS.  ubi  supra. 


328  'Jffl^   tJNlTEi)  NKTSERLANDS.  Chap.  VI 

I  ? '  Let  him  begin,  I  will  answer  him.  For  my  part,  I  say- 
again,  that  never  did  fear  enter  my  heart.  We  must  all  die 
once.  I  know  very  well  that  many  princes  are  my  enemies, 
and  are  seeking  my  ruin  ;  and  that  where  malice  is  joined 
with  force,  malice  often  arrives  at  its  ends.  But  I  am  not  so 
feeble  a  princess  that  I  have  not  the  means  and  the  will  to 
defend  myself  against  them  all.  They  are  seeking  to  take 
my  life,  but  it  troubles  me  not.  He  who  is  on  high  has 
defended  me  until  this  hour,  and  will  keep  me  still,  for  in 
Him  do  I  trust. 

"  As  to  the  other  point,  you  say  that  your  powers  are  not 
extensive  enough  to  allow  your  acceptance  of  the  offer  I  make 
you.  Nevertheless,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  I  have  remarked 
in  passing — for  princes  look  very  close  to  words — that  you 
would  be  content  if  I  would  give  you  money  in  place  of  men, 
and  that  your  powers  speak  only  of  demanding  a  certain  propor- 
tion of  infantry  and  another  of  cavalry.  I  believe  this  would 
be,  as  you  say,  an  equivalent,  secundum  quod.  But  I  say  this 
only  because  you  govern  yourselves  so  precisely  by  the  mea- 
sure of  your  instructions.  Nevertheless  I  don't  wish  to  contest 
these  points  with  you.  For  very  often  dum  Homce  disputatur 
Saguntum  perit.  Nevertheless,  it  would  be  well  for  you  to 
decide  ;  and,  in  any  event,  I  do  not  think  it  good  that  you 
should  all  take  your  departure,  but  that,  on  the  contrary, 
you  should  leave  some  of  your  number  here.  Otherwise 
it  would  at  once  be  said  that  all  was  broken  off,  and  that 
I  had  chosen  to  do  nothing  for  you  ;  and  with  this  the  bad 
would  comfort  themselves,  and  the  good  would  be  much  dis- 
couraged. 

"  Touching  the  last  point  of  your  demand — according  to 
which  you  desire  a  personage  of  quality — I  know,  gentlemen, 
that  you  do  not  always  agree  very  well  among  yourselves, 
and  that  it  would  be  good  for  you  to  have  some  one  to  effect 
such  agreement.  For  this  reason  I  have  always  intended,  so 
soon  as  we  should  have  made  our  treaty,  to  send  a  lord  of 
name   and   authority   to   reside  with   you,   to    assist  you   in 

'  " mais  il  ne  m'en  chault." 


1585.  THIRD  SPEECH  OF  THE  QtTEEN.  329 

governing,  and  to  aid,  with  his  advice,  in  the  better  direction 
of  your  affairs. 

"  Would  to  God  that  Antwerp  were  relieved  !  Certainly  I 
should  be  very  glad,  and  very  well  content  to  lose  all  that  I 
am  now  expending  if  that  city  could  be  saved.  I  hope, 
nevertheless,  if  it  can  hold  out  six  weeks  longer,  that  we  shall 
see  something  good.  Already  the  two  thousand  men  of 
General  Norris  have  crossed,  or  are  crossing,  every  day  by 
companies.  I  will  hasten  the  rest  as  much  as  possible  ;  and 
I  assure  you,  gentlemen,  that  I  will  spare  no  diligence. 
Nevertheless  you  may,  if  you  choose,  retire  with  my  council, 
and  see  if  together  you  can  come  to  some  good  conclusion.'" 

Thus  spoke  Elizabeth,  like  the  wise,  courageous,  and  very 
parsimonious  princess  that  she  was.  Alas,  it  was  too  true, 
that  Saguntum  was  perishing  while  the  higgling  went  on  at 
Eome.  Had  those  two  thousand  under  Sir  John  Norris  and 
the  rest  of  the  four  thousand  but  gone  a  few  weeks  earlier, 
how  much  happier  might  have  been  the  result ! 

Nevertheless,    it  was  thought    in   England    that   Antwerp 
would  still  hold   out  ;  and,  meantime,  a  treaty  for  12th  Aug., 
its  relief,  in  combination  with  another  for  permanent     ^^^^• 
assistance  to  the  Provinces,  was  agreed    upon    between    the 
envoys  and  the  lords  of  council. 

On  the  12th  August,  Menin  presented  himself  at  Nonesuch 
at  the  head  of  his  colleagues,  and,  in  a  formal  speech,  an- 
nounced the  arrangement  which  had  thus  been  entered  into, 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  States.^  Again  Elizabeth, 
whose  "  tongue,"  in  the  homely  phrase  of  the  Netherlanders, 
"  was  wonderfully  well  hung,"  ^  replied  with  energy  and 
ready  eloquence. 

"  You  see,  gentlemen,"  she  said,  "  that  I  have  opened  the 
door  ;  that  I  am  embarking  once  for  all  with  you  in  a  war 
against  the  King  of  Spain.  Very  well,  I  am  not  anxious 
about  the  matter.     I  hope  that  God  will  aid  us,  and  that  we 


'  Discours  de  la  Royne,  &c.     (Hague 
Archives,  MS.) 

«  Discours   du    Sr.    Menin.      (Hague 

VOL.   I. — 12 


Archives,  MS.) 

3  Hoofd,  Yervolgh,  119. 


330  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VL 

shall  strike  a  good  blow  in  your  cause.  Nevertheless,  I  pray 
you,  with  all  my  heart,  and  by  the  affection  you  bear  me,  to 
treat  my  soldiers  well ;  for  they  are  my  own  Englishmen, 
whom  I  love  as  I  do  myself.  Certainly  it  would  be  a  great 
cruelty,  if  you  should  treat  them  ill,  since  they  are  about  to 
hazard  their  lives  so  freely  in  your  defence,  and  I  am  sure 
that  my  request  in  this  regard  will  be  received  by  you  as  it 
deserves. 

"In  the  next  place,  as  you  know  that  I  am  sending,  as 
commander  of  these  English  troops,  an  honest  gentleman, 
who  deserves  most  highly  for  his  experience  in  arms,  so  I  am 
also  informed  that  you  have  on  your  side  a  gentleman  of 
great  valour.  I  pray  you,  therefore,  that  good  care  be 
taken  lest  there  be  misunderstanding  between  these  two, 
which  might  prevent  them  from  agreeing  well  together, 
when  great  exploits  of  war  are  to  be  taken  in  hand.  For  if 
that  should  happen — which  God  forbid — my  succour  would 
be  rendered  quite  useless  to  you.  I  name  Count  Hohenlo, 
because  him  alone  have  I  heard  mentioned.  But  I  pray  you 
to  make  the  same  recommendation  to  all  the  colonels  and 
gentlemen  in  your  army  ;  for  I  should  be  infinitely  sad,  if 
misadventures  should  arise  from  such  a  cause,  for  your  interest 
and  my  honour  are  both  at  stake. 

"  In  the-  third  place,  I  beg  you,  at  your  return,  to  make  a 
favourable  report  of  me,  and  to  thank  the  States,  in  my 
behalf,  for  their  great  offers,  which  I  esteem  so  highly  as  to 
be  unable  to  express  my  thanks.  Tell  them  that  I  shall 
remember  them  for  ever.  I  consider  it  a  great  honour,  that 
from  the  commencement,  you  have  ever  been  so  faithful  to 
me,  and  that  with  such  great  constancy  you  have  preferred  me 
to  all  other  princes,  and  have  chosen  me  for  your  Queen.  And 
chiefly  do  I  thank  the  gentlemen  of  Holland  and  Zeeland, 
who,  as  I  have  been  informed,  were  the  first  who  so  singularly 
loved  me.  And  so  on  my  own  part  I  will  have  a  special  care 
of  them,  and  will  do  my  best  to  uphold  them  by  every  pos- 
sible means,  as  I  will  do  all  the  rest  who  have  put  their  trust 
in  me.     But  I  name  Holland  and  Zeeland  more  especially, 


1585. 


THIRD  SPEECH   OF   THE    QUEEN. 


331 


because  they  have  been  so  constant  and  faithful  in  their 
efforts  to  assist  the  rest  in  shaking  off  the  yoke  of  the  enemy. 

"  Finally,  gentlemen,  I  beg  you  to  assure  the  States  that  I 
do  not  decline  the  sovereignty  of  your  country  from  any 
dread  of  the  King  of  Spain.  For  I  take  God  to  witness  that 
I  fear  liim  not ;  and  I  hope,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  to  make 
such  demonstrations  against  him,  that  men  shall  say  the 
Queen  of  England  does  not  fear  the  Spaniards."' 

Elizabeth  then  smote  herself  upon  the  breast,  and  cried, 
with  great  energy,  "  Ilia  que  virgo  viri  ;  and  is  it  not  quite 
the  same  to  you,  even  if  I  do  not  assume  the  sovereignty, 
since  I  intend  to  protect  you,  and  since  therefore  the  effects 
will  be  the  same  ?  It  is  true  that  the  sovereignty  would 
serve  to  enhance  my  grandeur,  but  I  am  content  to  do  with- 
out it,  if  you,  upon  your  own  part,  will  only  do  your  duty. 
For  myself,  I  promise  you,  in  truth,  that  so  long  as  I  live, 
and  even  to  my  last  sigh,  I  will  never  forsake  you.  Go  home 
and  tell  this  boldly  to  the  States  which  sent  you  hither."^ 

Menin  then  replied  with  fresh  expressions  of  thanks  and 
compliments,  and  requested,  in  conclusion,  that  her  Majesty 
would  be  pleased  to  send,  as  soon  as  possible,  a  personage  of 
quality  to  the  Netherlands. 

"  Gentlemen,"  replied  Elizabeth,  "  I  intend  to  do  this,  so 
soon  as  our  treaty  shall  be  ratified,  for,  in  contrary  case,  the 
King  of  Spain,  seeing  your  government  continue  on  its  pre- 
sent footing,  would  do  nothing  but  laugh  at  us.  Certainly 
I  do  not  mean  this  year  to  provide  him  with  so  fine  a 
banquet."  * 


>  Reponce  de  Sa  Majeste.  (Hague 
Archives,  MS.)  "Car  je  jure  Dieu 
que  je  ne  le  crains  pas,  et  espere 
avecq  Taydo  de  Dieu  fairo  telle  preuve 
contro  luy,  qu'on  dira  que  la  Royne 
d'Angleterre  ne  craint  pas  lea  Espag- 
nola." 

2  Ibid. 

"Et  frappant  sur  sa  poitrine  diet: 
Ilia  que  virgo  viri.  Ne  vous  est  co  pas 
tout  ung,  encoires  que  je  ne  prenne 
pas  la  souverainete,  puisque  je  vous 
veulx  protecter,  et  que  par  la  vou3 


aurez  les  mesmes  affectz.  Tl  est  vray 
que  la  souverainete  serviroit  a  moy 
pour  grandeur.  Maia  je  suis  bien  con- 
tente  de  ne  1'  avoir  pas,  et  que  seu  le- 
nient VOU3  faictes  le  debvoir  requis  de 
votre  part.  Car  de  ma  part  je  voua 
prometz  en  verite,  que  si  long  terapa 
que  vivray,  et  jusquea  a  mon  dernier 
souapir,  que  je  ne  voua  deslaisseray 
pas.  Ce  que  pouvez  hardiment  asseurer 
et  rapporter  \  Messrs.  lea  Eatatz." 

3  "C'est   oe   que  j'entena   aiissy  de 
faire  aussy  tost  que  serous  d'acconL 


332  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  YL 

The  envoys  were  then  dismissed,  and  soon  afterwards  a 
portion  of .  the  deputation  took  their  departure  from  the 
Netherlands  with  the  proposed  treaty.  It  was  however,  as 
we  know,  quite  too  late  for  Saguntum.  Two  days  after  the 
signing  of  the  treaty,  the  remaining  envoys  were  at  the  palace 
of  Nonesuch,  in  conference  with  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  when  a 
gentleman  rushed  suddenly  into  the  apartment,  exclaiming 
with  great  manifestations  of  anger  : 

"  Antwerp  has  fallen  !  A  treaty  has  been  signed  with  the 
Prince  of  Parma.  Aldegonde  is  the  author  of  it  all.  He  is 
the  culprit,  who  has  betrayed  us  ;"  with  many  more  expres- 
sions of  vehement  denunciation.' 

The  Queen  was  disappointed,  but  stood  firm.  She  had 
been  slow  in  taking  her  resolution,  but  she  was  unflinching 
when  her  mind  was  made  up.  Instead  of  retreating  from 
her  position,  now  that  it  became  doubly  dangerous,  she 
advanced  several  steps  nearer  towards  her  allies.  For  it 
was  ob\'ious,  if  more  precious  time  should  be  lost,  that  Hol- 
land and  Zeeland  would  share  the  fate  of  Antwerp.  Already 
the  belief,  that,  with  the  loss  of  that  city,  all  had  been  lost, 
was  spreading  both  in  the  Provinces  and  in  England,  and 
Elizabeth  felt  that  the  time  had  indeed  come  to  confront  the 
danger. 

Meantime  the  intrigues  of  the  enemy  in  the  independent 
Provinces  were  rife.  Blunt  Roger  Williams  wrote 
in  very  plain  language  to  Walsingham,  a  very  few 
days  after  the  capitulation  of  Antwerp  : — 

"  If  her  Majesty  means  to  have  Holland  and  Zeeland," 
said  he,  "  she  must  resolve  presently.     Aldegonde  hath  pro- 


Car  certes  aultrement  le  Roy  d'Es- 
paigne,  volant  la  continuation  de  vostre 
gouvernement,  il  ne  ferat  que  rire  de 
nous.  Et  je  ne  lui  veulx  donner  pour 
ceste  annee  si  bon  baucquet."  (MS. 
Report,  Hague  Archives.) 


aen  den  vyand  op  zeker  verdracli  ofte 
tractaet  metten  Prince  van  Parma 
gemaeckt.  Daerafl'  principal  autheur 
ende  culpabel  werde  gehouden  den 
Heere  van  St.  Aldegonde,  als  de  voom. 
edelmann     opentlyck     ende     haesticU 


1  " is    corts  daemaar  by  zyne  verclaerde,    seggende    dat    de    voorn. 

Ex''*  uyte   earner  van  haere  Ma',  door  |  Aldegonde  ons  alien  verraden  hadde," 

eenen     edelman     den     ledeputeerden  &c.   (MS.  Report  of  the  Envoys.   Hague 

doen    bootschappen  vant  verlies  ende  !  Archives.) 

overgaen    der    atadt    van   Antwerpen  i 


1585.  SIR  JOHN   NORRIS   SENT  TO  HOLLAND.  333 

mised  the  enemy  to  bring  them  to  compound.  Here  arrived 
already  his  ministers  which  knew  all  his  dealings  about  Ant- 
werp from  first  to  last.  Count  Maurice  is  governed  altogether 
by  Villiers,  and  Villiers  was  never  worse  for  the  English  than 
at  this  hour.  To  be  short,  the  people  say  in  general,  they 
will  accept  a  peace,  unless  her  Majesty  do  sovereign  them 
presently.  All  the  men  of  war  will  be  at  her  Highness' 
devotion,  if  they  be  in  credit  in  time.  What  you  do,  it  must 
be  done  presently,  for  I  do  assure  your  honour  there  is  large 
offers  presented  unto  them  by  the  enemies.  If  her  Majesty 
deals  not  roundly  and  resolutely  with  them  now,  it  will  be 
too  late  two  months  hence. "^ 

Her  Majesty  meant  to  deal  roundly  and  resolutely.  Her 
troops  had  already  gone  in  considerable  numbers.  She  wrote 
encouraging  letters  with  her  own  hand  to  the  States,  implor- 
ing them  not  to  falter  now,  even  though  the  great  city  had 
fallen.  She  had  long  since  promised  never  to  desert  them, 
and  she  was,  if  possible,  more  determined  than  ever  to  redeem 
her  pledge.  She  especially  recommended  to  their  considera- 
tion General  Norris,  commander  of  the  forces  that  had  been 
despatched  to  the  relief  of  Antwerp. 

A  most  accomplished  officer,  sprung  of  a  house  renowned 
for  its  romantic  valour,  Sir  John  was  the  second  of  the  six 
sons  of  Lord  Norris  of  Kycot,  all  soldiers  of  high  reputation, 
"chickens  of  Mars,"  as  an  old  writer  expressed  himself. 
"  Such  a  bunch  of  brethren  for  eminent  achievement,"  said 
he,  "was  never  seen.  So  great  their  states  and  stomachs 
that  they  often  jostled  with  others."^  Elizabeth  called  their 
mother,  "her  own  crow  ;"''  and  the  darkness  of  her  hair  and 
visage  was  thought  not  unbecoming  to  her  martial  issue,  by 
whom  it  had  been  inherited.  Daughter  of  Lord  Williams  of 
Tame,  who  had  been  keeper  of  the  Tower  in  the  time  of 
Elizabeth's  imprisonment,  she  had  been  affectionate  and 
serviceable  to  the  Princess  in  the  hour  of  her  distress,  and 


1  Capt.  Roger  "Williams  to  Walsing- 
ham,  ^i  August,  1585.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.)  ' 


2  "Martis     pulli,"     Fuller's     'Wor- 
thies,' ed.  1811,  11  227-229. 

3  Ibid. 


334 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VI 


had  been  rewarded  with  her  favour  in  the  days  of  her  gran- 
deur. We  shall  often  meet  this  crow-hlack  Norris,  and  his 
younger  brother  Sir  Edward — the  most  daring  soldiers  of 
their  time,  posters  of  sea  and  land — wherever  the  buffeting 
was  closest,  or  adventure  the  wildest  on  ship-board  or  shore, 
for  they  were  men  who  combined  much  of  the  knight- 
errantry  of  a  vanishing  age  with  the  more  practical  and 
expansive  spirit  of  adventure  that  characterized  the  new 
epoch. 

Nor  was  he  a  stranger  in  the  Netherlands.  "  The  gentle- 
Letter,  13  man  to  whom  we  have  committed  the  government 
Aug.  1686.  of  the  forces  going  to  the  relief  of  Antwerp,"  said 
Elizabeth,  "  has  already  given  you  such  proofs  of  his  affection 
by  the  good  services  he  has  rendered  you,  that  without 
recommendation  on  our  part,  he  should  stand  already  recom- 
mended. Nevertheless,  in  respect  for  his  quality,  the  house 
from  which  he  is  descended,  and  the  valour  which  he  has 
manifested  in  your  own  country,  we  desire  to  tell  you  that 
we  hold  him  dear,  and  that  he  deserves  also  to  be  dear  to 

you."^ 

When  the  fall  of  Antwerp  was  certain,  the  Queen  sent 
Davison,  who  had  been  for  a  brief  period  in  England,  back 
again  to  his  post.  "  We  have  learned,"  she  said  in  the  letter 
which  she  sent  by  that  envoy,  "  with  very  great  regret  of  the 
surrender  of  Antwerp.  Fearing  lest  some  apprehension 
should  take  possession  of  the  people's  mind  in  consequence, 
and  that  some  dangerous  change  might  ensue,  we  send  you 
our  faithful  and  well-beloved  Davison  to  represent  to  you 
how  much  we  have  your  affairs  at  heart,  and  to  say  that  we 
are  determined  to  forget  nothing  that  may  be  necessary  to 
your  preservation.  Assure  yourselves  that  we  shall  never  fail 
to  accomplish  all  that  he  may  promise  you  in  our  behalf"  ^ 

Yet,  notwithstanding  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  the 
thorough  discussion  that  had  taken  place  of  the  whole  matter, 


1  Lettre  de  la  Royne  aux  Etata  ge- 
neraulx,- Aug.  1585.  (Hague  Archives 
MS.)       ^ 


2  Lettre  de  S.  M.  contenante  cre- 
dence pour  le  Sieur  Davison,  ?L^ 
1585.     (Hague  Archives,  MS.)      *  ^'"' 


1585. 


PARSIMONY  OF  ELIZABETH. 


335 


and  the  enormous  loss  which  had  resulted  from  the  money- 
saving  insanity  upon  both  sides,  even  then  the  busy  devil  of 
petty  economy  was  not  quite  exorcised.  Several  precious 
weeks  were  wasted  in  renewed  chafferings.  The  Queen  was 
willing  that  the  permanent  force  should  now  be  raised  to  five 
thousand  foot  and  one  thousand  horse — the  additional  sixteen 
hundred  men  being  taken  from  the  Antwerp  relieving-force — 
but  she  insisted  that  the  garrisons  for  the  cautionary  towns 
should  be  squeezed  out  of  this  general  contingent.  The 
States,  on  the  contrary,  were  determined  to  screw  these 
garrisons  out  of  her  grip,  as  an  additional  subsidy.  Each 
party  complained  with  reason  of  the  other's  closeness.  No 
doubt  the  States  were  shrewd  bargainers,  but  it  would  have 
been  difficult  for  the  sharpest  Hollander  that  ever  sent  a 
cargo  of  herrings  to  Cadiz,  to  force  open  Elizabeth's  beautiful 
hand  when  she  chose  to  shut  it  close.  Walsingham  and 
Leicester  were  alternately  driven  to  despair  by  the  covetous- 
ness  of  the  one  party  or  the  other. 

It  was  still  uncertain  what  "  personage  of  quality"  was  to 
go  to  the  Netherlands  in  the  Queen's  name,  to  help  govern 
the  ,  country,  Leicester  had  professed  his  readiness  to  risk 
his  life,  estates,  and  reputation,  in  the  cause,  and  the  States 
particularly  desired  his  appointment.  "  The  name  of  your 
Excellency  is  so  very  agreeable  to  this  people,"  said  they  in 
a  letter  to  the  Earl,  "as  to  give  promise  of  a  brief  and  happy 
end  to  this  grievous  and  almost  immortal  war."  '  The  Queen 
was,  or  affected  to  be,  still  undecided  as  to  the  appointment. 
While  waiting  week  after  week  for  the  ratifications  of  the 
treaty  from  Holland,  afiairs  were  looking  gloomy  at  home, 
and  her  Majesty  was  growing  very  uncertain  in  her  temper. 

"  I  see  not  her  Majesty  disposed  to  use  the  service  of  the 
Earl  of  Leicester,"  wrote  Walsingham.  "  I  suppose  the  lot 
of  government  will  light  on  Lord  Gray.  I  would  to  God  the 
ability  of  his  purse  were  answerable  to  his  sufficiency  other- 


'  Lettre  des  etats  generaux  au  Comte 
de  Leicester,  afin  qu'il  pleust  a  son 
Ex«    accepter    le    commandement   do 


S.  M.  pour  venir  pardega  au  gouveme- 
ment  du  pays.     (Hague  Archivea  MS.) 


336  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI. 

wise."'  This  was  certainly  a  most  essential  deficiency  on  the 
part  of  Lord  Grray,  and  it  will  soon  be  seen  that  the  personage 
of  quality  to  be  selected  as  chief  in  the  arduous  and  honour- 
able enterprise  now  on  foot,  would  be  obliged  to  rely  quite 
as  much  on  that  same  ability  of  purse  as  upon  the  sufficiency 
of  his  brain  or  arm.  The  Queen  did  not  mean  to  send  her 
favourite  forth  to  purchase  anything  but  honour  in  the 
Netherlands ;  and  it  was  not  the  Provinces  only  that  were 
likely  to  struggle  against  her  parsimony.  Yet  that  parsi- 
mony sprang  from  a  nobler  motive  than  the  mere  love  of 
pelf.  Dangers  encompassed  her  on  every  side,  and  while 
husbanding  her  own  exchequer,  she  was  saving  her  subjects' 
resources.  "  Here  we  are  but  book-worms,"  said  Walsing- 
ham,  "yet  from  sundry  quarters  we  hear  of  great  practices 
against  this  poor  crown.  The  revolt  in  Scotland  is  greatly 
feared,  and  that  out  of  hand."  ^ 

Scotland,  France,  Spain,  these  were  dangerous  enemies 
and  neighbours  to  a  maiden  Queen,  who  had  a  rebellious 
Ireland  to  deal  with  on  one  side  the  channel,  and  Alexander 
of  Parma  on  the  other. 

Davison  experienced  great  inconvenience  and  annoyance 
before  the  definite  arrangements  could  be  made.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  the  Spanish  party  had  made  great  progress 
since  the  fall  of  Antwerp.  Roger  Williams  was  right  in 
advising  the  Queen  to  deal  "  roundly  and  resolutely "  with 
the  States,  and  to  "  sovereign  them  presently." 

They  had  need  of  being  sovereigned,  for  it  must  be  con- 
fessed that  the  self-government  which  prevailed  at  that 
moment  was  very  like  no  government.  The  death  of  Orange, 
the  treachery  of  Henry  III.,  the  triumphs  of  Parma,  disas- 
trous facts,  treading  rapidly  upon  each  other,  had  produced  a 
not  very  unnatural  effect.  The  peace-at-any-price  party  was 
struggling  hard  for  the  ascendancy,  and  the  Spanish  partizans 
were  doing  their  best  to  hold  up  to  suspicion  the  sharp  prac- 
tice of  the  English  Queen.  She  was  even  accused  of  under- 
hand dealing  with  Spain,  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  Provinces; 

»  Walsingbam  to  Davisou,  -  Sept.  1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  '  Ibid 


1686.  ENERGY  OP  DAVISON.  337 

so  much  had  slander,  anarchy,  and  despair,  been  able  to  effect. 
The  States  were  reluctant  to  sign  those  articles  with  Eliza- 
beth which  were  absolutely  necessary  to  their  salvation. 

"  In  how  doubtful  and  uncertain  terms  I  found  things  at 
my  coming  hither,"  wrote  Davison  to  Burghley,  "  how 
thwarted  and  delayed  since  for  a  resolution,  and  with  what 
conditions,  and  for  what  reasons  I  have  been  finally  drawn  to 
conclude  with  them  as  I  have  done,  your  Lordship  may  per- 
ceive by  that  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Secretary.  The  chief 
difficulty  has  rested  upon  the  point  of  entertaining  the  garri- 
sons within  the  towns  of  assurance,  over  and  besides  the  five 
thousand  footmen  and  one  thousand  horse." ' 

This,  as  Davison  proceeded  to  observe,  was  considered  a 
sine  qua  non  by  the  States,  so  that,  under  the  perilous  cir- 
cumstances in  which  both  countries  were  placed,  he  had  felt  it 
his  duty  to  go  forward  as  far  as  possible  to  meet  their  demands. 
Davison  always  did  his  work  veraciously,  thoroughly,  and 
resolutely  ;  and  it  was  seldom  that  his  advice,  in  all  matters 
pertaining  to  Netherland  matters,  did  not  prove  the  very  best 
that  could  be  offered.  No  man  knew  better  than  he  the 
interests  and  the  temper  of  both  countries. 

The  imperious  Elizabeth  was  not  fond  of  being  thwarted, 
least  of  all  by  any  thing  savouring  of  the  democratic  principle, 
and  already  there  was  much  friction  between  the  Tudor  s])irit 
of  absolutism  and  the  rough  "  mechanical "  nature  with  which 
it  was  to  ally  itself  in  the  Netherlands.  The  economical 
Elizabeth  was  not  pleased  at  being  overreached  in  a  bargain  ; 
and,  at  a  moment  when  she  thought  herself  doing  a  magnani- 
mous act,  she  was  vexed  at  the  cavilling  with  which  her 
generosity  was  received.  "'Tis  a  manner  of  proceeding," 
said  Walsingham,  "  not  to  be  allowed  of,  and  may  very  well 
be  termed  mechanical,  considering  that  her  Majesty  seeketh 
no  interest  in  that  country — as  Monsieur  and  the  French 
King  did — but  only  their  good  and  benefit,  without  regard 
had  of  the  expenses  of  her  treasure  and  the  hazard  of  her 
subjects'  lives;  besides  throwing  herself  into  a  present  war 

'  Davison  to  Burghley,  2-4  Sept.  1585.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
VOL.  I.  —X 


338  TllK  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Vi. 

for  their  sakes  with  the  greatest  prince  and  potentate  in 
Europe.  But  seeing  the  government  of  those  countries 
resteth  in  the  hands  of  merchants  and  advocates — the  one 
regarding  profit,  the  other  standing  upon  vantage  of  quirks — 
there  is  no  better  fruit  to  be  looked  to  from  them."  ^ 

Yet  it  was,  after  all,  no  quirk  in  those  merchants  and 
advocates  to  urge  that  the  Queen  was  not  going  to  war  with 
the  great  potentate  for  their  sakes  alone.  To  Elizabeth's 
honour,  she  did  thoroughly  comprehend  that  the  war  of  the 
Ketherlands  was  the  war  of  England,  of  Protestantism,  and 
of  European  liberty,  and  that  she  could  no  longer,  without 
courting  her  own  destruction,  defer  taking  a  part  in  active 
military  operations.  It  was  no  quirk,  then,  but  solid  reason- 
ing, for  the  States  to  regard  the  subject  in  the  same  light. 
Holland  and  England  were  embarked  in  one  boat,  and  were 
to  sink  or  swim  together.  It  was  waste  of  time  to  wrangle 
so  fiercely  over  pounds  and  shillings,  but  the  fault  was  not 
to  be  exclusively  imputed  to  the  one  side  or  the  other. 
There  were  bitter  recriminations,  particularly  on  the  part  of 
Elizabeth,  for  it  was  not  safe  to  touch  too  closely  either  the 
pride  or  the  pocket  of  that  frugal  and  despotic  heroine. 
"  The  two  thousand  pounds  promised  by  the  States  to  Norris 
upon  the  muster  of  the  two  thousand  volunteers,"  said  Wal- 
singham,  "  were  not  paid.  Her  Majesty  is  not  a  little  offended 
therewith,  seeing  how  little  care  they  have  to  yield  her  satis- 
faction, which  she  imputeth  to  proceed  rather  from  contempt, 
than  from  necessity.  If  it  should  fall  out,  however,  to  be 
such  as  by  them  is  pretended,  then  doth  she  conceive  her 
bargain  to  be  very  ill  made,  to  join  her  fortune  with  so  weak 
and  broken  an  estate."*  Already  there  were  indications  that 
the  innocent  might  be  made  to  suffer  for  the  short-comings 
of  the  real  culprits  ;  nor  would  it  be  the  first  time,  or  by  any 
means  the  last,  for  Davison  to  appear  in  the  character  of  a 
scape-goat. 

"  Surely,    sir,"    continued   Mr.    Secretary,    "  it   is  a  thing 
greatly   to   be   feared  that  the  contributions  they  will  yield 

»  Walsingham  to  Davison,  23  Oct.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  *  Ibid- 


1586.  PROTRACTED  NEGOTIATIONS.  339 

wil]  fall  not  more  true  in  paper  than  in  payment ;  which  if  it 
should  so  happen,  it  would  turn  some  to  blame,  whereof  you 
among  others  are  to  bear  your  part."  ^ 

And  thus  the  months  of  September  and  of  October  wore 
away,  and  the  ratifications  of  the  treaty  had  not  arrived  from 
the  Netherlands.  Elizabeth  became  furious,  and  those  of  the 
Netherland  deputation  who  had  remained  in  England  were 
at  their  wits'  end  to  appease  her  cholcr.  No  news  arrived  for 
many  weeks.  Those  were  not  the  days  of  steam  and  magnetic 
telegraphs — inventions  by  which  the  nature  of  man  and  the 
aspect  of  history  seem  altered — and  the  Queen  had  nothing 
for  it  but  to  fret,  and  the  envoys  to  concert  with  her  mini- 
sters expedients  to  mitigate  her  spleen.  Towards  the  end  of 
the  month,  the  commissioners  chartered  a  vessel  which  they 
despatched  for  news  to  Holland.  On  his  way  across  the  sea 
the  captain  was  hailed  on  the  28th  October  by  a  boat,  in 
which  one  Hans  Wyghans  was  leisurely  proceeding  to  Eng- 
land with  Netherland  despatches  dated  on  the  5th  of  the 
same  month.  This  was  the  freshest  intelligence  that  had  yet 
been  received. 

So  soon  as  the  envoys  were  put  in  possession  of  the  docu- 
ments, they  obtained  an  audience  of  the  Queen.  This  was 
the  last  day  of  October.  Elizabeth  read  her  letters,  31  oct. 
and  listened  to  the  apologies  made  by  the  deputies  ^^^^• 
for  the  delay  with  anything  but  a  benignant  countenance. 
Then,  with  much  vehemence  of  language,  and  manifestations 
of  ill-temper,  she  expressed  her  displeasure  at  the  dilatoriness 
of  the  States.  Having  sent  so  many  troops,  and  so  many 
gentlemen  of  quality,  she  had  considered  the  whole  affair 
concluded. 

"  I  have  been  unhandsomely  treated,"  she  said,  "  and  not 
as  comports  with  a  prince  of  my  quality.  My  inclination 
for  your  support — because  you  show  yourselves  unworthy 
of  so  great  benefits — will  be  entirely  destroyed,  unless  you 
deal  with  me  and  mine  more  worthily  for  the  future  than  you 
have  done  in  the  past.     Through  my  great  and  especial  affec- 

'  Walsingham  to  Davison,  23  Oct,  1685.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


340  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  ChjiP.  VL 

tion  for  your  welfare,  I  had  ordered  the  Earl  of  Leicester  to 
proceed  to  the  Netherlands,  and  conduct  your  affairs  ;  a  man 
of  such  quality  as  all  the  world  knows,  and  one  whom  I  love, 
as  if  he  were  my  own  hrother.  He  was  getting  himself  ready 
in  all  diligence,  putting  himself  in  many  perils  through  the 
practices  of  the  enemy,  and  if  I  should  have  reason  to  believe 
that  he  would  not  be  respected  there  according  to  his  due,  1 
should  be  indeed  offended.  He  and  many  others  are  not 
going  thither  to  advance  their  own  affairs,  to  make  them- 
selves rich,  or  because  they  have  not  means  enough  to  live 
magnificently  at  home.  They  proceed  to  the  Netherlands 
from  pure  affection  for  your  -cause.  This  is  the  case,  too, 
with  many  other  of  my  subjects,  all  dear  to  me,  and  of  much 
worth.  For  I  have  sent  a  fine  heap  of  folk  thither — in  all, 
with  those  his  Excellency  is  taking  with  him,  not  under  ten 
thousand  soldiers  of  the  English  nation.  This  is  no  small 
succour,  and  no  little  unbaring  of  this  realm  of  mine, 
threatened  as  it  is  with  war  from  many  quarters.  Yet  I  am 
seeking  no  sovereignty,  nor  anything  else  prejudicial  to  the 
freedom  of  your  country.  I  wish  only,  in  your  utmost  need, 
to  help  you  out  of  this  lamentable  war,  to  maintain  for  you 
liberty  of  conscience,  and  to  see  that  law  and  justice  are 
preserved."^ 

All  this,  and  more,  with  great  eagerness  of  expression  and 
gesture,  was  urged  by  the  Queen,  much  to  the  discomfiture 
of  the  envoys.  In  vain  they  attempted  to  modify  and  to 
explain.  Their  faltering  excuses  were  swept  rapidly  away 
apon  the  current  of  royal  wrath  ;  until  at  last  Elizabeth 
stormed  herself  into  exhaustion  and  comparative  tranquillity. 
She  then  dismissed  them  with  an  assurance  that  her  good- 
will towards  the  States  was  not  diminished,  as  would  be  found 
to  be  the  case,  did  they  not  continue  to  prove  themselves 
unworthy  of  her  favour.^ 

It   was   not   long,  however,  before   the   whole  matter  wa 
arranged   to   the   satisfaction   of  all   parties.     It  was   agreed 

'  Brief  der  Gedeputeerden  in  England  aan  de  Staaten  General,  1  No» 
i685.     (Hague  Archives,  MS.)  » Ibid. 


1585. 


FRIENDLY  SENTIMENTS  OF  COUNT  MAURICE. 


341 


that  a  permanent  force  of  five  thousand  foot  and  one  thousand 
horse  should  serve  in  the  Provinces  at  the  Queen's  expense  ; 
and  that  the  cities  of  Flushing  and  Brill  should  be  placed  in 
her  Majesty's  hands  until  the  entire  reimbursement  of  the 
debt  thus  incurred  by  the  States.  Elizabeth  also — at  last 
overcoming  her  reluctance — agreed  that  the  force  neces- 
sary to  garrison  these  towns  should  form  an  additional  con- 
tingent, instead  of  being  deducted  from  the  general  auxiliary 
force.' 

Count  Maurice  of  Nassau  had  been  confirmed  by  the  States 
of  Holland  and  Zeeland  as  permanent  stadholder  of  those 
provinces.  This  measure  excited  some  suspicion  on  the  part 
of  Leicester,  who,  as  it  was  now  understood,  was  the  "  personage 
of  quality  "  to  be  sent  to  the  Netherlands  as  representative  of 
the  Queen's  authority.  "  Touching  the  election  of  Count 
Maurice,"  said  the  Earl,  "  I  hope  it  will  be  no  impairing  of 
the  authority  heretofore  allotted  to  me,  for  if  it  will  be,  I 
shall  tarry  but  awhile."  * 

Nothing,  however,  could  be  more  frank  or  chivalrously 
devoted  than  the  language  of  Maurice  to  the  Queen. 

'*  Madam,  if  I  have  ever  had  occasion,"  he  wrote,  "  to  thank 
God  for  his  benefits,  I  confess  that  it  was  when,  receiving  in 
all  humility  the  letters  with  which  it  pleased  your  Majesty  to 
honour  me,  I  learned  that  the  great  disaster  of  my  lord  and 
father's  death  had  not  diminished  the  debonaire  afiection  and 
favour  which  it  has  always  pleased  your  Majesty  to  manifest 
to  my  father's  house.  It  has  been  likewise  grateful  to  me  to 
learn  that  your  Majesty,  surrounded  by  so  many  great  and 
important  affairs,  had  been  pleased  to  approve  the  command 
which  the  States-General  have  conferred  upon  me.  I  am 
indeed  grieved  that  my  actions  cannot  correspond  with  the 
ardent  desire  which  I  feel  to  serve  your  Majesty  and  these 
Provinces,  for  which  I  hope  that  my  extreme  youth  will  be 
accepted  as   an   excuse.     And   although  I  find  myself  feeble 


'  Report  of  the  Envoys,  MS. ;  Ar- 
ticlea  of  Treaty,  &c.  MS.  (Hague  Ar- 
chives) ;  Compare  Bor,  ii.  664 ;  Hoofd, 


Vervolgh,  123. 

2  Leicester   to     Davison,     Nov. 
1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


18, 


342 


THB  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VI 


enough  for  the  charge  thus  imposed  upon  me,  yet  God  will 
assist  ray  efforts  to  supply  by  diligence  and  sincere  intention 
the  defect  of  the  other  qualities  requisite  for  my  thorough 
discharge  of  ray  duty  to  the  contentment  of  your  Majesty, 
To  fulfil  these  obligations,  which  are  growing  greater  day  by 
day,  I  trust  to  prove  by  my  actions  that  I  will  never  spare 
either  my  labour  or  life.'" 

When  it  was  found  that  the  important  town  of  Flushing 
was  required  as  part  of  the  guaranty  to  the  Queen,  Maurice, 
as  hereditary  seignor  and  proprietor  of  the  place — during 
the  captivity  of  his  elder  brother  in  Spain — signified  his  con^ 
currence  in  the  transfer,  together  with  the  most  friendly 
feelings  towards  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  and  to  Sir  Philip 
Sidney,  appointed  English  governor  of  the  town.  He  wrote 
to'Davison,  whom  he  called  "  one  of  the  best  and  most  certain 
friends  that  the  house  of  Nassau  possessed  in  England," 
begging  that  he  would  recommend  the  interests  of  the  family 
to  the  Queen,  "  whose  favour  could  do  more  than  anything 
else  in  the  world  towards  maintaining  what  remained  of  the 
dignity  of  their  house."  ^  After  solemn  deliberation  with  his 
step-mother,  Louisa  de  Coligny,  and  the  other  members  of  his 
family,  he  made  a  formal  announcement  of  adhesion  on  the 
part  of  the  House  of  Nassau  to  the  arrangements  concluded 
with  the  English  government,  and  asked  the  benediction  of 
God  upon  the  treaty.  While  renouncing,  for  the  moment, 
any  compensation  for  his  consent  to  the  pledging  of  Flushing 
— "  his  patrimonial  property,  and  a  place  of  such  great  im- 
portance " — he  expressed  a  confidence  that  the  long  services 
of  his  father,  as  well  as  those  which  he  himself  hoped  to 
render,  would  meet  in  time  with  "  condign  recognition."  He 
requested  the  Earl  of  Leicester  to  consider  the  friendship 
which  had  existed  between  himself  and  the  late  Prince  of 
Orange,  as  an  hereditary  affection  to  be  continued  to  the 
children,  and  he  entreated  the  Earl  to  do  him  the  honour  in 


'  Count   Maunce     to    the     Queen,— 

20 

Oct.,    1585.      (S.  P.   Office   MS.)     The 
letter  is  in  French. 


2  Maurice  de  Nassau  to  Davison, 
12  Oct.  1585,  Brit.  Mus.,  Galba,  C. 
viii.  176  »■  MS. ;  same  to  same,  25  Oct 
1585,  Galba,  C.  viiL  189  b,  MS. 


1585.  LETTERS   FROM   HIM   AND   LOUISA.   DE   COLIGNY.  343 

future  to  hold  him  as  a  son,  and  to  extend  to  him  counsel 
and  authority  ;  declaring,  on  liis  part,  that  he  should  ever 
deem  it  an  honour  to  he  allowed  to  call  him  father.  And  in 
order  still  more  strongly  to  confirm  his  friendship,  he  hegged 
Sir  Philip  Sidney  to  consider  him  as  his  hrother,  and  as  his 
companion  in  arms,  promising  upon  his  own  part  the  most 
faithful  friendship.  In  the  name  of  Louisa  de  Coligny,  and 
of  his  whole  family,  he  also  particularly  recommended  to  the 
Queen  the  interests  of  the  eldest  hrother  of  the  house,  Philip 
William,  "  who  had  been  so  long  and  so  iniquitously  detained 
captive  in  Spain,"  and  hegged  that,  in  case  prisoners  of  war 
of  high  rank  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  English  com- 
manders, they  might  be  employed  as  a  means  of  effecting  the 
liberation  of  that  much-injured  Prince.  He  likewise  desired 
the  friendly  offices  of  the  Queen  to  jirotect  the  principality  of 
Orange  against  the  possible  designs  of  the  French  monarch, 
and  intimated  that  occasions  might  arise  in  which  the  confis- 
cated estates  of  the  family  in  Burgundy  might  be  recovered 
through  the  influence  of  the  Swiss  cantons,  particularly  those 
of  the  Grisons  and  of  Berne. 

And,  in  conclusion,  in  case  the  Queen  should  please — as 
both  Count  Maurice  and  the  Princess  of  Orange  desired  with 
all  their  hearts — to  assume  the  sovjsreignty  of  these  Provinces, 
she  was  especially  entreated  graciously  to  observe  those  sug- 
gestions regarding  the  interests  of  the  House  of  Nassau,  which 
had  been  made  in  the  articles  of  the  treaty. ' 

Thus  the  path  had  been  smoothed,  mainly  through  the 
indefatigable  energy  of  Davison.  Yet  that  envoy  was  not 
able  to  give  satisfaction  to  his  imperious  and  somewhat  whim- 
sical mistrebs,  whose  zeal  seemed  to  cool  in  proportion  to  the 
readiness  witt  which  the  obstacles  to  her  wishes  were  removed. 
Davison  was,  with  reason,  discontented.  He  had  done  more 
than  any  other  man  either  in  England  or  the  Provinces,  to 
bring  about  a  hearty  cooperation  in  the  common  cause,  and 
to  allay  mutual  heart-burnings  and  suspicions.     He  had  also, 

1  Louisa  ie  Coligny  and  Maurice  de  Nassau  to  Earl  of  Leicester,  19  Oct 
J685.     (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  v«J,  180,  MS.) 


344  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VL 

owiug  to  the  negligence  of  the  English  treasurer  for  the 
Netherlands,  and  the  niggardliness  of  Elizabeth,  been  placed 
in  a  position  of  great  financial  embarrassment.  His  situation 
was  very  irksome. 

"  I  mused  at  the  sentence  you  sent  me,"  he  wrote,  "  for  I 
know  no  cause  her  Majesty  hath  to  shrink  at  her  charges 
hitherto.  The  treasure  she  hath  yet  disbursed  here  is  not 
above  five  or  six  thousand  pounds,  besides  that  which  I  have 
been  obliged  to  take  up  for  the  saving  of  her  honour,  and 
necessity  of  her  service,  in  danger  otherwise  of  some  notable 
disgrace.  I  will  not,  for  shame,  say  how  I  have  been  left  here 
to  myself"' 

The  delay  in  the  formal  appointment  of  Leicester,  and, 
more  particularly,  of  the  governors  for  the  cautionary  towns, 
was  the  cause  of  great  confusion  and  anarchy  in  the  tran- 
sitional condition  of  the  country.  "  The  burden  I  am  driven 
to  sustain,"  said  Davison,  "  doth  utterly  weary  me.  If  Sir 
Philip  Sidney  were  here,  and  if  my  Lord  of  Leicester  follow 
not  all  the  sooner,  I  would  use  her  Majesty's  liberty  to  return 
home.  If  her  Majesty  think  me  worthy  the  reputation  of  a 
poor,  honest,  and  loyal  servant,  I  have  that  contents  me. 
For  the  rest,  I  wish 

'  Vivere  sine  invidisi,  mollesque  inglorins  annoe 
Exigere,  amicitias  et  mihi  jungere  pares.'  " 

There  was  something  almost  prophetic  in  the  tone  which  . 
this  faithful  public  servant — to  whom,  on  more  than  one 
occasion,  such  hard  measure  was  to  be  dealt — habitually 
adopted  in  his  private  letters  and  conversation.  He 
did  his  work,  but  he  had  not  his  reward ;  and  he  was 
already  weary  of  place  without  power,  and  industry  without 
recognition. 

"  For  mine  own  particular,"  he  said,  "  I  will  say  with  the 
poet, 

'  Crede  mihi,  bene  qui  laiuit  bene  vixit, 
Et  intra  fortunam  debet  quisque  manere  suam.' "  * 

For,  notwithstanding  the  avidity  with  which  Elizabeth  had 

^  Davison  to ,  11  Nov.  1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  '  Ibid. 


1585.  DAVISON   VEXED   BY   THE    QUEEN'S   CAPRICE.  345 

sought  the  cautionary  towns,  and  the  fierceness  with  which 
she  had  censured  the  tardiness  of  the  States,  she  seemed  now 
half  incHned  to  drop  the  prize  which  she  had  so  much  coveted 
and  to  imitate  the  very  languor  which  she  had  so  lately 
rebuked.  "  She  hath  what  she  desired,"  said  Davison,  "  and 
might  yet  have  more,  if  this  content  her  not.  Howsoevei 
you  value  the  places  at  home,  they  are  esteemed  here,  by 
such  as  know  them  best,  no  little  increase  to  her  Majesty's 
honour,  surety,  and  greatness,  if  she  be  as  careful  to  keep 
them  as  happy  in  getting  them.  Of  this  our  cold  beginning 
doth  already  make  me  jealous."* 

Sagacious  and  resolute  Princess  as  she  was,  she  showed 
something  of  feminine  caprice  upon  this  grave  occasion. 
Not  Davison  alone,  but  her  most  confidential  ministers 
and  favourites  at  home,  were  perplexed  and  provoked 
by  her  misplaced  political  coquetries.  But  while  the  alter- 
nation of  her  hot  and  cold  fits  drove  her  most  devoted 
courtiers  out  of  patience,  there  was  one  symptom  that  re- 
mained invariable  throughout  all  her  paroxysms,  the  rigidity 
with  which  her  hand  was  locked.  Walsingham,  stealthy 
enough  when  an  advantage  was  to  be  gained  by  subtlety,  was 
manful  and  determined  in  his  dealings  with  his  friends ;  and 
he  had  more  than  once  been  offended  with  Elizabeth's  want 
of  frankness  in  these  transactions. 

"  I  find  you  grieved,  and  not  without  cause,"  he  wrote  to 
Davison,  "  in  respect  to  the  over  thwart  proceedings  as  well 
there  as  here.  The  disorders  in  those  countries  would  be 
easily  redressed  if  we  could  take  a  thoroughly  resolute  course 
here — a  matter  that  men  may  rather  pray  for  than  hope  for. 
It  is  very  doubtful  whether  the  action  now  in  hand  will  be 
accompanied  by  very  hard  success,  unless  they  of  the  country 
there  may  be  drawn  to  bear  the  greatest  part  of  the  burden 
of  the  wars."  ^ 

And  now  the  great  favourite  of  all  had  received  the 
appointment  which  he  coveted.      The  Earl  of  Leicester  was 

'  Davison  to ,  11  Nov.  1585.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

2  Minute  to  Davison,  19  Nov.  1585.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


346  ^'liE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  CiLU".  YL 

to  be  Communder-in-Chief  of  her  Majesty's  forces  in  the 
Netherlauds,  aud  representative  of  her  authority  in  those 
countries,  whatever  that  office  might  prove  to  be.  The 
nature  of  his  post  was  anomalous  from  the  beginning.  It  was 
environed  with  difficulties,  not  the  least  iiTitating  of  which 
proceeded  from  the  captious  spirit  of  the  Queen.  The  Earl 
was  to  proceed  in  great  pomp  to  Holland,  but  the  pomp  was 
to  be  prepared  mainjy  at  his  own  expense.  Besides  the 
auxiliary  forces  that  had  been  shipped  during  the  latter 
period  of  the  year,  Leicester  was  raising  a  force  of  lancers, 
from  four  to  eight  hundred  in  number  ;  but  to  pay  for  that 
levy  he  was  forced  to  mortgage  his  own  property,  while  the 
Queen  not  only  refused  to  advance  ready  money,  but  declined 
endorsing  his  bills. 

It  must  be  confessed  that  the  Earl's  courtship  of  Elizabeth 
was  anything  at  that  moment  but  a  gentle  dalliance.  In 
those  thorny  regions  of  finance  were  no  beds  of  asphodel  or 
amaranthine  bowers.  There  was  no  talk  but  of  trbopers, 
saltpetre,  and  sulphur,  of  books  of  assurance,  and  bills  of 
exchange ;  and  the  aspect  of  EHzabeth,  when  the  budget 
was  under  discussion,  must  effectually  have  neutralized  for 
the  time  any  very  tender  sentiment.  The  sharpness  with 
which  she  clipped  Leicester's  authority,  when  authority 
was  indispensable  to  his  dignity,  and  the  heavy  demands 
upon  his  resources  that  were  the  result  of  her  avarice,  were 
obstacles  more  than  enough  to  the  calm  fruition  of  his 
triumphs.  He  had  succeeded,  in  appearance  at  least,  in  the 
great  object  of  his  ambition,  this  appointment  to  the  Nether- 
lands ;  but  the  appointment  was  no  sinecure,  and  least  of  all 
a  promising  pecuniary  speculation.  Elizabeth  had  told  the 
envoys,  with  reason,  that  she  was  not  sending  forth  that  man 
— whom  she  loved  as  a  brother — in  order  that  he  might 
make  himself  rich.  On  the  contrary,  the  Earl  seemed  likely 
to  make  himself  comparatively  poor  before  he  got  to  the 
Provinces,  while  his  political  power,  at  the  moment,  did  not 
seem  of  more  hopeful  growth. 

Leicester  had  been  determined  and  consistent  in  this  great 


1585.  DISSATISFACTION  OF  LEICESTER.  347 

enterprize  from  the  beginning.  He  felt  intensely  the  import- 
ance of  the  crisis.  He  saw  that  the  time  had  come  for  swift 
and  uncompromising  action,  and  the  impatience  with  which 
he  bore  the  fetters  imposed  upon  him  may  be  easily  conceived. 

"  The  cause  is  such,"  he  wrote  to  Walsingham,  "  that  I  had 
as  lief  be  dead  as  be  in  the  case  I  shall  be  in  if  this  restraint 
hold  for  taking  the  oath  there,  or  if  some  more  authority  be 
not  granted  than  I  see  her  Majesty  would  I  should  have.  I 
trust  you  all  will  hold  hard  for  this,  or  else  banish  me 
England  withal.  I  have  sent  you  the  books  to  be  signed  by 
her  Majesty.  I  beseech  you  return  them  with  all  haste,  for 
I  get  no  money  till  they  be  under  seal."  ^ 

But  her  Majesty  would  not  put  them  under  her  seal,  much 
to  the  favourite's  discomfiture. 

"  Your  letter  yieldeth  but  cold  answer,"  he  wrote,  two  days 
afterwards.  "Above  all  things  yet  that  her  Majesty  doth 
stick  at,  I  marvel  most  at  her  refusal  to  sign  my  book  of 
assurance  ;  for  there  passeth  nothing  in  the  earth  against  her 
profit  by  that  act,  nor  any  good  to  me  but  to  satisfy  the 
creditors,  who  were  more  scrupulous  than  needs.  I  did  com- 
plain to  her  of  those  who  did  refuse  to  lend  me  money,  and 
she  was  greatly  ofiended  with  them.  But  if  her  Majesty 
were  to  stay  this,  if  I  were  half  seas  over,  I  must  of  necessity 
come  back  again,  for  I  may  not  go  without  money,  I  beseech, 
if  the  matter  be  refused  by  her,  bestow  a  post  on  me  to 
Harwich.  I  lie  this  night  at  Sir  John  Peters',  and  but  for 
this  doubt  I  had  been  to-morrow  at  Harwich.  I  pray  God 
make  you  all  that  be  counsellors  plain  and  direct  to  the 
furtherance  of  all  good  service  for  her  Majesty  and  the  realm  ; 
and  if  it  be  the  will  of  God  to  plague  us  that  go,  and  you 
that  tarry,  for  our  sins,  yet  let  us  not  be  negligent  to  seek  to 
please  the  Lord."* 

The  Earl  was  not  negligent  at  any  rate  in  seeking  to  please 
the  Queen,  but  she  was  singularly  hard  to  please.  She 
had   never   been   so   uncertain   in    her   humours    as   at   this 

'  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  3  Dec.  1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
3  Same  to  same,  5  Dec.  1585.    (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


348  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI. 

important  crisis.  She  knew,  and  had  publicly  stated  as  much, 
that  she  was  "  embarking  in  a  war  with  the  greatest  potentate 
in  Europe  ;"  yet  now  that  the  voyage  had  fairly  commenced, 
and  the  waves  were  rolling  around  her,  she  seemed  anxious 
to  put  TDack  to  the  shore.  For  there  was  even  a  whisper  of 
peace-negotiations,  than  which  nothing  could  have  been  more 
ill-timed.  "I  perceive  by  your  message,"  said  Leicester  to 
Walsingham,  "  that  your  peace  with  Spain  will  go  fast  on, 
but  this  is  not  the  way." '  Unquestionably  it  was  not  the 
way,  and  the  whisper  was,  for  the  moment  at  least,  suppressed. 
Meanwhile  Leicester  had  reached  Harwich,  but  the  post 
"  bestowed  on  him,"  contained,  as  usual,  but  cold  comfort. 
He  was  resolved,  however,  to  go  manfully  forward,  and  do  the 
work  before  him,  until  the  enterprise  should  prove  wholly 
impracticable.  It  is  by  the  light  afforded  by  the  secret  never- 
published  correspondence  of  the  period  with  which  we  are 
now  occupied,  that  the  true  characteristics  of  Elizabeth,  the 
Earl  of  Leicester,  and  other  prominent  personages,  must  be 
scanned,  and  the  study  is  most  important,  for  it  was  by  those 
characteristics,  in  combination  with  other  human  elements 
embodied  in  distant  parts  of  Christendom,  that  the  destiny  of 
the  world  was  determined.  In  that  age,  more  than  in  our. 
own  perhaps,  the  influence  of  the  individual  was  widely  and 
intensely  felt.  Historical  chymistry  is  only  rendered  possible 
by  a  detection  of  the  subtle  emanations,  which  it  was  supposed 
would  for  ever  elude  analysis,  but  which  survive  in  those 
secret,  frequently  ciphered  intercommunications.  Philip  II., 
William  of  Orange,  Queen  Elizabeth,  Alexander  Farnese, 
Kobert  Dudley,  never  dreamed — when  disclosing  their  inmost 
thoughts  to  their  trusted  friends  at  momentous  epochs — 
that  the  day  would  come  on  earth  when  those  secrets  would 
be  no  longer  hid  from  the  patient  enquirer  after  truth.  Well 
for  those  whose  reputations  before  the  judgment-seat  of  history 
appear  even  comparatively  pure,  after  impartial  comparison 
of  their  motives  with  their  deeds. 

"For  mine  own  part,   Mr.  Secretary,"  wrote  Leicester,  "I 

>  Leicester  to  Walsingham.  3  Dec.  1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1S85.  mS   VEHEMENT   COMPLAINXa  349 

am  resolved  to  do  that  which  shall  be  fit  for  a  poor  man's 
honour,  and  honestly  to  obey  her  Majesty's  commandment. 
Let  the  rest  fall  out  to  others,  it  shall  not  concern  me.  I 
mean  to  assemble  myself  to  the  camp,  where  my  authority 
must  wholly  lie,  and  will  there  do  that  which  in  good  reason 
and  duty  I  shall  be  bound  to  do.  /  am  sorry  that  her  Majesty 
doth  deal  in  this  sort,  and  is  content  to  overthroiu  so  willingly 
her  own  cause.  If  there  can  be  means  to  salve  this  sore,  I 
will.  If  not, — I  tell  you  what  shall  become  of  me,  as  truly  as 
God  lives."  ^ 

Yet  it  is  remarkable,  that,  in  spite  of  this  dark  intimation, 
the  Earl,  after  all,  did  not  state  what  was  to  become  of 
him  if  the  sore  was  not  salved.  He  was,  however,  explicit 
enough  as  to  the  causes  of  his  grief,  and  very  vehement  in 
its  manifestations.  "  Another  matter  which  shall  concern  me 
deeply,"  he  said,  "  and  all  the  subjects  there,  is  now  by  you 
to  be  carefully  considered,  which  is — money.  I  find  that  the 
money  is  already  gone,  and  this  now  given  to  the  treasurer 
will  do  no  more  than  pay  to  the  end  of  the  month.  I  beseech 
you  look  to  it,  for  by  the  Lord  !  I  will  bear  no  more  so 
miserable  burdens  ;  for  if  I  have  no  money  to  pay  them,  let 
them  come  home,  or  what  else.  I  will  not  starve  them,  nor 
stay  them.  There  was  never  gentleman  nor  general  so  sent  out 
as  I  am  ;  and  if  neither  Queen  nor  council  care  to  help  it,  but 
leave  men  desperate,  as  I  see  men  shall  be,  that  inconvenience 
will  follow  which  I  trust  in  the  Lord  I  shall  be  free  of  "^ 

He  then  used  language  about  himself,  singularly  resembling 
the  phraseology  employed  by  Elizabeth  concerning  him, 
when  she  was  scolding  the  Netherland  commissioners  for  the 
dilatoriness  and  parsimony  of  the  States. 

"For  mine  own  jjart,"  he  said,  "  I  have  taken  upon  me  this 
voyage,  not  as  a  desperate  nor  forlorn  man,  but  as  one  as 
well  contented  with  his  place  and  calling  at  home  as  any  sub- 
ject was  ever.  My  cause  was  not,  nor  is,  any  other  than  the 
Lord's  and  the  Queen's,  If  the  Queen  fail,  yet  must  I  trust 
in  the  Lord,  and  on  Him,  I  see,  I  am  wholly  to  depend.     I 

•  Same  to  same,  5  Dec,  1585.    (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  ,  Ibid. 


350  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI. 

can  say  no  more,  but  pray  to  God  that  her  Majesty  never 
send  General  again  as  I  am  sent.  And  yet  I  will  do  what  I 
can  for  her  and  my  country."  ^ 

The  Earl  had  raised  a  choice  body  of  lancers  to  accompany 
him  to  the  Netherlands,  but  the  expense  of  the  levy  had  come 
mainly  upon  his  own  purse.  The  Queen  had  advanced  five 
thousand  pounds,  which  was  much  less  than  the  requisite 
amount,  while  for  the  balance  required,  as  well  as  for  other 
necessary  expenses,  she  obstinately  declined  to  furnish  Lei- 
cester with  funds,  even  refusing  him,  at  last,  a  temporary 
loan.  She  violently  accused  him  of  cheating  her,  reclaimed 
money  which  he  had  wrung  from  her  on  good  security,  and 
when  he  had  repaid  the  sura,  objected  to  give  him  a  discharge. 
As  for  receiving  anything  by  way  of  salary,  that  was  quite 
out  of  the  question.  At  that  moment  he  would  have  been 
only  too  happy  to  be  reimbursed  for  what  he  was  already  out 
of  pocket.  Whether  Elizabeth  loved  Leicester  as  a  brother, 
or  better  than  a  brother,  may  be  a  historical  question,  but  it 
is  no  question  at  all  that  she  loved  money  better  than  she 
did  Leicester.  Unhaj^py  the  man,  whether  foe  or  favourite, 
who  had  pecuniary  transactions  with  her  Highness. 

"  I  am  sorry,"  said  the  Earl,  "  that  her  Majesty  hath  so 
hard  a  conceit  of  me,  that  I  should  go  about  to  cozen  her,  as 
though  I  had  got  a  foe  simple  from  her,  and  had  it  not 
before,  or  that  I  had  not  had  her  full  release  for  payment  of 
the  money  I  borrowed.  I  pray  God,  any  that  did  put  such 
scruple  in  her,  have  not  deceived  her  more  than  I  have  done. 
I  thank  God  I  have  a  clear  conscience  for  deceiving  her,  and 
for  money  matters.  I  think  I  may  justly  say  I  have  been 
the  only  cause  of  more  gain  to  her  coffers  than  all  her 
chequer-men  have  been.  But  so  is  the  hap  of  some,  that 
all  they  do  is  nothing,  and  others  that  do  nothing,  do  all, 
and  have  all  the  thanks.  But  I  would  this  were  all  the 
grief  I  carry  with  mo  ;  but  God  is  my  comfort,  and  on  Him  I 
cast  all,  for  there  is  no  surety  in  this  world  beside.  What 
hope  of  help  can  I  have,  finding  her  Majesty  so  strait  with 

1  Same  tp  same,  5  Dec,  1585.    (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1585  THE    QUEEN'S  AVARICE.  351 

myself  as  she  is  ?  I  did  trust  that — the  cause  being  hers  and 
this  realm's — if  I  could  have  gotten  no  money  of  her  mer- 
chants, she  would  not  have  refused  to  have  lent  money  on  so 
easy  prized  land  as  mine,  to  have  been  gainer  and  no  loser 
by  it.  Her  Majesty,  I  see,  will  make  trial  of  mo  how  1  love 
her,  and  what  will  discourage  me  from  her  service.  But 
resolved  am  I  that  no  worldly  respect  shall  draw  me  back 
from  my  faithful  discharge  of  my  duty  towards  her,  though 
she  shall  show  to  hate  me,  as  it  goeth  very  near  ;  for  I  iind  no 
love  or  favour  at  all.  And  I  pray  you  to  remember  that  I 
have  not  had  one  penny  of  her  Majesty  towards  all  these 
charges  of  mine — not  one  penny — and,  by  all  truth,  I  have 
already  laid  out  above  five  thousand  pounds.  Her  Majesty 
appointed  eight  thousand  pounds  for  the  levy,  which  was  after 
the  rate  of  four  hundred  horse,  and,  upon  my  fidelity,  there 
is  shipped,  of  horse  of  service,  eight  hundred,  so  that  there 
ought  eight  thousand  more  to  have  been  paid  me.  No 
general  that  ever  went  that  was  not  paid  to  the  uttermost 
of  these  things  before  he  went,  but  had  cash  for  his  provision, 
which  her  Majesty  would  not  allow  me — ^not  one  groat. 
Well,  let  all  this  go,  it  is  like  I  shall  be  the  last  shall  bear 
this,  and  some  must  suffer  for  the  people.  Good  Mr.  Secre- 
tary, let  her  Majesty  know  this,  for  I  deserve  God-a-mercy, 
at  the  least."' 

Leicester,  to  do  him  justice,  was  thoroughly  alive  to  the 
importance  of  the  crisis.  On  political  principle,  at  any  rate, 
he  was  a  firm  supporter  of  Protestantism,  and  even  of 
Puritanism  ;  a  form  of  religion  which  Elizabeth  detested,  and 
in  which,  with  keen  instinct,  she  detected  a  mutinous  element 
against  the  divine  right  of  kings.  The  Earl  was  quite  con- 
vinced of  the  absolute  necessity  that  England  should  take  up 
the  Netherland  matter  most  vigorously,  on  pain  of  being 
herself  destroyed.  All  the  most  sagacious  counsellors  of 
Elizabeth  were  day  by  day  more  and  more  confirmed  in 
this  opinion,  and  were  inclined  heartily  to  support  the  new 
Lieutenant-General.     As   for   Leicester   himself,  while   fully 

'  Leicester  to  WalsiDgham.  7  Dec.  1585.     CS.  P.  Office  MS.) 


352  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI. 

conscious  of  his  own  merits,  and  of  his  firm  intent  to  do  his 
duty,  he  was  also  grateful  to  those  who  were  willing  to 
befriend  him  in  his  arduous  enterprise. 

"  I  have  received  a  letter  from  my  Lord  Willoughby,"  he 
said,  "  to  my  seeming,  as  wise  a  letter  as  I  have  read  a  great 
while,  and  not  unfit  for  her  Majesty's  sight.  I  pray  God  open 
her  eyes,  that  they  may  behold  her  present  estate  indeed, 
and  the  luonderful  means  that  God  doth  offer  unto  her.  If  she 
lose  these  opportunities,  who  can  look  for  other  hut  dishonour  and 
destruction  ?  My  Lord  Treasurer  hath  also  written  me  a 
most  hearty  and  comfortable  letter  touching  this  voyage,  not 
only  in  showing  the  importance  of  it,  both  for  her  Majesty's 
own  safety  and  the  realm's,  hut  that  the  whole  state  of  religion 
doth  depend  thereon,  and  therefore  doth  faithfully  promise  his 
whole  and  best  assistance  for  the  supply  of  all  wants.  I  was 
not  a  little  glad  to  receive  such  a  letter  from  him  at  this  time."  ^ 

And  from  on  board  the  '  Amity,'  ready  to  set  sail,  he 
expressed  his  thanks  to  Burghley,  at  finding  him  so  "earnestly 
bent  for  the  good  supply  and  maintenance  of  us  poor  men 
sent  in  her  Majesty's  service  and  our  country's."^ 

As  for  Walsingham,  earnestly  a  defender  of  the  Nether- 
land  cause  from  the  beginning,  he  was  wearied  and  disgusted 
with  fighting  against  the  Queen's  parsimony  and  caprice. 
"  He  is  utterly  discouraged,"  said  Leicester  to  Burghley,  "  to 
deal  any  more  in  these  causes.  I  pray  God  your  Lordship 
grow  not  so  too  ;  for  then  all  will  to  the  ground,  on  my  poor 
side  especially."  ^ 

And  to  Sir  Francis  himself,  he  wrote,  even  as  his  vessel 
was  casting  oif  her  moorings  : — "  I  am  sorry,  Mr.  Secretary,'* 
he  said,  "  to  find  you  so  discouraged,  and  that  her  Majesty 
doth  deem  you  so  partial.  And  yet  my  suits  to  her  Majesty 
have  not  of  late  been  so  many  nor  great,  while  the  greatest,  I 
am  sure,  are  for  her  Majesty's  own  service.  For  my  part,  I 
will  discharge  my  duty  as  far  as  my  poor  ability  and  capacity 
shall  serve,  and  if  I  shall  not  have  her  gracious  and  princely 

'  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  7  Dec.  1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

="  Leicester  to  Burghley,  9  Dec.  1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  *  Ibid. 


1585.  PERPLEXITY   OF  DAVISON.  353 

support  and  supply,  the  lack  will  be  to  us,  for  the  present, 
but  the  shame  aud  dishonour  will  be  hers." ' 

And  with  these  parting  words  the  Earl  committed  himself 
to  the  December  seas. 

Davison  had  been  meantime  doing  his  best  to  prepare  the 
way  in  the  Netherlands  for  the  reception  of  the  English 
administration.  What  man  could  do,  without  money  and 
without  authority,  he  had  done.  The  governors  for  Flushing 
and  the  Brill,  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and  Sir  Thomas  Cecil,  eldest 
son  of  Lord  Burghley,  had  been  appointed,  but  had  not 
arrived.  Their  coming  was  anxiously  looked  for,  as  during 
the  interval  the  condition  of  the  garrisons  was  deplorable. 
The  English  treasurer — by  some  unaccountable  and  un- 
pardonable negligence,  for  which  it  is  to  be  feared  the 
Queen  was  herself  to  blame— was  not  upon  the  spot,  and 
Davison  was  driven  out  of  his  wits  to  devise  expedients  to 
save  the  soldiers  from  starving. 

"  Your  Lordship  has  seen  by  my  former  letters,"  wrote  the 
Ambassador  to  Burghley  from  Flushing,  "  what  shift  1  have 
been  driven  to  for  the  relief  of  this  garrison  here,  u  Nov. 
left  a  V  abandon  ;  without  which  mean  they  had  all  1^85. 
fallen  into  wild  and  shameful  disorder,  to  her  Majesty's  great 
disgrace  and  overthrow  of  her  service.  I  am  compelled, 
unless  I  would  see  the  poor  men  famish,  and  her  Majesty 
dishonoured,  to  try  my  poor  credit  for  them."^ 

General  Sir  John  Norris  was  in  the  Betuwe,  threatening 
Kymegen,  *  town  which  he  found  "  not  so  flexible  as  he  had 
hoped  ;"  •'  and,  as  he  had  •  but  two  thousand  men,  while 
Alexander  Farncse  was  thought  to  be  marching  upon  him 
with  ten  thousand,  his  position  caused  great  anxiety.  Mean- 
time, his  brother.  Sir  Edward,  a  hot-headed  and  somewhat 
wilful  young  man,  who  '^  thought  that  all  was  too  little  for 
him,"  was  giving  the  sober  Davison  a  good  deal  of  trouble.^ 
He  had  got  himself  into  a  quarrel,  both  with  that  envoy  and 


1  Leicester  to  Walsingham,   9  Dec. 
1585.     (S.  P.  Office  Mb.) 

2  Davison    to    Burghley     11    Nov. 

VOL.  I, — y 


1585.     Brit.  Mus.  (Galba,  C.  viii.  p.  217, 
MS.) 
3  Ibid.  <  Ibid. 


354  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI. 

with  Roger  Williams,  by  claiming  the'  right  to  control  military- 
matters  in  Flushing  until  the  arrival  of  Sidney.  "If  Sir 
Tliomas  and  Sir  Philip,"  said  Davison,  "do  not  make  choice 
of  more  discreet,  staid,  and  expert  commanders  than  those 
thrust  into  these  places  by  Mr.  Norris,  they  will  do  them- 
selves a  great  deal  of  worry,  and  her  Majesty  a  great  deal  of 
hurt."  ' 

As  might  naturally  be  expected,  the  lamentable  condition 
of  the  English  soldiers,  unpaid  and  starving — according  to  the 
Tsport  of  the  Queen's  envoy  himself — exercised  anything  but 
a  salutary  influence  upon  the  minds  of  the  Netherlanders  and 
perpetually  fed  the  hopes  of  the  Spanish  partizans  that  a 
composition  with  Philip  and  Parma  would  yet  take  place.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  States  had  been  far  more  liberal  in  raising 
funds  than  the  Queen  had  shown  herself  to  be,  and  were  some- 
what indignant  at  being  perpetually  taunted  with  parsimony 
by  her  agents.  Davison  was  offended  by  the  injustice  of  Norris 
in  this  regard.  "  The  complaints  which  the  General  hath 
made  of  the  States  to  her  Majesty,"  said  he,  "  are  without 
cause,  and  I  think,  when  your  Lordship  shall  examine  it  well, 
you  will  find  it  no  little  sum  they  have  already  disbursed 
unto  him  for  their  part.  Wherein,  nevertheless,  if  they  had 
been  looked  into,  they  were  somewhat  the  more  excusable, 
considering  how  ill  our  people  at  her  Majesty's  entertainment 
were  satisfied  hitherto — a  thing  that  doth  much  prejudice  her 
reputation,  and  hurt  her  service."  ^ 

At  last,  however,  the  die  had  been  cast.  The  Queen, 
although  rejecting  the  proposed  sovereignty  of  the  Nether- 
lands, had  espoused  their  cause,  by  solemn  treaty  of  alliance, 
and  thereby  had  thrown  down  the  gauntlet  to  Spain,  She 
deemed  it  necessary,  therefore,  out  of  respect  for  the  opinions 
of  mankind,  to  issue  a  manifesto  of  her  motives  to  the  world. 
The  document  was  published,  simultaneously  in  Dutch,  French, 
Englirfb,  and  Italian.^ 

In  this  solemn  state-paper  she  spoke  of  the  responsibility 

1  Davison  to  Burghley,  MS.  last  cited.  2  Ibid. 

3  The  Declaration  is  given  in  Bor,  iL  667-671. 


1685.  MANIFESTO   OF   ELIZABETH.  355 

of  princes  to  the  Almighty,  of  the  ancient  friendship  between 
England  and  the  Netherlands,  of  the  cruelty  and  tyranny  of 
the  Spaniards,  of  their  violation  of  the  liberties  of  the  Pro- 
vinces, of  their  hanging,  beheading,  banishing  without  law 
and  against  justice,  in  the  space  of  a  few  months,  so  many  of 
the  highest  nobles  in  the  land.  Although  in  the  beginning 
of  the  cruel  persecution,  the  jjretext  had  been  the  main- 
tenance of  the  Catholic  religion,  yet  it  was  affirmed  they  had 
not  failed  to  exercise  their  barbarity  upon  Catholics  also,  and 
even  upon  ecclesiastics.  Of  the  principal  persons  put  to 
death,  no  one,  it  was  asserted,  had  been  more  devoted  to  the 
ancient  church  than  was  the  brave  Count  Egmont,  who,  for 
his  famous  victories  in  the  service  of  Spain,  could  never  be 
forgotten  in  veracious  history  any  more  than  could  be  the 
cruelty  of  his  execution. 

The  land  had  been  made  desolate,  continued  the  Queen, 
with  fire,  sword,  famine,  and  murder.  These  misfortunes  had 
ever  been  bitterly  deplored  by  friendly  nations,  and  none 
could  more  truly  regret  such  sufferings  than  did  the  English, 
the  oldest  allies,  and  familiar  neighbours  of  the  Provinces,  who 
had  been  as  close  to  them  in  the  olden  time  by  community  of 
connexion  and  language,  as  man  and  wife.  She  declared 
that  she  had  frequently,  by  amicable  embassies,  warned  her 
brother  of  Spain — speaking  to  him  like  a  good,  dear  sister 
and  neighbour — that  unless  he  restrained  the  cruelty  of  his 
governors  and  their  soldiers,  he  was  sure  to  force  his  Provinces 
into  allegiance  to  some  other  power.  She  expressed  the 
danger  in  which  she  should  bo  placed  if  the  Spaniards 
succeeded  in  establishing  their  absolute  government  in  the 
Netherlands,  from  which  position  theii'  attacks  upon  England 
would  be  incessant.  She  spoke  of  the  enterprise  favoured 
and  set  on  foot  by  the  Pope  and  by  Spain,  against  the 
kingdom  of  Ireland.  She  alluded  to  the  dismissal  of  the 
Spanish  envoy,  Don  Bernardino  de  Mendoza,  who  had  been 
treated  by  her  with  great  regard  for  a  long  time,  but  who 
had  been  afterwards  discovered  in  league  with  certain  ill- 
disposed  and  seditious  subjects   of  hers,   and   with  publicly 


356  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VL 

condemned  traitors.  That  envoy  had  arranged  a  plot  accord- 
iii<'-  to  which,  as  appeared  by  his  secret  despatches,  an  invasion 
of  England  by  a  force  of  men,  coming  partly  from  Spain, 
and  partly  from  the  Netherlands,  might  be  successfully 
manaired,  and  he  had  even  noted  down  the  necessary  number 
of  ships  and  men,  with  various  other  details.  Some  of  the 
conspirators  had  fled,  she  observed,  and  were  now  consorting 
with  Mendoza,  who,  after  his  expulsion  from  England,  had 
been  appointed  ambassador  in  Paris  ;  while  some  had  been 
arrested,  and  had  confessed  the  plot.  So  soon  as  this  envoy  had 
been  discovered  to  be  the  chief  of  a  rebellion  and  projected 
invasion,  the  Queen  had  requested  him,  she  said,  to  leave  the 
kingdom  within  a  reasonable  time,  as  one  who  was  the  object 
of  deadly  hatred  to  the  English  people.  She  had  then  sent 
an  agent  to  Spain,  in  order  to  explain  the  whole  transaction. 
That  agent  had  not  been  allowed  even  to  deliver  despatches 
to  the  King. 

When  the  French  had  sought,  at  a  previous  period,  to 
establish  their  authority  in  Scotland,  even  as  the  Spaniards 
had  attempted  to  do  in  the  Netherlands,  and  through  the 
enormous  ambition  of  the  House  of  Gruise,  to  undertake  the 
invasion  of  her  kingdom,  she  had  frustrated  their  plots,  even 
as  she  meant  to  suppress  these  Spanish  conspiracies.  She 
spoke  of  the  Prince  of  Parma  as  more  disposed  by  nature  to 
mercy  and  humanity  than  preceding  governors  had  been,  but 
as  unable  to  restrain  the  blood-thirstiness  of  Spaniards, 
increased  •  by  long  indulgence.  She  avowed,  in  assuming  the 
protection  of  the  Netherlands,  and  in  sending  her  troops  to 
those  countries,  but  three  objects  :  peace,  founded  upon  the 
recognition  of  religious  freedom  in  the  Provinces,  restoration 
of  their  ancient  political  liberties,  and  security  for  England. 
Never  could  there  be  tranquillity  for  her  own  realm  until 
these  neighbouring  countries  were  tranquil.  These  were  her 
ends  and  aims,  despite  all  that  slanderous  tongues  might 
invent.  The  world,  she  observed,  was  overflowing  with 
blasphemous  libels,  calumnies,  scandalous  pamphlets ;  for 
never  had  the  Devil  been  so  busy  in  supplying  evil  tongues 


1585.  MANIFESTO  OF  ELIZABETH.  357 

with  venom  against  the  professors  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion. 

She  added  that  in  a  pamphlet,  ascribed  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Milan,  just  published,  she  had  been  accused  of  ingratitude 
to  the  King  of  Spain,  and  of  plots  to  take  the  life  of  Alexander 
Farnese.  In  answer  to  the  first  charge,  she  willingly  acknow- 
ledged her  obligations  to  the  King  of  Spain  during  the  reign 
of  her  sister.  She  pronounced  it,  however,  an  absolute  false- 
hood that  he  had  ever  saved  her  life,  as  if  she  had  ever  been 
condemned  to  death.  She  likewise  denied  earnestly  the 
charge  regarding  the  Prince  of  Parma.  She  protested  herself 
incapable  of  such  a  crime,  besides  declaring  that  he  had 
never  given  her  offence.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  a  man 
whom  she  had  ever  honoured  for  the  rare  qualities  that  she 
had  noted  in  him,  and  for  which  he  had  deservedly  acquired  a 
high  reputation,' 

Such,  in  brief  analysis,  was  the  memorable  Declaration  of 
Elizabeth  in  favour  of  the  Netherlands — a  document  which 
was  a  hardly  disguised  jDroclamation  of  war  against  Philip. 
In  no  age  of  the  world  could  an  unequivocal  agreement  to 
assist  rebellious  subjects,  with  men  and  money,  against  their 
sovereign,  be  considered  otherwise  than  as  a  hostile  demonstra- 
tion. The  King  of  Spain  so  regarded  the  movement,  and 
forthwith  issued  a  decree,  ordering  the  seizure  of  all  English 
as  well  as  all  Netherland  vessels  within  his  ports,  together 
with  the  arrest  of  persons,  and  confiscation  of  property. 

Subsequently  to  the  publication  of  the  Queen's  memorial, 
and  before  the  departure  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  Sir  Philip 
Sidney  having  received  his  appointment,  together  with  the 
rank  of  general  of  cavalry,  arrived  in  the  Isle  of  Walcheren, 
as  governor  of  Flushing,  at  the  head  of  a  portion  of  the 
English  contingent. 

It  is  impossible  not  to  contemplate  with  afiection  so  radiant 
a  figure,  shining  through  the  cold  mists  of  that  Zeeland 
winter,  and  that  distant  and  disastrous  epoch.  There  is 
hardly  a  character   in    history  upon    which    the  imagination 

'  Declaration,  ubi  sup. 


358  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VL 

cau  dwell  with  more  unalloyed  delight.  Not  in  romantic 
fiction  was  there  ever  created  a  more  attractive  incarnation 
of  martial  valour,  poetic  genius,  and  purity  of  heart.  If  the 
mocking  spirit  of  the  soldier  of  Lepanto  could  "smile  chivalry 
away,"  the  name  alone  of  his  English  contemporary  is  potent 
enough  to  conjure  it  back  again,  so  long  as  humanity  is  alive 
to  the  nobler  impulses. 

"  I  cannot  pass  him  over  in  silence,"  says  a  dusty  chronicler, 
"  that  glorious  star, .  that  lively  pattern  of  virtue,  and  the 
lovely  joy  of  all  the  learned  sort.  It  was  God's  will  that  he 
should  be  born  into  the  world,  even  to  show  unto  our  age  a 
sample  of  ancient  virtue."  The  descendant  of  an  ancient 
Norman  race,  and  allied  to  many  of  the  proudest  nobles 
in  England,  Sidney  himself  was  but  a  commoner,  a  private 
individual,  a  soldier  of  fortune.  He  was  now  in  his  thirty- 
second  year,  and  should  have  been  foremost  among  the  states- 
men of  Elizabeth,  had  it  not  been,  according  to  Lord  Bacon, 
a  maxim  of  the  Cecils,  that  "able  men  should  be  by  design 
and  of  pm-pose  suppressed."  Whatever  of  truth  there  may 
have  been  in  the  bitter  remark,  it  is  certainly  strange  that 
a  man  so  gifted  as  Sidney — of  whom  his  father-in-law 
Walsingham  had  declared,  that  "  although  he  had  influence 
in  all  countries,  and  a  hand  upon  all  affairs,  his  Philip  did 
far  overshoot  him  with  his  own  bow"'' — should  have  passed 
so  much  of  his  life  in  retirement,  or  in  comparatively  insig- 
nificant employments.  The  Queen,  as  he  himself  observed, 
was  most  apt  to  interpret  everything  to  his  disadvantage. 
Among  those  who  knew  him  well,  there  seems  never  to 
have  been  a  dissenting  voice.  His  father.  Sir  Henry  Sidney, 
lord-deputy  of  Ireland,  and  president  of  Wales,  a  states- 
man of  accomplishments  and  experience,  called  him  "  lumen 
famUice  suce,"  and  said  of  him,  with  pardonable  pride,  "that 
he  had  the  most  virtues  which  he  had  ever  found  in  any 
man ;  that  he  was  the  very  formular  that  all  well-disposed 
young    gentlemen   do    form   their    manners    and    life    by. 


"i 


>  Camden's  'Britannia'  (1637)  p.  329. 
•  Life  of  Sidney,  by  Fulke  Greville,  Lord  Brooke,  edited  by  Sir  E.  Brydges,  p.  23. 


1585.  SIR   PHILIP   SIDNEY.  359 

The  learned  Hubert  Languet,  companion  of  Melancthon, 
tried  friend  of  William  the  Silent,  was  his  fervent  admirer 
and  correspondent.  The  great  Prince  of  Orange  held  him 
in  high  esteem,  and  sent  word  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  that 
having  himself  been  an  actor  in  the  most  important  affairs 
of  Europe,  and  acquainted  with  her  foremost  men,  he  could 
"pledge  his  credit"  that  her  Majesty  had  one  of  the  ripest 
and  greatest  councillors  of  state  in  Sir  Philip  Sidney  that 
lived  in  Europe." - 

The  incidents  of  his  brief  and  brilliant  life,  up  to  his  arrival 
upon  the  fatal  soil  of  the  Netherlands,  are  too  well  known  to 
need  recallino-.  Adorned  with  the  best  culture  that,  in  a 
learned  age,  could  be  obtained  in  the  best  seminaries  of  his 
native  country,  where,  during  childhood  and  youth,  he  had 
been  distinguished  for  a  "  lovely  and  familiar  gravity  beyond 
his  years,"  he  rapidly  acquired  the  admiration  of  his  com- 
rades and  the  esteem  of  all  his  teachers. 

Travelling  for  three  years,  he  made  the  acquaintance  and 
gained  the  personal  regard  of  such  opposite  characters  as 
Charles  IX.  of  France,  Henry  of  Navarre,  Don  John  of 
Austria,  and  William  of  Orange,  and  perfected  his  accom- 
plishments by  residence  and  study,  alternately,  in  courts, 
camps,  and  learned  universities.  He  was  in  Paris  during  the 
memorable  days  of  August,  1572,  and  narrowly  escaped 
perishing  in  the  St.  Bartholomew  Massacre.  On  his  return, 
he  was,  for  a  brief  period,  the  idol  of  the  English  court, 
which,  it  was  said,  "  was  maimed  without  his  company."* 
At  the  age  of  twenty-one  he  was  appointed  special  envoy  to 
Vienna,  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  congratulating  the 
Emperor  Rudolph  upon  his  accession,  but  in  reality  that  he 
might  take  the  opportunity  of  sounding  the  secret  purposes 
of  the  Protestant  princes  of  Oermany,  in  regard  to  the  great 
contest  of  the  age.  In  this  mission,  young  as  he  was,  he 
acquitted  himself,  not  only  to  the  satisfaction,  but  to  the 
admiration    of  Walsingham,    certainly   a   master  himself  in 

'  Sidney  Papers,  edited  by  Collins,  i.  246.  '  Brooke,  p.  16,  soq. 

'  Fuller's  'Worthies,'  i.  499,  ed.  1811. 


360  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VL 

that  occult  science,  the  diplomacy  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. "  There  hath  not  been,"  said  he,  "  any  gentleman,  I 
am  sure,  that  hath  gone  through  so  honourable  a  charge  with 
as  great  commendations  as  he." ' 

When  the  memorable  marriage-project  of  Queen  Elizabeth 
with  Anjou  seemed  about  to  take  effect,  he  denounced  the 
scheme  in  a  most  spirited  and  candid  letter,  addressed  to  her 
Majesty  ;  nor  is  it  recorded  that  the  Queen  was  offended  with 
his  frankness.  Indeed  we  are  informed  that  "although  he 
found  a  sweet  stream  of  sovereign  humours  in  that  well-tem- 
pered lady  to  run  against  him,  yet  found  he  safety  in  herself 
against  that  selfness  which  appeared  to  threaten  him  in  lier."^ 
Whatever  this  might  mean,  translated  out  of  euphuism  into 
English,  it  is  certain  that  his  conduct  was  regarded  with  small 
favour  by  the  court-grandees,  by  whom  "  worth,  duty,  and 
justice,  were  looked  upon  with  no  other  eyes  than  Lamia's."' 

The  difficulty  of  swimming  against  that  sweet  stream  of 
Bovereign  humours  in  the  well-tempered  Elizabeth,  was  aggra- 
vated by  his  quarrel,  at  this  period,  with  the  magnificent 
Oxford.  A  dispute  at  a  tennis-court,  where  many  courtiers 
and  foreigners  were  looking  on,  proceeded  rapidly  from  one 
extremity  to  another.  The  Earl  commanded  Sir  Philip  to 
leave  the  place.  Sir  Philip  responded,  that  if  he  were  of  a 
mind  that  he  should  go,  he  himself  was  of  a  mind  that  he 
should  remain  ;  adding  that  if  he  had  entreated,  where  he  had 
no  right  to  command,  he  might  have  done  more  than  "  with 
the  scourge  of  fury."  "  This  answer,"  says  Fulke  Greville, 
in  a  style  worthy  of  Don  Adriano  de  Armado,  "  did,  like  a 
bellows,  blowing  up  the  sparks  of  excess  already  kindled, 
make  my  lord  scornfully  call  Sir  Philip  by  the  name  of 
puppy.  In  which  progress  of  heat,  as  the  tempest  grew  more 
and  more  vehement  within,  so  did  their  hearts  breathe  out 
their  perturbations  in  a  more  loud  and  shrill  accent  ;"*  and 
80  on  ;  but  the  impending  duel  was  the  next  day  forbidden  by 
express  command  of  her  Majesty.      Sidney,  not  feeling  the 

'  Naunton,  'Regalia,'  p.  63.  '  Brooke,  p.  51. 

*  Ibid.  *  Brooke,  p.  53. 


1585.  SIR   PHILIP  SIDNEY.  361 

full  force  of  the  royal  homily  upon  the  necessity  of  great 
deference  from  gentlemen  to  their  superiors  in  rank,  in  order 
to  protect  all  orders  from  the  insults  of  plebeians,  soon  after- 
wards retired  from  the  court.  To  his  sylvan  seclusion  the 
world  owes  the  pastoral  and  chivalrous  romance  of  the 
'Arcadia,'  and  to  the  pompous  Earl,  in  consequence,  an  emo- 
tion of  gratitude.  Nevertheless,  it  was  in  him  to'  do,  rather 
than  to  write,  and  humanity  seems  defrauded,  when  forced  to 
accept  the  '  Arcadia/  the  '  Defence  of  Poesy,'  and  the  '  Astro- 
phel  and  Stella,'  in  discharge  of  its  claims  upon  so  great  and 
pure  a  soul. 

Notwithstanding  this  disagreeable  affair,  and  despite  the 
memorable  letter  against  Anjou,  Sir  Philip  suddenly  flashes 
upon  us  again,  as  one  of  the  four  challengers  in  a  tournament 
to  honour  the  Duke's  presence  in  England.  A  vision  of  him 
in  blue  gilded  armour — with  horses  caparisoned  in  cloth  of 
gold,  pearl-embroidered,  attended  by  pages  in  cloth  of  silver, 
Venetian  hose,  laced  hats,  and  by  gentlemen,  yeomen,  and 
trumpeters,  in  yellow  velvet  cassocks,  buskins,  and  feathers — 
as  one  of  "  the  four  fostered  children  of  virtuous  desire"  (to 
wit,  Anjou)  storming  "  the  castle  of  perfect  Beauty"  *  (to  wit. 
Queen  Elizabeth,  a^tatis  47)  rises  out  of  the  cloud-dusts  of 
ancient  chronicle  for  a  moment,  and  then  vanishes  into  air 
again. 

"Having  that  day  his  hand,  hia  horse,  his  lance, 
Guided  so  well  that  they  attained  the  prize 
Both  in  the  judgment  of  our  English  eyes, 
But  of  some  sent  by  that  sweet  enemy,  France," 

as  he  chivalrously  sings,  he  soon  afterwards  felt  inclined  for 
wider  fields  of  honourable  adventure.  It  was  impossible  that 
knight-errant  so  true  should  not  feel  keenest  sympathy  with  an 
oppressed  people  struggling  against  such  odds,  as  the  Nether- 
landers  were  doing  in  their  contest  with  Spain.  So  soon  as 
the  treaty  with  England  was  arranged,  it  was  his  ambition  to 
take  part  in  the  dark  and  dangerous  enterprise,  and,  being 
Bon-in-law  to  Walsingham  and  nephew  to  Leicester,  he  had  a 

■  Stowe's  Continuation  of  Holinshed,  iv.  436,  seq. 


362  THE   UNITED  NETHERLA.NDS.  Chap.  VI. 

riorht  to  believe  that  his  talents  and  character  would,  on 
this  occasion,  be  recognised.  But,  like  his  "very  friend/' 
Lord  Willoughby,  he  was  "not  of  the  genus  ReptiUa,  and 
could  neither  creep  nor  crouch,"^  and  he  failed,  as  usual,  to 
win  his  way  to  the  Queen's  favour.  The  governorship  of 
Flushing  was  denied  him,  and,  stung  to  the  heart  by  such 
neglect,  he  determined  to  seek  his  fortune  beyond  the  seas. 

"  Sir  Philip  hath  taken  a  very  hard  resolution,"  wrote  Wal- 
singham  to  Davison,  "  to  accompany  Sir  Francis  Drake  in 
this  voyage,  moved  thereto  for  that  he  saw  her  Majesty  dis- 
posed to  commit  the  charge  of  Flushing  unto  some  other ; 
which  he  reputed  would  fall  out  greatly  to  his  disgrace,  to 
see  another  preferred  before  him,  both  for  birth  and  judgment 
inferior  unto  him.  The  despair  thereof  and  the  disgrace  that 
he  doubted  he  should  receive  have  carried  him  into  a  different 
course." ' 

The  Queen,  however,  relenting  at  last,  interfered  to  frus- 
trate his  design.  Having  thus  balked  his  ambition  in  the 
Indian  seas,  she  felt  pledged  to  offer  him  the  employment 
which  he  had  originally  solicited,  and  she  accordingly  con- 
ferred upon  him  the  governorship  of  Flushing,  with  the  rank 
of  general  of  horse,  under  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  In  the 
latter  part  of  November,  he  cast  anchor,  in  the  midst  of  a 
violent  storm,  at  Rammekins,  and  thence  came  to  the  city  of 
his  government.  Young,  and  looking  even  younger  than  his 
years — "  not  only  of  an  excellent  wit,  but  extremely  beautiful 
of  face""^ — with  delicately  chiselled  Anglo-Norman  features, 
smooth  fair  cheek,  a  faint  moustache,  blue  eyes,  and  a  mass 
of  amber-coloured  hair  ;  such  was  the  author  of  '  Arcadia'  and 
the  governor  of  Flushing.  ' 

And  thus  an  Anglo-Norman  representative  of  ancient  race 
had  come  back  to  the  home  of  his  ancestors.  Scholar,  poet, 
knight-errant,  finished  gentleman,  he  aptly  typified  the  result 
of  seven  centuries  of  civilization  upon  the  wild  Danish  pirate. 
For  among  those  very  quicksands  of  storm-beaten  Walachria 


'  Naunton,  'Regalia,'  p.  66. 
*  Walsingham  to  Davison,  13  Sept. 
1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


*  Expression    of   Aubrey,   cited  by 
Gray,  life  of  Sidney,  61. 


1585.  HIS   ARRIVAL   AT    PLUSniNQ.  363 

that  wondrous  Normandy  first  came  into  existence  whose 
wings  were  to  sweep  over  all  the  high  phices  of  Christendom. 
Out  of  these  creeks,  lagunes,  and  almost  inaccessible  sand- 
banks, those  bold  freebooters  sailed  forth  on  their  forays 
against  England,  France,  and  other  adjacent  countries,  and 
here  they  brought  and  buried  the  booty  of  many  a  wild 
adventure.  Here,  at  a  later  day,  Rollo  the  Dane  had  that 
memorable  dream  of  leprosy,^  the  cure  of  which  was  the  con- 
version of  North  Gaul  into  Normandy,  of  Pagans  into  Chris- 
tians, and  the  subsequent  conquest  of  every  throne  in 
Christendom  from  Ultima  Thule  to  Byzantium.  And  now 
the  descendant  of  those  early  freebooters  had  come  back  to 
the  spot,  at  a  moment  when  a  wider  and  even  more  imperial 
swoop  was  to  be  made  by  their  modern  representatives.  For 
the  sea-kings  of  the  sixteenth  century — the  Drakes,  Haw- 
kinses, Frobishers,  Ealeighs,  Cavendishes — the  De  Moors, 
Heemskerks,  Barendts — all  sprung  of  the  old  pirate-lineage, 
whether  called  Englanders  or  Hollanders,  and  instinct  with 
the  same  hereditary  love  of  adventure,  were  about  to  wrestle 
with  ancient  tyrannies,  to  explore  the  most  inaccessible  regions, 
and  to  establish  new  commonwealths  in  worlds  undreamed  of 
by  their  ancestors — to  accomplish,  in  short,  more  wondrous 
feats  than  had  been  attempted  by  the  Knuts,  and  RoUos, 
Rurics,  Rogers,  and  Tancreds,  of  an  earlier  age. 

The  place  which  Sidney  was  appointed  to  govern  was  one 
of  great  military  and  commercial  importance.  Flushing  was 
the  key  to  the  navigation  of  the  North  Seas,  ever  since  the 
disastrous  storm  of  a  century  before,  in  which  a  great  trading 
city  on  the  outermost  verge  of  the  island  had  been  swal- 
lowed bodily  by  the  ocean."  The  Emperor  had  so  thoroughly 
recognized  its  value,  as  to  make  special  mention  of  the 
necessity  for  its  preservation,  in  his  private  instructions  to 
Philip,  and  now  the  Queen  of  England  had  confided  it  to  one 
who  was  competent  to  appreciate  and  to  defend  the  prize. 
"  How  great  a  jewel  this  place  (Flushing)  is  to  the  crown  of 

I  Gruiociardini,  '  Description  de  tons  les  Pays  Bas,'  p.  354. 
2  Guiccardiai,  in  voce, 


364  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VI. 

England,"  wrote  Sidney  to  his  Uncle  Leicester,  "  and  to  the 
Queen's  safety,  I  need  not  now  write  it  to  your  lordship, 
who  knows  it  so  well.  Yet  I  must  needs  say,  the  better  I 
know  it,  the  more  I  find  the  preciousness  of  it."  ^ 

He  did  not  enter  into  his  government,  however,  with  much 
pomp  and  circumstance,  but  came  afoot  into  Flushing  in  the 
midst  of  winter  and  foul  weather.  "  Driven  to  land  at 
Raramekins,"  said  he,  "because  the  wind  began  to  rise  in 
such  sort  as  our  mariners  durst  not  enter  the  town,  I  came 
from  thence  with  as  dirty  a  walk  as  ever  poor  governor 
entered  his  charge  withal."  ^  But  he  was  cordially  welcomed, 
nor  did  he  arrive  by  any  means  too  soon. 

"  I  find  the  people  very  glad  of  our  coming,"  he  said,  "  and 
promise  myself  as  much  surety  in  keeping  this  town,  as 
popular  good-will,  gotten  by  light  hopes,  and  by  as  slight 
conceits,  may  breed  ;  for  indeed  the  garrison  is  far  too  weak 
to  command  by  authority,  which  is  pity.  ...  I  think, 
truly,  that  if  my  coming  had  been  longer  delayed,  some 
alteration  would  have  followed ;  for  the  truth  is,  this  people 
is  weary  of  war,  and  if  they  do  not  see  such  a  course  taken 
as  may  be  likely  to  defend  them,  they  will  in  a  sudden  give 
over  the  cause.  .  .  .  All  will  be  lost  if  government  be 
not  presently  used.""* 

He  expressed  much  anxiety  for  the  arrival  of  his  uncle, 
with  which  sentiments  he  assured  the  Earl  that  the  Nether- 
landers  fully  sympathized.  "  Your  Lordship's  coming,"  he 
said,  "is  as  much  longed  for  as  Messias  is  of  the  Jews.  It  is 
indeed  most  necessary  that  your  Lordship  make  great  speed 
to  reform  both  the  Dutch  and  English  abuses."  * 

•  Sir  p.  Sidney  to  Earl  of  Leicester,  22  Nov.  1585.  Brit.  Mua  Galba,  G 
Tiii.  p.  213.  MS.  2  Ibid.  3  Ibid.  *  Ibid. 


1686.  THB    KARL  OF   LEICESTER.  365 


CHAPTER    VII. 

Th»  Earl  of  Leicester  —  His  Triumphal  Entrance  into  Holland  —  English 
Spies  about  him  —  Importance  of  Holland  to  England  —  Spanish  Schemes 
for  invading  England  —  Letter  of  the  Grand  Commander — Perilous 
Position  of  England  —  True  Nature  of  the  Contest  —  Wealth  and  Strength 
of  the  Provinces  —  Power  of  the  Dutch  and  English  People — AfiFection  of 
the  Hollanders  for  the  Queen  —  Secret  Purposes  of  Leicester  —  Wretched 
Condition  of  EngUsh  Troops  —  The  Nassaus  and  Hohenlo  —  The  Earl's 
Opinion  of  them  —  Clerk  and  Killigrew  —  Interview  with  the  States  — 
Government  General  offered  to  the  Earl  —  Discussions  on  the  Subject  — 
The  Earl  accepts  the  OfiBce  —  His  Ambition  and  Mistakes — His  Installa- 
tion at  the  Hague  —  Intimations  of  the  Queen's  Displeasure  —  Deprecatory 
Letters  of  Leicester  —  Davison's  Mission  to  England  —  Queen's  Auger  and 
Jealousy  —  Her  angry  Letters  to  the  Earl  and  the  States  —  Arrival  of 
Davison  —  Stormy  Interview  with   the  Queen  —  The  second  one  is  calmer 

—  Queen's  Wrath  somewhat  mitigated  —  Mission  of  Heneage  to  the  States 

—  Shirley  sent  to  England  by  the  Earl  —  His  Interview  with  Elizabeth  — 
Leicester's  Letters  to  his  Friends — Paltry  Conduct  of  the  Earl  to  Davison 

—  He  excuses  himself  at  Davison's  Expense  —  His  Letter  to  Burghley  — 
Eflfect  of  the  Queen's  Letters  to  the  States  —  Suspicion  and  Discontent  in 
Holland  —  States  excuse  their  Conduct  to  the  Queen  —  Leicester  dis- 
credited in  Holland  —  Evil  Consequences  to  Holland  and  England  —  Magic 
Efifect  of  a  Letter  from  Leicester  —  The  Queen  appeased  —  Her  Letters  to 
the  States  and  the  Earl  —  She  permits  the  granted  Authority  —  Unhappy 
Results  of  the  Queen's  Course  —  Her  variable  Moods  —  She  attempts  to 
deceive  Walsingham  —  Her  Injustice  to  Heneage  —  His  Perplexity  and 
Distress  —  Humiliating  Position  of  Leicester  —  His  melancholy  Letters  to 
the  Queen  —  He  receives  a  little  Consolation  —  And  writes  more  cheerfully 

—  The  Queen  is  more  benignant  —  The  States  less  contented  than  the  Earl 

—  His  Quarrels  with  them  begin. 

At  last  the  Earl  of  Leicester  came.  Embarking  at  Harwich, 
with  a  fleet  of  fifty  ships,  and  attended  "  by  the  Dec.  9,  19, 
flower  and  chief  gallants  of  England"' — the  Lords  1^85. 
Sheffield,  Willoughby,  North,  Burroughs,  Sir  Gervase  Clifton, 
Sir  William  Russell,  Sir  Robert  Sidney,  and  others  among 
the  number — the  new  lieutenant-general  of  the  English  forces 
in  the  Netherlands  arrived  on  the  19th  December,  1585,  at 
Flushing.  His  nephew.  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  and  Count  Maurice 
of  Nassau,  with  a  body  of  troops  and  a  great  procession  of 

'  Stowe.  711. 


366  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VII 

civil  functionaries,  were  in  readiness  to  receive  him,  and  to 
escort  him  to  the  lodgings  prepared  for  him.^ 

Robert  Dudley,  Earl  of  Leicester,  was  then  fifty-four  years 
of  age.  There  are  few  personages  in  English  history  whose 
adventures,  real  or  fictitious,  have  been  made  more  familiar 
to  the  world  than  his  have  been,  or  whose  individuality  has 
been  presented  in  more  picturesque  fashion,  by  chronicle, 
tragedy,  or  romance.  Born  in  the  same  day  of  the  month 
and  hour  of  the  day  with  the  Queen,  but  two  years  before  her 
birth,  the  supposed  synastry  of  their  destinies'  might  partly 
account,  in  that  age  of  astrological  superstition,  fur  the  influ- 
ence which  he  perpetually  exerted.  They  had,  moreover, 
been  fellow-prisoners  together,  in  the  commencement  of  the 
reign  of  Mary,  and  it  is  possible  that  he  may  have  been  the 
medium  through  which  the  indulgent  expressions  of  Philip  II. 
were  conveyed  to  the  Princess  Elizabeth. 

His  grandfather,  John  Dudley,  that  "  caterpillar  of  the 
commonwealth,"  who  lost  his  head  in  the  first  year  of 
Henry  VIII.  as  a  reward  for  the  "  grist  which  he  brought  to 
the  milP  of  Henry  YII.  ;  his  father,  the  mighty  Duke  of 
Northumberland,  who  rose  out  of  the  wreck  of  an  obscure 
and  ruined  family  to  almost  regal  power,  only  to  perish,  like 
his  predecessor,  upon  the  scafibld,  had  bequeathed  him  nothing 
save  rapacity,  ambition,  and  the  genius  to  succeed.  But 
Elizabeth  seemed  to  ascend  the  throne  only  to  bestow  gifts 
upon  her  favourite.  Baronies  and  earldoms,  stars  and  garters, 
manors  and  monopolies,  castles  and  forests,  church  livings 
and  college  chancellorships,  advowsons  and  sinecures,  emolu- 
ments and  dignities,  the  most  copious  and  the  most  exalted, 
were  conferred  upon  him  in  breathless  succession.  Wine, 
oil,  currants,  velvets,  ecclesiastical  benefices,  university  head- 
ships, licences  to  preach,  to  teach,  to  ride,  to  sail,  to  pick  and 
to  steal,  all  brought  "grist  to  his  mill."  His  grandfather, 
"  the  horse  leach  and  shearer,"  never  filled  his  coffers  more 
rapidly  than  did  Lord  Robert,  the  fortunate  courtier.     Of  his 


'  Bor,  ii.  684,  685  ;  Hoofd,  Vervolgh, 
133,  134;  Wagenaar,  viii.  112,  seq.; 
Stowe,  711;  Strada,  il  408,  409. 


Naunton,  34,  and  note. 
Expression  of  Lord  Bacon. 


1585.  THE    EARL   OF   LEICESTER.  367 

early  wedlock  with  the  ill-starred  Amy  Robsart,  of  his  nuptial 
projects  with  the  Queen,  of  his  subsequent  marriages  and 
mock-marriages  with  Douglas  Sheffield  and  Lettice  of  Essex, 
of  his  j)lottings,  poisonings,  imaginary  or  otherwise,  of  his 
countless  intrigues,  amatory  and  political — of  that  luxuriant, 
creeping,  flaunting,  all-pervading  existence  which  struck  its 
fibres  into  the  mould,  and  coiled  itself  through  the  whole 
fabric,  of  Elizabeth's  life  and  reign — of  all  this  the  world  has 
long  known  too  much  to  render  a  repetition  needful  here. 
The  inmost  nature  and  the  secret  deeds  of  a  man  placed  so 
high  by  wealth  and  station,  can  be  seen  but  darkly  through 
the  glass  of  contemporary  recojd.  There  was  no  tribunal  to 
sit  upon  his  guilt.  A  grandee  could  be  judged  only  when  no 
longer  a  favourite,  and  the  infatuation  of  Elizabeth  for  Leicester 
terminated  only  with  his  life.  He  stood  now  upon  the  soil  of 
the  Netherlands  in  the  character  of  a  "  Messiah,"  yet  he  had 
been  charged  with  crimes  sufficient  to  send  twenty  humbler 
malefactors  to  the  gibbet.  "  I  think,"  said  a  most  malignant 
arraigner  of  the  man,  in  a  published  pamphlet,  "  that  the 
Earl  of  Leicester  hath  more  blood  lying  upon  his  head  at 
this  day,  crying  for  vengeance,  than  ever  had  private  man 
before,  were  he  never  so  wicked."  * 

Certainly  the  mass  of  misdemeanours  and  infamies  hurled 
at  the  head  of  the  favourite  by  that  "  green-coated  Jesuit," 
father  Parsons,  under  the  title  of  '  Leycester's  Common- 
wealth,' were  never  accepted  as  literal  verities  ;  yet  the 
value  of  the  precept,  to  calumniate  boldly,  with  the  certainty 
that  much  of  the  calumny  would  last  for  ever,  was  never 
better  illustrated  than  in  the  case  of  Robert  Dudley.  Besides 
the  lesser  delinquencies  of  filling  his  purse  by  the  sale  of 
honours  and  dignities,  by  violent  ejectments  from  land,  frau- 
dulent titles,  rapacious  enclosures  of  commons,  by  taking 
bribes  for  matters  of  justice,  grace,  and  supplication  to  the 
royal  authority,  he  was  accused  of  forging  various  letters  to 
the    Queen,  often   to  ruin   his  political   adversaries,   and  of 


1  'Leycester's  Commonwealth:  con- 
ceived, spoken,  and  published  with 
most  earnest  protestation  of  all  dutiful 
good-will    and    affection    towards    the 


realm,  for  whose  good  only  it  is  made 
common  to  many  (by  Robt.  Parsons),' 
4to.  London.     1641. 


368  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIL 

plottiiigs  to  entrap  them  into  conspiracies,  playing  first  the 
comrade  and  then  the  informer.  The  list  of  his  murders  and 
attempts  to  murder  was  almost  endless.  "  His  lordship  hath 
a  special  fortune,"  saith  the  Jesuit,  "  that  when  he  desire th 
any  woman's  favour,  whatsoever  person  standeth  in  his  way 
hath  the  luck  to  die  quickly." '  He  was  said  to  have  poisoned 
Alice  Drayton,  Lady  Lennox,  Lord  Sussex,  Sir  Nicholas 
Throgmorton,  Lord  Sheffield,  whose  widow  he  married  and 
then  poisoned,  Lord  Essex,  whose  widow  he  also  married,  and 
intended  to  poison,  but  who  was  said  to  have  subsequently 
poisoned  him — besides  murders  or  schemes  for  murder  of 
various  other  individuals,  both  French  and  English.^  "  He 
was  a  rare  artist  in  poison,"  said  Sir  Robert  Naunton,'^  and 
certainly  not  Caesar  Borgia,  nor  his  father  or  sister,  was  more 
accomplished  in  that  difficult  profession  than  was  Dudley,  if 
half  the  charges  against  him  could  be  believed.  Fortunately 
for  his  fame,  many  of  them  were  proved  to  be  false.  Sir 
Henry  Sidney,  lord  deputy  of  Ireland,  at  the  time  of  the 
death  of  Lord  Essex,  having  caused  a  diligent  inquiry  to  be 
made  into  that  dark  aiFair,  wrote  to  the  council  that  it  was 
usual  for  the  Earl  to  fall  into  a  bloody  flux  when  disturbed 
in  his  mind,  and  that  his  body  when  opened  showed  no  signs 
of  poison.^  It  is  true  that  Sir  Henry,  although  an  honourable 
man,  was  Leicester's  brother-in-law,  and  that  perhaps  an 
autopsy  was  not  conducted  at  that  day  in  Ireland  on  very 
scientific  principles. 

His  participation  in  the  strange  death  of  his  first  wife  was 
a  matter  of  current  belief  among  his  contemporaries,  "  He 
is  infamed  by  the  death  of  his  wife,"  said  Burghley,*  and  tha 
tale  has  since  become  so  interwoven  with  classic  and  legen- 
dary fiction,  as  well  as  with  more  authentic  history,  that  the 
phantom  of  the  murdered  Amy  Robsart  is  sm*e  to  arise  at 
every  mention  of  the  Earl's  name.  Yet  a  coroner's  inquest — 
as  appears  from  his  own  secret  correspondence  with  his  rela- 
tive and  agent  at  Cumnor — was  immediately  and  persistently 
demanded  by  Dudley.     A  jury  was  impannelled — every  man 

*  Leycester's  'Commonwealth,'  ut  sup.       '  Ibid.        *  Naunton,  '  Regalia,' 43,  44. 
♦  Sydney  Papers,  by  Collins,  i.  48.  *  Lodge,  il  202. 


1585.  THE  EARL  OF  LEICESTRH.  36d 

of  them  a  stranger  to  him,  and  some  of  them  enemies. 
Antony  Forster,  Appleyard,  and  Arthm*  B-obsart,  brother-in- 
law  and  brother  of  the  lady,  were  present,  according  to  Dud- 
ley's special  request ;  "  and  if  more  of  her  friends  could  have 
been  sent,"  said  he,  "  I  would  have  sent  them  ;"  but  with  all 
their  minuteness  of  inquiry,  "  they  could  find,"  wrote  Blount, 
"no  presumptions  of  evil,"  although  he  expressed  a  suspicion 
that  "  some  of  the  jurymen  were  sorry  that  they  could  not." 
That  the  unfortunate  lady  was  killed  by  a  fall  down  stairs  was 
all  that  could  be  made  of  it  by  a  coroner's  inquest,  rather 
hostile  than  otherwise,  and  urged  to  rigorous  investigation  by 
the  supposed  culprit  himself^  Nevertheless,  the  calumny 
has  endured  for  three  centuries,  and  is  likely  to  survive  as 
many  more. 

Whatever  crimes  Dudley  may  have  committed  in  the 
course  of  his  career,  there  is  no  douot  whatever  that  he  was 
the  most  abused  man  in  Europe.  He  had  been  deeply 
wounded  by  the  Jesuit's  artful  publication,  in  which  all  the 
misdeeds  with  which  he  was  falsely  or  justly  charged  were 
drawn  up  in  awful  array,  in  a  form  half  colloquial,  half 
judicial.  "You  had  better  give  some  contentment  to  my 
Lord  Leicester,"  wrote  the  French  envoy  from  London  to 
his  government,  "  on  account  of  the  bitter  feelings  excited 
in  him  by  these  villainous  books  lately  written  against  him.'"" 

The  Earl  himself  ascribed  these  calumnies  to  the  Jesuits, 
to  the  Guise  faction,  and  particularly  to  the  Queen  of  Hcots. 
He  was  said,  in  consequence,  to  have  vowed  an  eternal 
hatred  to  that  most  unfortunate  and  most  intriguing  Princess. 
"  Leicester  has  lately  told  a  friend,"  wrote  Charles  Paget, 
"  that  he  will  persecute  you  to  the  uttermost,  for  that  he 
supposeth  your  Majesty  to  be  privy  to  the  setting  forth  of  the 
book  against  him."^     Nevertheless,  calumniated  or  innocent^ 


'  Abstract  of  the  Correspondence 
preserved  in  tlie  Pepysian  Library  at 
Cambridge,  between  Lord  Robert  Dud- 
ley and  Thomas  Blount,  an  agent  of 
hia  at  Cumnor,  during  the  inquest  held 
on  Amv  Robsart,  published  in  Cralk, 
'Romance  of  the  Peerage.'  j    14  Jan.  1585,  in  Murdiu,  ii.  437. 

1  "  il  sera  bon  de  donner  quel-  I 

VOL.  I. — Z  -     - 


que  contentement  au  diet  sieur  Conto 
de  Lestre  pour  ce  qu'il  a  sy  affection 
de  ces  vilains  livres  fetz  contre  luy," 
&c.  ('  Castlenau-Mauvissiere  a  M.  do 
Brulart,'  Brienne,  MS.) 

Charles  Paget  to  Queen  of  Soots^ 


370  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.   VIL 

he  was  at  least  triumphant  over  calumny.  Nothing  could 
shake  his  hold  upon  Elizabeth's  affections.  The  Queen 
scorned  but  resented  the  malignant  attacks  upon  the  reputa- 
tion of  her  favourite.  She  declared  "  before  God  and  in  her 
conscience,  tliat  she  knew  the  libels  against  him  to  be  most 
scandalous,  and  such  as  none  but  an  incarnate  devil  himself 
could  dream  to  be  true."  His  j^ower,  founded  not  upon 
genius  nor  virtue,  but  upon  woman's  caprice,  shone  serenely 
above  the  gulf  where  there  had  been  so  many  shipwrecks.  "  I 
am  now  passing  into  another  world,"  said  Sussex,  upon  his 
death-bed,  to  his  friends,  "  and  I  must  leave  you  to  your 
fortunes  ;  but  beware  of  the  gipsy,  or  he  will  be  too  hard  for 
you.     You  know  not  the  beast  so  well  as  I  do."^ 

.The  "gipsy,"  as  he  had  been  called  from  his  dark  com- 
plexion, had  been  renowned  in  youth  for  the  beauty  of  his 
person,  being  "  tall  and  singularly  well-featured,  of  a  sweet 
aspect,  but  high  foreheaded,  which  was  of  no  discommenda- 
tion," according  to  Naunton.  The  Queen,  who  had  the  pas- 
sion of  her  father  for  tall  and  proper  men,  was  easier  won  by 
externals,  from  her  youth  even  to  the  days  of  her  dotage, 
than  befitted  so  very  sagacious  a  personage.  Chamberlains, 
squires  of  the  body,  carvers,  cup-bearers,  gentlemen-ushers, 
porters,  could  obtain  neither  place  nor  favour  at  court,  unless 
distinguished  for  stature,  strength,  or  extraordinary  activity. 
To  lose  a  tooth  had  been  known  to  cause  the  loss  of  a  place, 
and  the  excellent  constitution  of  log  which  helped  Sir  Chris- 
topher Hatton  into  the  chancellorship,  was  not  more  remark- 
able i)erhaps  than  the  success  of  similar  endowments  in  other 
contemporaries.  Leicester,  although  stately  and  imposing, 
had  passed  his  summer  solstice.  A  big  bulky  man,  with  a  long 
red  face,  a  bald  head,  a  defiant  somewhat  sinister  eye,  a  high 
nose,  and  a  little  torrent  of  foam-white  curly  beard,  he  was 
still  magnificent  in  costume.  Rustling  in  satin  and  feathers, 
with  jewels  inhis  ears,  and  his  velvet  toque  stuck  as  airily  as 
ever  upon  the  side  of  his  head,  he  amazed  the  honest  Hol- 
landers,   who   had    been    used    to    less    gorgeous    chieftains. 

*  Naunton,  p.  49. 


1585.  HIS  TRIUMPHAL  ENTRANCE  INTO  HOLLAND.  371 

"Every  body  is  wondering  at  the  great  magnificence  and 
splendour  of  his  clothes,"^  said  the  plain  chronicler  of  Utrecht. 
For,  not  much  more  than  a  year  before,  Fulke  Greville  had 
met  at  Delft  a  man  whose  external  adornments  were  simjjler  ; 
a  somewhat  slip-shod  personage,  whom  he  thus  pour  tray  ed  : — 
"  His  uppermost  garment  was  a  gown,"  said  the  euphuistic 
Fulke,  "yet  such  as,  I  confidently  affirm,  a  mean- born  student 
of  our  Inns  of  Court  would  not  have  been  well  disposed  to 
walk  the  streets  in.  Unbuttoned  his  doublet  was,  and  of 
like  precious  matter  and  form  to  the  other.  His  waistcoat, 
which  showed  itself  under  it,  not  unlike  the  best  sort  of  those 
woollen  knit  ones  which  our  ordinary  barge- watermen  row  us 
in.  His  company  about  him,  the  burgesses  of  that  beer- 
browing  town.  No  external  sign  of  degree  could  have  discovered 
the  inequality  of  his  worth  or  estate  from  that  midtitude. 
Nevertheless,  upon  conversing  with  him,  there  ivas  an  out- 
luard  passage  of  inward  greatness."  "^ 

Of  a  certainty  there  must  have  been  an  outward  passage  of 
inward  greatness  about  him  ;  for  the  individual  in  unbuttoned 
doublet  and  bargeman's  waistcoat,  was  no  other  than  William 
the  Silent.  A  different  kind  of  leader  had  now  descended 
among  those  rebels,  yet  it  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  deny 
the  capacity  or  vigorous  intentions  of  the  magnificent  Earl, 
who  certainly  was  like  to  find  himself  in  a  more  difficult  and 
responsible  situation  than  any  he  had  yet  occupied. 

And  now  began  a  triumphal  progress  through  the  land, 
with  a  series  of  mighty  banquets  and  festivities,  in  which  no 
man  could  play  a  better  part  than  Leicester.  From  Flushing 
he  came  to  Middelburg,  where,  uj)on  Christmas  eve  (according 
to  the  new  reckoning),  there  was  an  entertainment,  every 
dish  of  which  has  been  duly  chronicled.  Pigs  served  on  their 
feet,  pheasants  in  their  feathers,  and  baked  swans  with  their 
necks  thrust  through  gigantic  pie-crust ;  crystal  castles  of 
confectionary  with  silver  streams  flowing  at  their  base,  and 
fair  virgins  leaning  from  the  battlements,  looking  for  their 
new  English    champion,  "  wine  in   abundance,  variety  of  all 

'  i5or,  11.  G85,  '  grool^e's  Sidney,  16,  se^, 


372  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VII. 

sorts,  and  wonderful  welcomes  " ' — such  was  the  bill  of  fare. 
The  next  day  the  Lieutenaut-General  returned  the  compli- 
ment to  the  magistrates  of  Middelburg  with  a  tremendous 
feast.  Then  came  an  interlude  of  unexpected  famine  ;  for  as 
the  Earl  sailed  with  his  suite  in  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  vessels 
for  Dort — a  voyage  of  not  many  hours'  usual  duration — there 
descended  a  mighty  frozen  fog  upon  the  waters,  and  they  lay 
five  whole  days  and  nights  in  their  ships,  almost  starved  with 
hunger  and  cold — offering  in  vain  a  "  pound  of  silver  for  a 
pound  of  bread."  ^  Emerging  at  last  from  this  dismal  pre- 
dicament, he  landed  at  Dort,  and  so  went  to  Rotterdam  and 
Delft,  everywhere  making  his  way  through  lines  of  mus- 
keteers and  civic  functionaries,  amid  roaring  cannon,  pealing 
bells,  burning  cressets,  blazing  tar-barrels,  fiery  winged 
dragons,  wreaths  of  flowers,  and  Latin  orations. 

The  farther  he  went  the  braver  seemed  the  country,  and 
the  better  beloved  his  Lordship.  Nothing  was  left  undone, 
in  the  language  of  ancient  chronicle,  to  fill  the  bellies  and 
the  heads  of  the  whole  company.  At  the  close  of  the  year 
he  came  to  the  Hague,  where  the  festivities  were  unusually 
magnificent.  A  fleet  of  barges  was  sent  to  escort  him. 
Peter,  James,  and  John,  met  him  upon  the  shore,  while  the 
Saviour  appeared  walking  upon  the  waves,  and  ordered  his 
disciples  to  cast  their  nets,  and  to  present  the  fish  to  his 
Excellency.  Farther  on,  he  was  confronted  by  Mars  and 
Bellona,  who  recited  Latin  odes  in  his  honour.  Seven  beau- 
tiful damsels  upon  a  stage,  representing  the  United  States, 
offered  him  golden  keys  ;  seven  others  equally  beautiful, 
embodying  the  seven  sciences,  presented  him  Avith  garlands, 
while  an  enthusiastic  barber  adorned  his  shop  with  seven 
score  of  copper  basins,  with  a  wax-light  in  each,  together 
with  a  rose,  and  a  Latin  posy  in  praise  of  Queen  Elizabeth.* 
Then  there  were  tiltings  in  the  water  between  champions 
mounted  upon  whales,  and  other  monsters  of  the  deep — repre- 
sentatives of  siege,  famine,  pestilence,  and  murder — the 
whole    interspersed    with    fireworks,    poetry,    charades,    and 

'  Stowe's  Holinslied,  iv.  641.  I        ^  ibid.     Stowe,  ubi  sup. 

'^  Sir  John  Conway  to ,  27  Dec.  *  Stowe'a  Holinslied,  iv.  641,  seq. 

1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  L 


1585. 


ENGLiSS  SPIES  ABOUT  SIM. 


373 


haraugues.  Not  Matthias,  iior  Anjou,  nor  King  Philip,  nor 
the  Emperor  Charles*  in  their  triumphal  progresses,  had  been 
received  with  more  spontaneous  or  more  magnificent  demon- 
strations. Never  had  the  living  pictures  been  more  startling, 
the  allegories  more  incomprehensible,  the  banquets  more 
elaborate,  the  orations  more  tedious.  Beside  himself  with 
rapture,  Leicester  almost  assumed  the  God.  In  Delft,  a  city 
which  he  described  as  "  another  London  almost  for  beauty 
and  fairness,"  -  he  is  said  so  far  to  have  forgotten  himself  as 
to  declare  that  his  family  had — in  the  person  of  Lady  Jane 
Grey,  his  father,  and  brother — been  unjustly  deprived  of  the 
crown  of  England  ;  an  indiscretion  which  caused  a  shudder 
in  all  who  heard  him.*  It  was  also  very  dangerous  for  the 
Lieutenant-General  to  exceed  the  bounds  of  becoming 
modesty  at  that  momentous  epoch.  His  power,  as  we  shall 
soon  have  occasion  to  observe,  was  anomalous,  and  he  was 
surrounded  by  enemies.  He  was  not  only  to  grapple  with 
a  rapidly  developing  opposition  in  the  States,  but  he  was 
surrounded  with  masked  enemies,  whom  he  had  brought  with 
him  from  England.  Every  act  and  word  of  his  were  liable 
to  closest  scrutiny,  and  likely  to  be  turned  against  him.  For 
it  was  most  characteristic  of  that  intriguing  age,  that  even 
the  astute  Walsingham,  who  had  an  eye  and  an  ear  at  every 
key-hole  in  Europe,  was  himself  under  closest  domestic 
inspection.  There  was  one  Foley,  a  trusted  servant  of  Lady 
Sidney,  then  living  in  the  house  of  her  father  Walsingham, 
during  Sir  Philip's  absence,  who  was  in  close  communication 
with  Lord  Montjoy's  brother,  Blount,  then  high  in  favour  of 
Queen  Elizabeth — "  whose  grandmother  she  might  be  for  his 
age  and  hers  " — and  with  another  brother  Christopher  Blount, 
at  that  moment  in  confidential  attendance  upon  Lord  Lei- 
cester in  Holland.     Now  Poley,  and  both  the  Blounts,  were, 


'  "  It  is  thought  that  when  Charles 
V.  made  his  entries  here  in  these  towns, 
there  was  not  greater  ceremonies ;  the 
people  so  joyful,  and  thronging  so 
great,  to  see  his  Lordship,  as  it  was 
wonder,"  &c.  Edward  Burnham  to 
Sir  F.  Walsingham,  Dec.  27,  1585. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


'  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  26  Dec. 
1585,  in  Bruce,  p.  31 ;  and  writing  to 
Burghley  the  next  day,  he  says,  "  the 
other  towns  I  have  passed  by  are  very 
goodly  towns,  but  this  is  the  fairest  of 
them  all."     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Hoofd,  Vervolgh,  134. 


374  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Vlt 

in  reality,  Papists,  and  in  intimate  correspondence  with  the 
agents  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  both  at  home  and  abroad, 
although  "  forced  to  fawn  upon  Leicester,  to  see  if  they  might 
thereby  live  quiet."  They  had  a  secret  "  alphabet,"  or  cipher, 
among  them,  and  protested  warmly,  that  they  "  honoured 
the  ground  whereon  Queen  Mary  trod  better  than  Leicester 
with  all  his  generation  ;  and  that  they  felt  bound  to  serve  her 
who  was  the  only  saint  living  on  the  earth."  * 

It  may  be  well  understood  then  that  the  Earl's  position 
was  a  slippery  one,  and  that  great  assumption  might  be 
unsafe.  "  He  taketh  the  matter  upon  him,"  wrote  Morgan 
to  the  Queen  of  Scots,  "  as  though  he  were  an  absolute  king  ; 
but  he  hath  many  personages  about  him  of  good  place  out  of 
England,  the  best  number  whereof  desire  nothing  more  than 
his  confusion.  Some  of  them  be  gone  with  him  to  avoid  the 
persecution  for  religion  in  England.  My  poor  advice  and 
labour  shall  not  be  wanting  to  give  Leicester  all  dishonour, 
which  will  fall  upon  him  in  the  end  with  shame  enough; 
though  for  the  present  he  be  very  strong."  ^  Many  of  these 
personages  of  good  place,  and  enjoying  "  charge  and  credit " 
with  the  Earl  had  very  serious  plans  in  their  heads.  Some  of 
them  meant  "  for  the  service  of  Grod,  and  the  advantage  of  the 
King  of  Spain,  to  further  the  delivery  of  some  notable  towns 
in  Holland  and  Zeeland  to  the  said  King  and  his  ministers,"' 
and  we  are  like  to  hear  of  these  individuals  again. 

Meantime,  the  Earl  of  Leicester  was  at  the  Hague.  Why 
was  he  there  ?  What  was  his  work  ?  Why  had  Elizabeth 
done  such  violence  to  her  affection  as  to  part  with  her 
favourite-in-chief  ;  and  so  far  overcome  her  thrift,  as  to  furnish 
forth,  rather  meagrely  to  be  sure,  that  little  army  of  English- 
men ?  Why  had  the  flower  of  England's  chivalry  set  foot 
upon  that  dark  and  bloody  ground  where  there  seemed  so 
much  disaster  to  encounter,  and  so  little  glory  to  reap  ? 
Why  had  England  thrown  herself  so  heroically  into  the 
breach,  just  as  the  last  bulwarks  were  falling  which  protected 
Holland  from  the  overwhelming  onslaught  of  Spain  ?  It  was 
because  Holland  was  the  threshold  of  England  ;  because  the 

'  Morgan  to  Queen  of  Scots,  in  Murdin,  ii.  495-501.  'Ibid.  '  Jhid. 


1585.  IMPORTANCE  OF  HOLLAND  TO   ENGLAND.  375 

two  countries  were  one  by  danger  and  by  destiny  ;  because 
the  naval  expedition  from  Spain  against  England  was  already 
secretly  preparing ;  because  the  deposed  tyrant  of  Spain 
intended  the  Provinces,  when  again  subjugated,  as  a  stepping- 
stone  to  the  conquest  of  England ;  because  the  naval  and 
military  forces  of  Holland — her  numerous  ships,  her  hardy 
mariners,  her  vast  wealth,  her  commodious  sea-ports,  close 
to  the  English  coast — if  made  Spanish  property  would  render 
Philip  invincible  by  sea  and  land  ;  and  because  the  downfall 
of  Holland  and  of  Protestantism  would  be  death  to  Elizabeth, 
and  annihilation  to  England. 

There  was  little  doubt  on  the  subject  in  the  minds  of  those 
engaged  in  this  expedition.  All  felt  most  keenly  the  impor- 
tance of  the  game,  in  which  the  Queen  was  staking  her 
crown,  and  England  its  national  existence. 

"  I  pray  God,"  said  Wilford,  an  officer  much  in  Walsing- 
ham's  confidence,  "  that  I  live  not  to  see  this  enterprise  quail, 
and  with  it  the  utter  subversion  of  religion  throughout  all 
Christendom.  It  may  be  I  may  be  judged  to  be  afraid  of 
my  own  shadow.  God  grant  it  be  so.  But  if  her  Majesty 
had  not  taken  the  helm  in  hand,  and  my  Lord  of  Leicester 

sent  over,   this   country  had  been  gone  ere  this 

This  war  doth  defend  England.  Who  is  he  that  will  refuse 
to  spend  his  life  and  living  in  it  ?  If  her  Majesty  consume 
twenty  thousand  men  in  the  cause,  the  experimented  men 
that  will  remain  will  double  that  strength  to  the  realm."  ^ 

This  same  Wilford  commanded  a  company  in  Ostend,  and 
was  employed  by  Leicester  in  examining  the  defences  of  that 
important  place.  He  often  sent  information  to  the  Secretary, 
"  troubling  him  with  the  rude  stile  of  a  poor  soldier,  being 
driven  to  scribble  in  haste."  He  reiterated,  in  more  than  one 
letter,  the  opinion,  that  twenty  thousand  men  consumed  in 
the  war  would  be  a  saving  in  the  end,  and  his  own  deter- 
mination— although  he  had  intended  retiring  from  the  mili- 
tary profession — to  spend  not  only  his  life  in  the  cause,  but 
also  the  poor  living  that  God  had  given  him.     "  Her  High-' 

1  Thomas  "Wilford  to  Walsingham,  -  Dec.  1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


37C  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VH 

uess  hath  now  entered  into  it,"  he  said  ;  "  the  fire  is  kindled  : 
■whosoever  suffers  it  to  go  out,  it  will  grow  dangerous  to  that 
side.  The  whole  state  of  religion  is  in  question,  and  the  realm 
of  England  also,  if  this  action  quail.  God  grant  loe  never  live  to 
see  that  doleful  day.  Her  Majesty  hath  such  footing  now  in 
these  parts,  as  I  judge  it  impossible  for  the  King  to  weary  her 
out,  if  every  man  will  put  to  the  work  his  helping  hand,  whereby 
it  may  be  lustily  followed,  and  the  war  not  suffered  to  cool.  The 
freehold  of  Englaiid  loill  he  ivorth  hut  little,  if  this  action  quail, 
and  therefore  I  wish  no  subject  to  spare  his  purse  towards  it."  * 

Spain  moved  slowly.  Philip  the  Prudent  was  not  sudden 
or  rash,  but  his  whole  life  had  proved,  and  was  to  prove,  him 
inflexible  in  his  purposes,  and  patient  in  his  attempts  to 
carry  them  into  effect,  ev(m  when  the  purposes  had  become 
chimerical,  and  the  execution  impossible.  Before  the  fall 
of  Antwerp  he  had  matured  his  scheme  for  the  invasion  of 
England,  in  most  of  its  details — a  necessary  part  of  which 
was  of  course  the  reduction  of  Holland  and  Zeeland.  "  Surely 
no  danger  nor  fear  of  any  attempt  can  grow  to  England," 
wrote  Wilford,  "  so  long  as  we  can  hold  this  country  good." 
But  never  was  honest  soldier  more  mistaken  than  he,  when  he 
added  : — "  The  Papists  will  make  her  Highness  afraid  of  a 
great  fleet  now  preparing  in  Spain.  We  hear  it  also,  but  it 
is  only  a  scare-crow  to  cool  the  enterprise  here." " 

It  was  no  scare-crow.  On  the  very  day  on  which  Wilford 
was  thus  writing  to  Walsingham,  Philip  the  Second  was 
writing  to  Alexander  Farnese.  "  The  English/'  he  said, 
"with  their  troops  having  gained  a  footing  in  the  islands 
(Holland  and  Zeeland)  give  me  much  anxiety.  The  English 
Catholics  are  imploring  me  with  much  importunity  to  relieve 
them  from  the  persecution  they  are  suifering.  When  you 
sent  me  a  plan,  with  the  coasts,  soundings,  quicksands,  and 
ports  of  England,  you  said  that  the  enterprise  of  invading 
that  country  should  be  deferred  till  we  had  reduced  the  isles  ; 
that,  having  them,  we  could  much  more  conveniently  attack 

»  Thomas  Wilford  to  Walsingham,  -  Dec.  1^85.     (S.  P.  Oeac*.   MS.; 
»  Wilfora  to  Burghley,  J^  Dec.  1585.     (S.  Y.  Office  MS.) 


1^85.  SPANISH  SCHEMES  FOR  INVADING  ENGLAND.  377 

England  ;  or  that  at  least  we  should  wait  till  we  had  got 
Antwerp.  As  the  city  is  now  taken,  I  want  your  advice 
now  about  the  invasion  of  England.  To  cut  the  root  of  the 
evils  constantly  growing  up  there,  both  for  God's  service  and 
mine,  is  desirable.  So  many  evils  will  thus  be  remedied, 
which  would  not  be  by  only  warring  with  the  islands.  It 
would  be  an  uncertain  and  expensive  war  to  go  to  sea  for  the 
purpose  of  chastising  the  insolent  English  corsairs,  however 
much  they  deserve  chastisement.  I  charge  you  to  be  secret, 
to  give  the  matter  your  deepest  attention,  and  to  let  me 
have  your  opinions  at  once."  Philip  then  added  a  postscript, 
in  his  own  hand,  concerning  the  importance  of  acquiring  a 
sea-port  in  Holland,  as  a  basis  of  operations  against  England. 
"  Without  a  port,"  he  said,  "  we  can  do  nothing  whatever."' 

A  few  weeks  later,  the  Grand  Commander  of  Castile,  by 
Philip's  orders,  and  upon  subsequent  information  received 
from  the  Prince  of  Parma,  drew  up  an  elaborate  scheme  for 
the  invasion  of  England,  and  for  the  government  of  that 
country  afterwards  ;  a  program  according  to  which  the  King 
was  to  shape  his  course  for  a  long  time  to  come.  The  plot 
was  an  excellent  plot.  Nothing  could  be  more  artistic,  more 
satisfactory  to  the  prudent  monarch  ;  but  time  was  to  show 
whether  there  might  not  be  some  difficulty  in  the  way  of  its 
satisfactory  development. 

"  The  enterprise,"  said  the  Commander,  "  ought  certainly 
to  be  undertaken  as  serving  the  cause  of  the  Lord.  From 
the  Pope  we  must  endeavour  to  extract  a  promise  of  the 
largest  aid  we  can  get  for  the  time  when  the  enterprise  can 
be  undertaken.  We  must  not  declare  that  time  however,  in 
order  to  keep  the  thing  a  secret,  and  because  perhaps  thus 
more  will  be  promised,  under  the  impression  that  it  will 
never  take  effect.^     He  added  that  the  work  could  not  well 

1  "Porque  sin   puerto  no  se  puede  I        "Y  al  papa  se  procure  sacar  promo- 

haeer  nada."     Philip  II.  to  Parma,  29  sa  de  la  mas  graesa  ayuda  que  se  pu- 

Dec.  1585.    (Archivo  de  Simancas  MS.)  diese  para  cuando  se  puede   hacer  la 

■•'  Parecer    del     Comendador    Mayor  empresa,  sin  declararle  el  tiempo,  por 

dado  a  S.  M.  sobre  la  empresa  de  In-  respeto  del  secreto,  y  porque  quiza  asi 

glaterra,  anno   1586.     (Archivo  de  Si-  prometera  mas,  pensando  que  no  ha  de 

mancas  MS.)  I    liaber  efec(o." 


378  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  VII. 

be  attempted  before  August  or  September  of  the  following 
year  ;  the  only  fear  of  such  delay  being  that  the  French 
could  hardly  be  kept  during  all  that  time  in  a  state  of 
revolt."*  For  this  was  a  uniform  portion  of  the  great 
scheme.  France  was  to  be  kept,  at  Philip's  expense,  in  a 
state  of  perpetual  civil  war  ;  its  every  city  and  village  to  be 
the  scene  of  unceasing  conflict  and  bloodshed — subjects  in 
arms  against  king,  and  family  against  family  ; — and  the 
Netherlands  were  to  be  ravaged  with  fire  and  sword  ;  all  this 
in  order  that  the  path  might  be  prepared  for  Spanish  soldiers 
into  the  homes  of  England.  So  much  of  misery  to  the  whole 
human  race  was  it  in  the  power  of  one  painstaking  elderly 
valetudinarian  to  inflict,  by  never  for  an  instant  neglecting 
the  business  of  his  life. 

Troops  and  vessels  for  the  English  invasion  ought,  in  the 
Commander's  opinion,  to  be  collected  in  Flanders,  under 
colour  of  an  enterprise  against  Holland  and  Zeeland,  while 
the  armada  to  be  assembled  in  Spain,  of  galleons,  galeazas, 
and  galleys,  should  be  ostensibly  for  an  expedition  to  the 
Indies. 

Then,  after  the  conquest,  came  arrangements  for  the 
government  of  England.  Should  Philip  administer  his  new 
kingdom  by  a  viceroy,  or  should  he  appoint  a  king  out  of 
his  own  family  ?  On  the  whole  the  chances  for  the  Prince 
of  Parma  seemed  the  best  of  any.  "  We  must  liberate  the 
Queen  of  Scotland,"  said  the  Grand  Commander,  "  and  marry 
her  to  some  one  or  another,  both  in  order  to  put  her  out  of 
love  with  her  son,  and  to  conciliate  her  devoted  adherents. 
Of  course  the  husband  should  be  one  of  your  Majesty's 
nephews,  and  none  could  be  so  appropriate  as  the  Prince  of 
Parma,  that  great  captain,  whom  his  talents,  and  the  part  he 
has  to  bear  in  the  business,  especially  indicate  for  that 
honour."  ^ . 

Then  there  was  a  difficulty  about  the  possible  issue  of 
such  a  marriage.  The  Farneses  claimed  Portugal ;  so  that 
children  sprung   from    the   blood-royal   of  England   blended 

1  "No  se  pueden  tener  tanto  tiempo  rebueltos."     (Ibid.)  *  Ibid. 


1585.  LETTER  OF  THE  GRAND  COMMANDER.  379 

with  that  of  Parma,  might  choose  to  make  those  pretensiong 
valid.  But  the  objection  was  promptly  solved  by  the  Com- 
mander : — "  The  Queen  of  Scotland  is  sure  to  have  no 
children,"  he  said.' 

That  matter  being  adjusted,  Parma's  probable  attitude  as 
Kinsr  of  England  was  examined.  It  was  true  his  ambition 
might  cause  occasional  uneasiness,  but  then  he  might  make 
himself  still  more  unpleasant  in  the  Netherlands.  "  If  your 
Majesty  suspects  him,"  said  the  Commander,  "  which,  after 
all,  is  unfair,  seeing  the  way  in  which  he  has  been  conducting 
himself — it  is  to  be  remembered  that  in  Flanders  are  similar 
circumstances  and  opportunities,  and  that  he  is  well  armed, 
much  beloved  in  the  country,  and  that  the  natives  are  of 
various  humours.  The  English  plan  will  furnish  an  honour- 
able departure  for  him  out  of  the  Provinces  ;  and  the  prin- 
ciple of  loyal  obligation  will  have  much  influence  over  so 
chivalrous  a  knight  as  he,  when  he  is  once  placed  on  the 
English  throne.  Moreover,  as  he  will  be  new  there,  he  will 
have  need  of  your  Majesty's  favour  to  maintain  himself,  and 
there  will  accordingly  be  good  correspondence  with  Holland 
and  the  Islands.  Thus  your  Majesty  can  put  the  Infanta  and 
her  husband  into  full  possession  of  all  the  Netherlands  ; 
having  provided  them  with  so  excellent  a  neighbour  in 
England,  and  one  so  closely  bound  and  allied  to  them. 
Then,  as  he  is  to  have  no  English  children "  (we  have  seen 
that  the  Commander  had  settled  that  point)  "  he  will  be  a  very 
good  mediator  to  arrange  adoptions,*  especially  if  you  make 
good  provision  for  his  son  Rainuccio  in  Italy.  The  reasons 
in  favour  of  this  plan  being  so  much  stronger  than  those 
against  it,  it  would  be  well  that  your  Majesty  should  write 
clearly  to  the  Prince  of  Parma,  directing  him  to  conduct  the 


' "  deshace     esta    sombra,    que 

como  no  ha  de  tener  hijos  la  Reyna 
de  Escocia."  (Ibid.) 

'  "  Y  esta  es  honrada  salida  y  que 
a  el  le  obligaria  mucho  en  ley  de  tan 
gran  caballero  ;  de  mas,  como  nuevo, 
para  manlenerse  en  Inglaterra  habia 
menestor  el  favor  de  V.  M.  Y  en 
entronizandose   el  alii,  no  faltaria  con- 


cierto  en  Hollanda  y  las  Islas,  y  podria 
V.  M.  meter  en  llena  possession  de 
todos  los  estados  bajos  a  la  Senora  In- 
fanta y  su  marido,  dandoles  tan  buen 
vicino  y  tan  obligado ;  y  el  no  habiendo 
de  tener  hijos  en  Inglaterra,  podria 
ser  buen  mediaoero  para  adopcioues," 
Ac.  Parecer  del  Comeudador  Mayor, 
&c.     (MS.  before  cited.) 


380 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VIL 


enterprise "  (the  English  invasion),  "  and  to  give  him  the 
first  offer  for  this  marriage  (with  Queen  Mary)  if  he  likes  the 
scheme.  If  not,  he  had  better  mention  which  of  the  Arch- 
dukes should  be  substituted  in  his  place." ' 

There  happened  to  be  no  lack  of  archdukes  at  that  period 
for  anything  comfortable  that  might  offer — such  as  a  throne 
in  England,  Holland,  or  France — and  the  Austrian  House 
was  not  remarkable  for  refusing  convenient  marriages  ;  but 
the  immediate  future  only  could  show  whether  Alexander  I. 
of  the  House  of  Farnese  was  to  reign  in  England,  or  whether 
the  next  king  of  that  country  was  to  be  called  Matthias, 
Maximilian,  or  Ernest  of  Hapsburg. 

Meantime  the  Grand  Commander  was  of  opinion  that  the 
invasion-project  was  to  be  pushed  forward  as  rapidly  and  as 
secretly  as  possible ;  because,  before  any  one  of  Philip's 
nephews  could  place  himself  upon  the  English  throne,  it 
was  first  necessary  to  remove  Elizabeth  from  that  position. 
Before  disposing  of  the  kingdom,  the  preliminary  step  of 
conquering  it  was  necessary.  Afterwards  it  would  be  desir- 
able, without  wasting  more  time  than  was  requisite,  to  return 
with  a  large  portion  of  the  invading  force  out  of  England,  in 
order  to  complete  the  conquest  of  Holland.  For  after  all, 
England  was  to  be  subjugated  only  as  a  portion  of  one  general 
scheme  ;  the  main  features  of  which  were  the  reannexation 
of  Holland  and  "  the  islands,"  and  the  acquisition  of  unlimited 
control  upon  the  seas. 

Thus  the  invasion  of  England  was  no  "scarecrow,"  as  Wil- 
ford  imagined,  but  a  scheme  already  thoroughly  matured.  If 
Holland  and  Zeeland  should  meantime  fall  into  the  hands  of 
Philip,  it  was  no  exaggeration  on  that  soldier's  part  to  observe 
that  the  "  freehold  of  England  would  be  worth  but  little."^ 


'  Parecer  del  Comendador  Mayor, 
Ac.     (MS.  before  cited.) 

'  Upon  that  point  there  was  no  dif- 
ference of  opinion.  The  statesmen 
and  soldiers  of  England  were  unani- 
mous. "If  I  should  not,'  said  Burgh- 
ley,  "  with  all  the  powers  of  my  heart, 
uontinually  both   wish  and  work  ad- 


vancement unto  this  action,  I  were  an 
accursed  person  in  the  sight  of  God; 
considering  the  ends  thereof  tend  to 
the  glory  of  God,  to  the  safety  of  the 
Queen's  person,  to  the  preservation  of 
this  realm  in  a  perpetual  quietness, 
wherein,  for  my  particular  interest, 
both   for  myself  and  my  posterity,   I 


1585 


PERILOUS  POSITION  OF  ENGLAND. 


381 


To  oppose  this  formidable  array  against  the  liberties  of 
Europe  stood  Elizabeth  Tudor  and  the  Dutch  Republic.  For 
the  Queen,  however  arbitrary  her  nature,  fitly  embodied  much 
of  the  nobler  elements  in  the  expanding  English  national 
character.  She  felt  instinctively  that  her  reliance  in  the 
impending  death-grapple  was  upon  the  popular  principle,  the 
national  sentiment,  both  in  her  own  country  and  in  Holland. 
That  principle  and  that  sentiment  were  symbolized  in  the 
Netherland  revolt  ;  and  England,  although  under  a  somewhat 
despotic  rule,  was  already  fully  pervaded  with  the  instinct  of 
self-government.  The  people  held  the  purse  and  the  sword. 
No  tyranny  could  be  permanently  established  so  long  as  the 
sovereign  was  obliged  to  come  every  year  before  Parliament 
to  ask  for  subsidies  ;  so  long  as  all  the  citizens  and  yeomen  of 
England  had  weapons  in  their  possession,  and  were  carefully 
trained  to  use  them  ;  so  long,  in  short,  as  the  militia  was  the 
only  army,  and  private  adventurers  or  trading  companies 
created  and  controlled  the  only  navy.  War,  colonization, 
conquest,  traffic,  formed  a  joint  business  and  a  private  specu- 
lation. If  there  were  danger  that  England,  yielding  to 
purely  mercantile  habits  of  thought  and  action,  might  dege- 
nerate from  the  more  martial  standard  to  which  she  had  been 
accustomed,  there  might  be  virtue  in  that  Netherland  enter- 


have  as  much  interest  as  any  of  my  de- 
gree." (Bruce,  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  p.  24.) 

Walsiiighara  had  been  straightfor- 
ward from  the  first  in  his  advocacy  of 
the  Netherland  cause,  wliich  he  knew 
to  be  identical  with  that  of  England, 
and,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  often 
indignant  at  the  shufflings  practi-sed 
by  the  Queen's  government  in  the 
matter.  He  was  sincerely  glad  that 
Leicester  had  gone  to  the  Provinces 
before  it  was  quite  too  late.  "  All 
honest  and  well-aflected  subjects," 
said  he  to  the  Earl,  '■  have  cause  to 
thank  God  that  you  arrived  there  so 
seasonably  as  you  did  ;  for  howsoever 
we  mi.slike  of  the  enterprise  here,  all 
England  should  have  smarted  if  the 
same  had  not  been  taken  in  hand." 
fibid.,  p.  36.) 

As  lur    Leicester     himself,   be    was 


always  vehement  upon  the  subject. 
After  his  arrival  in  the  country  he  was 
more  intensely  alive  than  ever  to  the 
dangers  impending  over  England,  in 
case  the  rebel  Provinces  should  be  re- 
annexed  to  Spain.  "He  is  senseless," 
said  he,  "that  conceiveth  not  that  if 
the  King  of  Spain  had  these  countries 
at  his  commandment — let  her  Majesty 
have  the  best  peace  that  ever  was,  or 
can  be  made — and  we  shall  find,  as  the 
world  now  standeth,  that  he  will  force 
the  Queen  of  England  and  England 
tf)  be  at  his  disposition.  What  with 
Spain  for  the  west,  and  what  with 
these  countries  for  the  east,  England 
shall  traffic  no  farther  any  of  these 
ways  than  he  shall  give  leave,  with- 
out every  voyage  shall  ask  the  charge 
of  a  whole  navy  to  pass  withaL"  (Ibid, 
p.  82.) 


382  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VH 

prise,  which  was  now  to  call    forth  all  her  energies.      The 
Provinces  would  be  a  seminary  for  English  soldiers. 

"  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  our  driving  the  enemy  out  of 
the  country  through  famine  and  excessive  charges,"  said  the 
plain-spoken  English  soldier  already  quoted,  who  came  out 
with  Leicester,  "  if  every  one  of  us  will  put  our  minds  to  go 
forward  without  maldng  a  miserable  gain  hy  the  ivars.  A  man 
may  see,  by  this  little  progress-journey,  what  this  long  peace 
hath  wrought  in  us.  We  are  weary  of  the  war  before  we 
come  where  it  groweth,  such  a  danger  hath  this  long  peace 
brought  us  into.  This  is,  and  will  be,  in  my  opinion,  a  most- 
fit  school  and  nursery  to  nourish  soldiers  to  be  able  to  keep 
and  defend  our  country  hereafter,  if  men  will  follow  it." ' 

Wilford  was  vehement  in  denouncing  the  mercantile  ten- 
dencies of  his  countrymen,  and  returned  frequently  to  that 
point  in  his  communications  with  Walsingham  and  other 
statesmen.  "God  hath  stirred  up  this  action,"  he  repeated 
again,  "  to  be  a  school  to  breed  up  soldiers  to  defend  the 
freedom  of  England,  which  through  these  long  times  of  peace 
and  quietness  is  brought  into  a  most  dangerous  estate,  if  it 
should  be  attempted.  Our  delicacy  is  such  that  we  are 
already  weary,  yet  this  journey  is  naught  in  respect  to  the 
misery  and  hardship  that  soldiers  must  and  do  endure."  ^ 

He  was  right  in  his  estimate  of  the  effect  likely  to  be 
produced  by  the  war  upon  the  military  habits  of  English- 
men ;  for  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  organization  and 
discipline  of  English  troops  was  in  anything  but  a  satisfactory 
state  at  that  period.  There  was  certainly  vast  room  for  im- 
provement. Nevertheless  he  was  wrong  in  his  views  of  the 
leading  tendencies  of  his  age.  Holland  and  England,  self- 
helping,  self-moving,  were  already  inaugurating  a  new  era  in 
the  history  of  the  world.  The  spirit  of  commercial  maritime 
enterprise — then  expanding  rapidly  into  large  proportions — 
was  to  be  matched  against  the  religious  and  knightly  enthu- 
siasm which  had  accomplished  such  wonders  in  an  age  that 

'  Thomas  '"Wilforcito  Wfi.lsiDghara,  -  Dec.  1585.     (S.  P.  Ofifice  MS.) 

2.5 

»  WUford  to?qrghle7,  |^  Dec.  J 585.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1585  TRUE  NATURE  OF  THE   CONTEST  383 

NVcas  passing  away.  Spain  still  personified,  and  had  ever  per- 
sonified, chivalry,  loyalty,  piety  ;  but  its  chivalry,  loyalty,  and 
piety,  were  now  in  a  corrupted  condition.  The  form  was 
hollow,  and  the  sacred  spark  had  fled.  In  Holland  and  Eng- 
land intelligent  enterprise  had  not  yet  degenerated  into  mere 
greed  for  material  prosperity.  The  love  of  danger,  the  thirst 
for  adventure,  the  thrilling  sense  of  personal  responsibility 
and  human  dignity — not  the  base  love  for  land  and  lucre — - 
were  the  governing  sentiments  wJiich  led  those  bold  Dutch  and 
English  rovers  to  circumnavigate  the  world  in  cockle-shells, 
and  to  beard  the  most  potent  monarch  on  the  earth,  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  with  a  handful  of  volunteers. 

This  then  was  the  contest,  and  this  the  machinery  by  which 
it  was  to  be  maintained.  A  struggle  for  national  independ- 
ence, liberty  of  conscience,  freedom  of  the  seas,  against  sacer- 
dotal and  world-absorbing  tyranny ;  a  mortal  combat  of  the 
splendid  infantry  of  Spain  and  Italy,  the  professional  reiters 
of  Germany,  the  floating  castles  of  a  world-empire,  with  the 
militiamen  and  mercantile-marine  of  England  and  Holland 
united.  Holland  had  been  engaged  twenty  years  long  in  the 
conflict.  England  had  thus  far  escaped  it  ;  but  there  was  no 
doubt,  and  could  be  none,  that  her  time  had  come.  She  must 
fight  the  battle  of  Protestantism  on  sea  and  shore,  shoulder  to 
shoulder,  with  the  Netherlanders,  or  await  the  conqueror's 
foot  on  her  own  soil. 

What  now  was  the  disposition  and  what  the  means  of  the 
Provinces  to  do  their  part  in  the  contest  ?  If  the  twain,  as 
Holland  wished,  had  become  of  one  flesh,  would  England  have 
been  the  loser  ?  Was  it  quite  sure  that  Elizabeth — had  she 
even  accepted  the  less  compromising  title  which  she  refused — 
would  not  have  been  quite  as  much  the  protected  as  the 
"  protectress  ?" 

It  is  very  certain  that  the  English,  on  their  arrival  in  the 
Provinces,  were  singularly  impressed  by  the  opulent  and 
stately  appearance  of  the  country  and  its  inhabitants.  Not- 
withstanding the  tremendous  war  which  the  Hollanders  had 
been  waging  against  Spain  for  twenty  years,  their  commerce 


384  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VII 

had  continued  to  thrive,  and  their  resources  to  increase. 
Leicester  was  in  a  state  of  constant  rapture  at  the  magnifi- 
cence which  surrounded  him,  from  his  first  entrance  into  the 
country.  Notwithstanding  the  admiration  expressed  by  the 
Holhmders  for  the  individual  sumptuousness  of  the  Lieutenant- 
General ;  his  followers,  on  their  part,  were  startled  by  the 
general  luxury  of  their  new  allies.  "  The  realm  is  rich  and 
full  of  men,"  said  Wilford,  "  the  sums  men  exceed  in  apparel 
would  bear  the  brunt  of  this  war  ;"  ^  and  again,  "  if  the  excess 
used  in  sumptuous  apparel  were  only  abated,  and  that  we 
could  convert  the  same  to  these  wars,  it  would  stop  a  great 
gap.'- 

The  favourable  view  taken  by  the  English  as  to  the  re- 
sources and  inclination  of  the  Netherland  commonwealth  was 
universal.  "  The  general  wish  and  desire  of  these  country- 
men," wrote  Sir  Thomas  Shirley,  "  is  that  the  amity  begun 
between  England  and  this  nation  may  be  everlasting,  and 
there  is  not  any  of  our  company  of  judgment  but  wish  the 
same.  For  all  they  that  see  the  goodliness  and  stateliness  of ' 
these  towns,  strengthened  both  with  fortification  and  natural 
situation,  all  able  to  defend  themselves  with  their  own  abili- 
ties, must  needs  think  it  too  fair  a  prey  to  be  let  pass,  and 
a  thing  most  worthy  to  be  embraced."  ^ 

Leicester,  whose  enthusiasm  continued  to  increase  as  rapidly 
as  the  Queen's  zeal  seemed  to  be  cooling,  was  most  anxious 
lest  the  short-comings  of  his  own  Government  should  work 
irreparable  evil,  ''I  pray  you,  my  lord,"  he  wrote  to  Burgh- 
ley,  "  forget  not  us  poor  exiles  ;  if  you  do,  God  must  and  will 
forget  you.  And  great  pity  it  were  that  so  noble  provinces 
and  goodly  havens,  with  such  infinite  ships  and  mariners, 
should  not  be  always  as  they  may  now  easily  be,  at  the 
assured  devotion  of  England.  In  my  opinion  he  can  neither 
love  Queen  nor  country  that  would  not  wish  and  further  it 
should  be  so.     And  seeing  her  Majesty  is  thus  far  entered  into 


1  "Wilford  to  WaJsingham.  (MS.  be- 
fore cited.) 

'  Wilford  to  Burghley.  (MS.  before 
cited.) 


'  Sir  Thomas  Shirley  to  Earl  of  Lei. 
^^«*^^>'f^l^     (S.  P.  Office  M&) 


1585.  WEALTH  AND  STRENGTH  OP  THE  PROVINCES.  385 

the  cause,  and  that  these  people  comfort  themselves  in  full 
hope  of  her  favour,  it  were  a  sin  and  a  shame  it  should  not  be 
handled  accordingly,  both  for  honour  and  surety." ' 

Sir  John  Conway,  who  accompanied  the  Earl  through  the 
whole  of  his  "  progress-journey,"  was  quite  as  much  struck  as 
he  by  the  flourishing  aspect  and  English  proclivities  of  the 
Provinces.  "  The  countries  which  we  have  passed,"  he  said, 
"  are  fertile  in  their  nature  ;  the  towns,  cities,  buildings,  of 
more  state  and  beauty,  to  such  as  have  travelled  other 
countries,  than  any  they  have  ever  seen.  The  people  the 
most  industrious  by  all  means  to  live  that  be  in  the  world, 
and,  no  doubt,  passing  rich.  They  outwardly  show  them- 
selves of  good  heart,  zeal,  and  loyalty,  towards  the  Queen 
our  mistress.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  general  number  of 
them  had  rather  come  under  her  Majesty's  regiment,  than  to 
continue  under  the  States  and  burgomasters  of  their  country. 
The  impositions  which  they  lay  in  defence  of  their  State  is 
wonderful.  If  her  Highness  proceed  in  this  beginning,  she 
may  retain  these  parts  hers,  with  their  good  love,  and  her 
great  glory  and  gain.  I  would  she  might  as  perfectly  see 
the  whole  country,  towns,  profits,  and  pleasures  thereof,  in  a 
glass,  as  she  may  her  own  face  ;  I  do  then  assure  myself  she 
would  with  careful  consideration  receive  them,  and  not  allow 
of  any  man's  reason  to  the  contrary.  .  ,  .  The  country  is 
worthy  any  prince  in  the  world,  the  people  do  reverence  the 
Queen,  and  in  love  of  her  do  so  believe  that  the  Grace  of 
Leicester  is  by  God  and  her  sent  among  them  for  her  good. 
And  they  believe  in  him  for  the  redemption  of  their  bodies, 
as  they  do  in  God  for  their  souls.  I  dare  pawn  my  soul,  that 
if  her  Majesty  will  allow  him  the  just  and  rightful  mean  to 
manage  this  cause,  that  he  will  so  handle  the  manner  and 
matter  as  shall  highly  both  please  and  profit  her  Majesty, 
and  increase  her  country,  and  his  own  honour."  - 

Lord  North,  who  held  a  high  command  in  the  auxiliary 
force,  spoke  also  with  great  enthusiasm.     "  Had  your  Lord- 

'  Leicester  to  Bur-lilcv,  27  Doc.  1585.     (S.  T.  Office  MS.) 

«  Sir  John  Uouway  to' ,  27  Pec,  X580.     (S.  V,  Uffico  MS.) 

VOL.  L— 2  A 


33(3  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  ^  CnAP.  VII 

ship  seen/'  he  wrote  to  Burghley,  "  with  what  thankful  hearts 
these  countries  receive  all  her  Majesty's  subjects,  what  multi- 
tudes of  people  they  be,  what  stately  cities  and  buildings 
they  have,  how  notably  fortified  by  art,  how  strong  by  nature, 
how  fertile  the  whole  country,  and  how  wealthy  it  is,  you 
would,  I  know,  praise  the  Lord  that  opened  your  lips  to 
undertake  this  enterprise,  the  continuance  and  good  success 
whereof  will  eternise  her  Majesty,  beautify  her  crown,  with 
the  most  shipping,  with  the  most  populous  and  wealthy 
countries,  that  ever  prince  added  to  his  kingdom,  or  that  is 
or  can  be  found  in  Europe.  I  lack  wit,  good  my  Lord,  to 
dilate  this  matter."  ^ 

Leicester,  better  informed  than  some  of  those  in  his  employ- 
ment, entertained  strong  suspicions  concerning  Philip's  inten- 
tions with  regard  to  England  ;  but  he  felt  sure  that  the  only 
way  to  laugh  at  a  Spanish  invasion  was  to  make  Holland 
and  England  as  nearly  one  as  it  was  possible  to  do. 

"No  doubt  that  the  King  of  Spain's  preparations  by  sea 
be  great,"  he  said  ;  "  but  I  know  that  all  that  he  and  his 
friends  can  make  are  not  able  to  match  with  her  Majesty's 
forces,  if  it  please  her  to  use  the  means  that  God  hath  given 
her.  But  besides  her  own,  if  she  need,  I  will  undertake  to 
furnish  her  from  hence,  upon  two  months'  warning,  a  navy 
for  strong  and  tall  ships,  with  their  furniture  and  mariners, 
that  the  King  of  Spain,  and  all  that  he  can  make,  shall  not 
be  able  to  encounter  with  them.  I  think  the  bruit  of  his 
preparations  is  made  the  greater  to  terrify  her  Majesty  and 
this  country  people.  But,  thanked  be  God,  her  Majesty  hath 
little  cause  to  fear  him.  And  in  this  country  they  esteem  no 
more  of  his  power  by  sea  than  I  do  of  six  fisher-boats  off  Bye."^ 

Thus  suggestive  is  it  to  peep  occasionally  behind  the  cur- 
tain. In  the  calm  cabinet  of  the  Escorial,  Philip  and  his 
comendador  mayor  are  laying  their  heads  together,  preparing 
the  invasion  of  England  ;  making  arrangements  for  King 
Alexander's  coronation  in  that  island,  and — like  sensible,  far- 

J  Lord  North  to  Lord  Burghley,  27  Dec.  1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
2  Leicester  to  Burghley,  29  Jan.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1585.  POWER   OF  THE   DUTCH   AND   ENGLISH   PEOPLE.  337 

sighted  persons  as  they  are — even  settling  the  succession  to 
the  throne  after  Alexander's  death,  instead  of  carelessly 
leaving  such  distant  details  to  chance,  or  subsequent  con- 
sideration. On  the  other  hand,  plain  Dutch  sea-captains, 
grim  beggars  of  the  sea,  and  the  like,  denizens  of  a  free 
commonwealth  and  of  the  boundless  ocean — men  w^ho  are  at 
home  on  blue  water,  and  who  have  burned  gunpowder  against 
those  prodigious  slave-rowed  galleys  of  Spain — 'together  with 
their  new  allies,  the  dauntless  mariners  of  England — who  at 
this  very  moment  are  "  singeing  the  King  of  Spain's  beard,'* 
as  it  had  never  been  singed  before — are  not  so  much  awe- 
struck with  the  famous  preparations  for  invasion  as  was 
perhaps  to  be  expected.  There  may  be  a  delay,  after  all, 
before  Parma  can  be  got  safely  established  in  London,  and 
Elizabeth  in  Orcus,  and  before  the  blood-tribunal  of  the 
Inquisition  can  substitute  its  sway  for  that  of  the  "  most 
noble,  wise,  and  learned  United  States."  Certainly,  Philip 
the  Prudent  would  have  been  startled,  difficult  as  he  was  to 
astonish,  could  he  have  known  that  those  rebel  Hollanders  of 
his  made  no  more  account  of  his  slowly-preparing  invincible 
armada  thaa  of  six  fisher-boats  off  Rye.  Time  alone  could 
show  where  confidence  had  been  best  placed.  Meantime  it 
was  certain,  that  it  well  behoved  Holland  and  England  to 
hold  hard  together,  nor  let  "  that  enterprise  quail." 

The  famous  expedition  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  was  the  com- 
mencement of  a  revelation.  "  That  is  the  string,"  said  Lei- 
cester, "  that  touches  the  King  indeed."^  It  was  soon  to  be 
made  known  to  the  world  that  the  ocean  was  not  a  S[)anish 
Lake,  nor  both  the  Indies  the  private  property  of  Philip. 
"  While  the  riches  of  the  Indies  continue,"  said  Leicester^ 
"  he  thinketh  he  will  be  able  to  weary  out  all  other  princes  i 
and  I  know,  by  good  means,  that  he  more  feareth  this  action 
of  Sir  Francis  than  he  ever  did  anything  that  has  been 
attempted  against  him."^  With  these  continued  assaults 
upon  the  golden  treasure-houses  of  Spain,  and  by  a  deter- 
mined effort  to  maintain  the  still  more  important  stronghold 

>  Leicestor  to  Burghley,  29  Jan.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  '  Ibid. 


388  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIL 

which  had  been  wrested  from  her  in  the  Netherlands, 
England  might  still  be  safe.  "  This  country  is  so  full  of 
ships  and  mariners/'  said  Leicester,  "  so  abundant  in  wealth, 
and  in  the  means  to  make  money,  that,  had  it  but  stood 
neutral,  what  an  aid  had  her  Majesty  been  dejjrived  of  But 
if  it  had  been  the  enemy's  also,  I  leave  it  to  your  consideration 
what  had  been  likely  to  ensue.  These  people  do  now  honour 
and  love  her  Majesty  in  marvellous  sort."  ^ 

There  was  but  one  feeling  on  this  most  important  subject 
among  the  English  who  went  to  the  Netherlands.  All  held 
the  same  language.  The  question  was  plainly  presented 
to  England  whether  she  would  secure  to  herself  the  great 
bulwark  of  her  defence,  or  place  it  in  the  hands  of  lier  mortal 
foe  ?  How  could  there  be  doubt  or  supineness  on  such  a 
momentous  subject  ?  "  Surely,  my  Lord,"  wrote  Richard 
Cavendish  to  Burghley,  "  if  you  saw  the  wealth,  the  strength, 
the  shipping,  and  abundance  of  mariners,  wh(3reof  these 
countries  stand  furnished,  your  heart  would  quake  to  think 
that  so  hateful  an  enemy  as  Spain  should  again  bo  furnished 
with  such  instruments  ;  and  the  Spaniards  themselves  do 
nothing  doubt  upon  the  hope  of  the  consequence  hereof,  to 
assure  themselves  of  the  certain  ruin  of  her  Majesty  and  the 
whole  estate."^ 

And  yet  at  the  very  outset  of  Leicester's  administration, 
there  was  a  whisper  of  peace- overtures  to  Spain,  secretly 
made  by  Elizabeth  in  her  own  behalf,  and  in  that  of  the 
Provinces.  We  shall  have  soon  occasion  to  examine  into  the 
truth  of  these  rumours,  which,  whether  originating  in  truth 
or  falsehood,  were  most  jjernicious  in  their  effects.  Th(^ 
Hollanders  were  determined  never  to  return  to  slavery 
again,  so  long  as  they  could  fire  a  shot  in  their  own  defence. 
They  earnestly  wished  English  cooperation,  but  it  was  the 
cooperation  of  English  matchlocks  and  English  cutlasses, 
not  English  protocols  and  apostilles.  It  was  military,  not 
diplomatic    machinery   that   they   required.       If    they   could 

*  Leicester  to  Burghley,  (MS.  before  cited.) 
»  Richard  Cavendish  to  Lord  Burghley,  18  March,  1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


/585.       AFFECTION  OF  THE  HOLLANDERS  FOR  THE  QUEEN.         389 

make  up  their  minds  to  submit  to  Philip  and  the  Inquisition 
again,  Phihp  and  the  Holy  Office  were  but  too  ready  to 
receive  the  erring  penitents  to  their  embrace  without  a  go- 
between. 

It  was  war,  not  peace,  therefore,  that  Holland  meant  by 
the  English  alliance.  It  was  war,  not  peace,  that  Philip 
intended.  It  was  war,  not  peace,  that  Elizabeth's  most  trusty 
counsellors  knew  to  be  inevitable.  There  was  also,  as  we 
have  shown,  no  doubt  whatever  as  to  the  good  disposition, 
and  the  great  power  of  the  republic  to  bear  its  share  in  the 
common  cause.  The  enthusiasm  of  the  Hollanders  was 
excessive.  "  There  was  such  a  noise,  both  in  Delft,  Rotter- 
dam, and  Dort,"  said  Leicester,  "  in  crying  '  God  save  the 
Queen  !'  as  if  she  had  been  in  Cheapside."'  Her  own 
subjects  could  not  be  more  loyal  than  were  the  citizens 
and  yeomen  of  Holland.  "  The  members  of  the  States  dare 
not  but  be  Queen  Elizabeth's,"  continued  the  Earl,  "  for  by 
the  living  God  !  if  there  should  fall  but  the  least  unkindness 
through  their  default,  the  people  would  kill  them.  All  sorts 
of  people,  from  highest  to  lowest,  assure  themselves,  now 
that  they  have  her  Majesty's  good  countenance,  to  beat  all  the 
Spaniards  out  of  their  country.  Never  was  there  people  in  such 
jollity  as  these  be.  I  could  be  content  to  lose  a  limb,  could 
her  Majesty  see  these  countries  and  towns  as  I  have  done."* 
He  was  in  truth  excessively  elated,  and  had  already,  in 
imagination,  vanquished  Alexander  Farnese,  and  eclipsed  the 
fame  of  William  the  Silent.  "  They  will  serve  under  me," 
he  observed,  "  with  a  better  will  than  ever  they  served  under 
the  Prince  of  Orange.  Yet  they  loved  him  well,  but  they 
never  hoped  of  the  liberty  of  this  country  till  now."'' 

Thus  the  English  government  had  every  reason  to  be  satisfied 
with  the  aspect  of  its  aftairs  in  the  Netherlands.  But  the 
nature  of  the  Earl's  authority  was  indefinite.  The  Queen  had 
refused  the  sovereignty  and  the  protectorate.     She  had  also 

-r>  ,^  ^  ,         „^    „  26  Dec.  1585. 

Bruce,  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  p.  30.  .31,  32, 

5  Jan.  1580. 

«  Ibid.  3  Ibid,  p.  Gl,  -  Jan.  1586. 


390  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VH 

distinctly  and  peremptorily  forbidden  Leicester  to  assume  any 
office  or  title  that  might  seem  at  variance  with  such  a  refusal 
on  her  part.  Yet  it  is  certain  that,  from  the  very  first,  he  had 
contemplated  some  slight  disobedience  to  these  prohibitions. 
"  What  government  is  requisite" — wrote  he  in  a  secret  memo- 
randum of  "  things  most  necessary  to  understand" — "  to  be 
appointed  to  him  that  shall  be  their  governor  ?  First,  that 
he  have  as  much  authority  as  the  Prince  of  Orange,  or  any 
other  governor  or  captain-general,  hath  had  heretofore."^ 
Now  the  Prince  of  Orange  hath  been  stadholder  of  each  of 
the  United  Provinces,  governor-general,  commander-in-chief, 
count  of  Holland  in  prospect,  and  sovereign,  if  he  had  so 
willed  it.  It  Avould  doubtless  have  been  most  desirable  for 
the  country,  in  its  confused  condition,  had  there  been  a  person 
competent  to  wield,  and  willing  to  accept,  the  authority  once 
exercised  by  William  I.  But  it  was  also  certain  that  this 
was  exactly  the  authority  which  Elizabeth  had  forbidden 
Leicester  to  assume.  Yet  it  is  difficult  to  understand  what 
position  the  Queen  intended  that  her  favourite  should  maintain, 
nor  how  he  was  to  carry  out  her  instructions,  while  submitting 
to  her  prohibitions.  He  was  directed  to  cause  the  confused 
government  of  the  Provinces  to  be  redressed,  and  a  better  form 
of  polity  to  be  established.  He  was  ordered,  in  particular,  to 
procure  a  radical  change  in  the  constitution,  by  causing  the 
deputies  to  the  General  Assembly  to  be  empowered  to  decide 
upon  important  matters,  without,  as  had  always  been  the 
custom,  making  direct  reference  to  the  assemblies  of  the 
separate  Provinces.  He  was  instructed  to  bring  about,  in  some 
indefinite  way,  a  complete  reform  in  financial  matters,  by 
compelling  the  States-General  to  raise  money  by  liberal  taxa- 
tion, according  to  the  "  advice  of  her  Majesty,  delivered  unto 
them  by  her  lieutenant."  '^ 

And  how  was  this  radical  change  in  the  institutions  of  the 
Provinces  to  be  made  by  an  English  earl,  whose  only  authority 


'  Bruce,  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  p.  20,  a.d.  1585. 
9  J^eypegter's  Inntr^otioiis,  iu  Bruce,  12-15,  Peceajber,  1685, 


1585, 


secrp:t  purposes  of  Leicester. 


391 


was  that  of  commander-ia-chief  over  five  thousand  half-starved, 
unpaid,  utterly-forlorn  English  troops? 

The  Netherland  envoys  in  England,  in  their  parting  advice, 
most  distinctly  urged  him  "  to  hale  authority  with  the  first,  to 
declare  himself  chief  head  and  governor-general "  of  the  whole 
country,^ — for  it  was  a  political  head  that  was  wanted  in  order 
to  restore  unity  of  action — not  an  additional  general,  where 
there  were  already  generals  in  plenty.  Sir  John  Norris, 
valiant,  courageous,  experienced — even  if  not,  as  Walsingham 
observed,  a  "  religious  soldier,"  nor  learned  in  anything  "  but 
a  kind  of  licentious  and  corrupt  government"- — was  not 
likely  to  require  the  assistance  of  the  new  lieutenant-general 
in  field  operations,  nor  could  the  army  be  brought  into  a  state 
of  thorough  discipline  and  efficiency  by  the  magic  of  Leicester's 
name.  The  rank  and  file  of  the  English  army — not  the  com- 
manders— needed  strengthening.  The  soldiers  required  shoes 
and  stockings,  bread  and  meat,  and  for  these  articles  there 
were  not  the  necessary  funds,  nor  would  the  title  of  Lieutenant- 
General  supply  the  deficiency.  The  little  auxiliary  force  was, 
in  truth,  in  a  condition  most  jjitiable  to  behold  :  it  was  difficult 
to  say  whether  the  soldiers  who  had  been  already  for  a  con- 
siderable period  in  the  Netherlands,  or  those  who  had  been 
recently  levied  in  the  purlieus  of  London,  were  in  the  most 
unpromising  plight.  The  beggarly  state  in  which  Elizabeth 
had  been  willing  that  her  troops  should  go  forth  to  the  wars 
was  a  sin  and  a  disgrace.  Well  might  her  Lieutenant-General 
say  that  her  "poor  subjects  were  no  better  than  abjects."* 
There  were  few  effective  companies  remaining  of  the  old  force. 
"  There  is  but  a  small  number  of  the  first  bands  left,"  said 
Sir  John  Conway,  "  and  those  so  pitiful  and  unable  ever  to 
serve  again,  as  I  leave  to  speak  further  of  them,  to  avoid  grief 
to  your  heart.  A  monstrous  fault  there  hath  been  some- 
where."^ 


*  Advice    of   the   Commissioners   to 
Leicester,  in  Bruce,  15-19,  a.d.  1585. 

2  Bruce 's   'Leyc.    Corresp.,'    222,   — 

i.pril,  1586. 


3  Ibid.  23,  -  Dec,  1585. 

*  Sir    John   Conway    to   

27  Dec,  1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


392  *fHE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Vtt 

Leicester  took  a  manful  and  sagacious  course  at  starting. 
Those  who  had  no  stomach  for  the  fight  were  ordered  to 
depart.  The  chaplain  gave  them  sermons  ;  the  Licutenant- 
General,  on  St.  Stephen's  day,  made  them  a  "  i)ithy  and 
honourable  "  oration,  and  those  who  had  the  wish  or  the  means 
to  buy  themselves  out  of  the  adventure,  were  allowed  to  do 
so  :  for  the  Earl  was  much  disgusted  with  the  raw  material 
out  of  which  he  was  expected  to  manufacture  serviceable 
troops.  Swaggering  ruffians  from  the  disreputable  haunts  of 
London,  cockney  apprentices,  broken-down  tapsters,  discarded 
serving  men  ;  the  Bardolphs  and  Pistols,  Mouldys,  Warts, 
and  the  like — more  at  home  in  tavern-brawls  or  in  dark  lanes 
than  on  the  battle-field — were  not  the  men  to  be  entrusted 
with  the  honour  of  England  at  a  momentous  crisis.  He  spoke 
with  grief  and  shame  of  the  worthless  character  and  condition 
of  the  English  youths  sent  over  to  the  Netherlands.  "  Believe 
me,"  said  he,  "  you  will  all  repent  the  cockney  kind  of  bringing 
up  at  this  day  of  young  men.  They  be  gone  hence  with  shame 
enough,  and  too  many,  that  I  will  warrant,  will  make  as  many 
frays  with  bludgeons  and  bucklers  as  any  in  London  shall 
do  ;  but  such  shall  never  have  credit  with  me  again.  Our 
simplest  men  in  show  have  been  our  best  men,  and  your 
gallant  blood  and  ruffian  men  the  worst  of  all  others."  ^ 

Much  winnowed,  as  it  was,  the  small  force  might  in  time 
become  more  effective  ;  and  the  Earl  spent  freely  of  his  own 
substance  to  supply  the  Avants  of  his  followers,  and  to  atone 
for  the  avarice  of  his  sovereign.  The  picture  painted  however 
by  muster-master  Digges  of  the  plumed  troops  that  had  thus 
come  forth  to  maintain  the  honour  of  England  and  the  cause 
of  liberty,  was  anything  but  imposing.  None  knew  better 
than  Digges  their  squalid  and  slovenly  condition,  or  was  more 
anxious  to  efiect  a  reformation  therein.  "  A  very  wise,  stout 
fellow  he  is,"  said  the  Earl,  "and  very  careful  to  serve 
thoroughly  her   Majesty."^     Leicester  relied  much  upon  hia 

'  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.,'  228,  -  April,  1586, 

26 

»  Ibid.  135, ,  ir.85.6. 

6  March 


1586.  WRETCHED  CONDITION  OF  ENGLISH  TKOOPS.  393 

efforts.  "  There  is  good  hope/'  said  the  muster-master,  "  that 
his  excellency  will  shortly  establish  such  good  order  for  the 
government  and  training  of  our  nation,  that  these  weak,  bad- 
furnished,  ill-armed,  and  worse-trained  bands,  thus  raAvly  left 
unto  him,  shall  within  a  few  months  prove  as  well  armed, 
trained,  complete,  gallant  companies  as  shall  be  found  else- 
where in  Europe."^  The  damage  they  were  likely  to  inflict 
upon  the  enemy  seemed  very  problematical,  until  they  should 
have  been  improved  by  some  wholesome  ball-practice.  "  They 
are  so  unskilful,"  said  Digges,  "  that  if  they  should  be  carried 
to  the  field  no  better  trained  than  yet  they  are,  they  would 
prove  much  more  dangerous  to  their  own  leaders  and  com- 
panies than  any  ways  serviceable  on  their  enemies.  The 
hard  and  miserable  estate  of  the  soldiers  generally,  excepting 
officers,  hath  been  such,  as  by  the  confessions  of  the  captains 
themselves,  they  have  been  offered  by  many  of  their  soldiers 
thirty  and  forty  pounds  a  piece  to  be  dismissed  and  sent  away; 
whereby  I  doubt  not  the  flower  of  the  pressed  English  bands 
are  gone,  and  the  remnant  supplied  with  such  paddy  persons 
as  commonly,  in  voluntary  procurements,  men  are  glad  to 
accept."  ^ 

Even  after  the  expiration  of  four  months  the  condition  of 
the  paddy  persons  continued  most  destitute.  The  English 
soldiers  became  mere  barefoot  starving  beggars  in  the  streets, 
as  had  never  been  the  case  in  the  worst  of  times,  when  tho 
States  were  their  paymasters."^  The  little  money  brought 
from  the  treasury  by  the  Earl,  and  the  large  sums  which  he 
had  contributed  out  of  his  own  pocket,  had  been  spent  in 
settling,  and  not  fully  settling,  old  scores.     "  Let  me  entreat 


'  Digges     to   Walsingham,  —     Jan., 

1585.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'■'  Digges  to  Walsinglaam,  MS.  before 
cited. 

°  "  Mj^  good   Lord,"  wrote  Cavendish 


days'  end,  whereas  the  same  being  now 
in  H.  Majesty's  hands,  her  people 
tliere  can  get  no  pay  in  tliree  months, 
so  that  they  be  almost  driven  either  to 
starve  or  beg  in  tiie  streets.  These  be 
heavy  spectacles   in   the  eyes  of  such 


to  Burghley,  "  what  English   heart  can  as  look  for  relief  at  H.  Majesty's  hands, 

without  shame  or  grief  liear  the  Flush-  |   My  good  Lord,  the  storm   of  my  care- 

ingers    reproaclifiilly  say,  that  even   iu  ful  and  grieved   mind  doth  carry  me  I 

their  hardest   estate  the  soldiers  of  that  ;   know   not    whither,"    Ac.      18  March, 

town    were  always   paid    ;;t    cviTy  15  '    1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

VOL.    I. — 14 


394  I'ill''    UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  VIL 

you,"  wrote  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  "  to  be  a  mean  to  her 
Majesty,  that  the  jioor  soldiers  be  not  beaten  for  my  sake. 
TJicre  came  no  penny  of  treasure  over  since  my  coming  hither. 
That  which  then  came  was  most  part  due  before  it  came.  There 
is  nmch  still  due.  They  cannot  get  a  penny,  their  credit  is 
spent,  they  j^crish  for  ivant  of  victuals  and  clothing  in  great 
numbers.  The  wliole  are  ready  to  mutiny.  They  cannot  be 
gotten  out  to  service,  because  they  cannot  discharge  the  debts 
they  owe  in  the  places  where  they  are.  I  have  let  of  my 
own  more  than  I  may  spare."'  "There  was  no  soldier  yet 
able  to  buy  himself  a  pair  of  hose,"  said  the  Earl  again,  "and 
it  is  too,  too  great  shame  to  see  how  they  go,  and  it  kills  their 
hearts  to  shoio  themselves  among  mcn."'^ 

There  was  no  one  to  dispute  the  Earl's  claims.  The  Nassau 
family  was  desperately  poor,  and  its  chief,  young  Maurice, 
although  he  had  been  elected  stadholder  of  Holland  and  Zee- 
land,  had  every  disposition — as  Sir  Philip  upon  his  arrival  in 
Flushing  immediately  informed  his  uncle — to  submit  to  the 
authority  of  the  new  governor.  Louisa  de  Coligny,  widow  of 
William  the  Silent,  was  most  anxious  for  the  English  alliance, 
through  which  alone  she  believed  that  the  fallen  fortunes  of 
the  family  could  be  raised.  It  was  thus  only,  she  thought, 
that  the  vengeance  for  which  she  thirsted  upon  the  murderers 
of  her  father  and  her  husband  could  be  obtained.  "  We  see 
now,"  she  wrote  to  Walsingham,  in  a  fiercer  strain  than  would 
seem  to  comport  with  so  gentle  a  nature — deeply  wronged  as 
the  daughter  of  Coligny  and  the  wife  of  Orange  had  been  by 
Papists — "  we  see  now  the  effects  of  our  God's  promises.  He 
knows  when  it  pleases  Him  to  avenge  the  blood  of  His  own, 
and  I  confess  that  I  feel  most  keenly  the  joy  which  is  shared 
in  by  the  whole  Church  of  God.  There  is  none  that  has 
received  more  wrong  from  these  murderers  than  I  have  done, 
and  I  esteem  myself  happy  in  the  midst  of  my  miseries  that 
God  has  permitted  me  to  see  some  vengeance.     These  begin- 

» Leicester  to  Burghley  and  Walsingham,  March  15,  1586.     (S.  P.  OfiBce  MS.) 
2  Brace,  167,  -  Maroli,  1580. 


1585.  THE    NASSAUS    AND   HOHENLO.  395 

niags  make  me  hope  that  I  shall  see  yet  more,  which  will  be 
not  less  useful  to  the  good,  both  in  your  country  and  in  these 
isles." ' 

Tlie:o  was  no  disguise  as  to  the  impoverished  condition  to 
which  the  Nassau  family  had  been  reduced  by  the  self-devotion 
of  its  chief.  They  were  obliged  to  ask  alms  of  England,  until 
the  "  sapling  should  become  a  tree."  "  Since  it  is  the  will  of 
God,"  wrote  the  Princess  to  Davison,  "  I  am  not  ashamed  ta 
declare  the  necessity  of  our  house,  for  it  is  in  His  cause  that 
it  has  fallen.  I  pray  you.  Sir,  therefore  to  do  me  and  these 
children  the  favour  to  employ  your  thoughts  in  this  regard."^ 
If  there  had  been  any  strong  French  proclivities  on  their  part 
— as  had  been  so  warmly  asserted — they  were  likely  to  dis- 
appear. Villiers,  who  had  been  a  confidential  friend  of  William 
the  Silent,  and  a  strong  favourer  of  France,  in  vain  endeavoured 
to  keep  alive  the  ancient  sentiments  towards  that  country, 
although  he  was  thought  to  be  really  endeavouring  to  bring 
about  a  submission  of  the  Nassaus  to  Spain.  "  This  Villiers," 
said  Leicester,  "  is  a  most  vile  traitorous  knave,  and  doth  abuse 
a  young  nobleman  here  extremely,  the  Count  Maurice.  For 
all  his  religion,  he  is  a  more  earnest  persuader  secretly  to  have 
him  yield  to  a  reconciliation  than  Sainte  Aldegonde  was.  Hg 
shall  not  tarry  ten  days  neither  in  Holland  nor  Zeeland.  He 
is  greatly  hated  here  of  all  sorts,  and  it  shall  go  hard  but  I 
will  win  the  young  Count."  ^ 

As  for  Hohenlo,  whatever  his  opinions  might  once  have 
been  regarding  the  comparative  merits  of  Frenchmen  and 
Englishmen,  he  was  now  warmly  in  favour  of  England,  and 
expressed  an  intention  of  putting   an   end   to   the   Villiers' 

1  "  Nous  voyons,  Monsieur,  les  effets  I  Ces  oommencemens  me  font  esperer 
des  promesses  de  notre  Dieu  qui  scait   j    que  j'en  verrai  encores  d'autres,  qui  ne 

seront  moins  utiles  aux  gens  de  bien, 
et  en  particulier  en  votre  royaume  et  en 
ces  Isles."     Princess  of  Orange  to  Sir 

F.  Walsingham,  -   Jan.,  1586.     (S.  P. 

Office  MS.) 

^   Princess   of   Orange    to    Davison, 
T  Jan.,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

»   Bruce,  13,  -^^   1585-6. 


quaud  il  luy  plait  venger  le  sang  des 
aiens,  y  faut  que  je  confesse  que  je  re- 
sens  fort  particulierement  ceste  joye 
commune  a  toute  I'eglise  de  Dieu ; 
comma  ny  ayant  personne  qui  eu?t 
receu  plus  d'offence  de  ces  massa- 
creurs,  et  m'estime  heureuse  parmi 
tous  mes  malheurs  de  ce  que  Dieu  a 
permis  que  j'en  aye  veu  la  vengeance. 


396  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Vn 

influence  by  simply  drowning  Villiers.  The  announcement  of 
this  summary  process  towards  the  counsellor  was  not  untinged 
with  rudeness  towards  the  pupil.  "  The  young  Count,"  said 
Leicester,  "by  Villiers'  means,  was  not  willing  to  have 
Flushing  rendered,  which  the  Count  HoUock  perceiving,  told 
the  Count  Maurice,  in  a  great  rage,  that  if  he  took  any  course 
than  that  of  the  Queen  of  England,  and  swore  by  no  beggars, 
he  would  drown  his  priest  in  the  haven  before  his  face,  and 
turn  himself  and  his  mother-in-law  out  of  their  house  there, 
and  thereupon  went  with  Mr.  Davison  to  the  delivery  of  it."' 
Certainly,  if  Hohenlo  permitted  himself  such  startling  demon- 
strations towards  the  son  and  widow  of  William  the  Silent,  it 
must  have  been  after  his  habitual  potations  had  been  of  the 
deepest.  Nevertheless  it  was  satisfactory  for  the  new  chief- 
tain to  know  that  the  influence  of  so  vehement  a  partisan  was 
secured  for  England.  The  Count's  zeal  deserved  gratitude 
upon  Leicester's  part,  and  Leicester  was  grateful.  "  This  man 
must  be  cherished,"  said  the  Earl  ;  "  he  is  sound  and  faithful, 
and  hath  indeed  all  the  chief  holds  in  his  hands,  and  at  his 
commandment.  Ye  shall  do  well  to  procure  him  a  letter  of 
thanks,  taking  knowledge  in  general  of  his  good-will  to  her 
Majesty.  He  is  a  right  Almayn  in  manner  and  fashion,  free 
of  his  purse  and  of  his  drink,  yet  do  I  wish  him  her  Majesty's 
pensioner  before  any  prince  in  Germany,  for  he  loves  her  and 
is  able  to  serve  her,  and  doth  desire  to  be  known  lier  servant. 
He  hath  been  laboured  by  his  nearest  kinsfolk  and  friends  in 
Germany  to  have  left  the  States  and  to  have  the  King  of 
Spain's  pension  and  very  great  reward  ;  but  he  would  not.  I 
trust  her  Majesty  will  accept  of  his  offer  to  be  her  servant 
during  his  life,  being  indeed  a  very  noble  soldier."^  The  Earl 
was  indeed  inclined  to  take  so  cheerful  view  of  matters  as  to 
believe  that  he  should  even  effect  a  reform  in  the  noble 
soldier's  most  unpleasant  characteristic.  "  Hollock  is  a  wise 
gallant  gentleman,"  he  said,  "and  very  well  esteemed.  He 
hath  only  one  fault,  which  is  drinking  ;  but  good  hope  that 
he  will  amend  it.     Some  make  me  believe  that  I  shall  be 

•   Bruce,  74,  15,  date  just  quoted.  *  Ibid. 


THE  EARL'S  Oi'LNION  OF  THEM.  ggiy 

able  to  do  much  with  him,  and  I  mean  to  do  my  best,  for  1 
Bee  no  man  that  knuws  all  these  countries,  and  the  people  of 
all  sorts,  like  him,  and  this  fault  overthrows  all."^ 

Accordingly,  so  long  as  Maurice  continued  under  the 
tutelage  of  this  uproarious  cavalier — who,  at  a  later  day,  was 
to  become  his  brother-in-law — he  was  not  likely  to  interfere 
with  Leicester's  authority.  The  character  of  the  young  Count 
was  developing  slowly.  More  than  his  father  had  ever  done, 
he  deserved  the  character  of  the  taciturn.  A  quiet  keen 
observer  of  men  and  things,  not  demonstrative  nor  talkative, 
nor  much  given  to  writing — a  modest,  calm,  deeply-reflecting 
student  of  military  and  mathematical  science — he  was  not  at 
that  moment  deeply  inspired  by  political  ambition.  He  was 
perhaps  more  desirous  of  raising  the  fallen  fortunes  of  his 
house  than  of  securing  the  independence  of  his  country.  Even 
at  that  early  age,  however,  his  mind  was  not  easy  to  read,  and 
his  character  was  somewhat  of  a  puzzle  to  those  who  studied 
it.  "I  see  him  much  discontented  with  the  States,"  said 
Leicester;  "  he  hath  a  sullen  deep  wit.  The  young  gentleman 
is  yet  to  be  won  only  to  her  Majesty,  I  perceive,  of  his  own 
inclination.  The  house  is  marvellous  poor  and  little  regarded 
by  the  States,  and  if  they  get  anything  it  is  like  to  be  by  her 
Majesty,  which  should  be  altogether,  and  she  may  easily  do 
for  him  to  win  him  sure.  I  will  undertake  it."-  Yet  the 
Earl  was  ever  anxious  about  some  of  the  influences  which  sur- 
rounded Maurice,  for  he  thought  him  more  easily  guided  than 
he  wished  him  to  be  by  any  others  but  himself.  "  He  stands 
upon  making  and  marring,"  he  said,  "  as  he  meets  with  good 
counsel."^  And  at  another  time  he  observed,  "The  young 
gentleman  hath  a  solemn  sly  wit  ;  but,  in  troth,  if  any  be  to 
be  doubted  toward  the  King  of  Spain,  it  is  he  and  his  coun- 
sellors, for  they  have  been  altogether,  so  far,  French,  and  so 
far  in  mislike  with  England  as  they  cannot  almost  hide  it."* 

And  there  was  still  another  member  of  the  house  of  Nassau 


'  Bruce,  61,  -  Jan.,  1586. 

'  Bruce's    'Leyc.    Corresp.,'    61,    62, 

Jan.,  1585-6. 


Ibid.  374,  ^4^,  1586. 


398 


THE  UNJTED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  YIL 


who  was  already  an  honour  to  his  illustrious  race.  Count 
William  Lewis,  hardly  more  than  a  boy  in  years,  had  already 
served  many  campaigns,  and  had  been  desperately  wounded 
in  the  cause  for  which  so  much  of  the  heroic  blood  of  his  race 
had  been  shed.  Of  the  five  Nassau  brethren,  his  father 
Count  John  was  the  sole  survivor,  and  as  devoted  as  ever  to 
the  cause  of  Netherland  liberty.  The  other  four  had  already 
laid  down  their  lives  in  its  defence.  And  William  Lewis,  was 
worthy  to  be  the  nephew  of  William  and  Lewis,  Henry  and 
Adolphus,  and  the  son  of  John.  Not  at  all  a  beautiful  or 
romantic  hero  in  appearance,  but  an  odd-looking  little  man, 
with  a  round  bullet-head,  close-clipped  hair,  a  small,  twinkling, 
sagacious  eye,  rugged,  somewhat  puffy  features  screwed 
whimsically  awry,  with  several  prominent  warts  dotting, 
without  ornamenting,  all  that  was  visible  of  a  face  which  was 
buried  up  to  the  ears  in  a  furzy  thicket  of  yellow-brown  beard, 
the  tough  young  stadholder  of  Friesland,  in  his  iron  corslet, 
and  halting  upon  his  maimed  leg,  had  come  forth  with  other 
notable  personages  to  the  Hague.  He  wished  to  do  honour 
heartily  and  freely  to  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  representative. 
And  Leicester  was  favourably  impressed  with  his  new  acquaint- 
ance. "  Here  is  another  little  fellow,"  he  said,  "  as  little  as 
may  be,  but  one  of  the  gravest  and  wisest  young  men  that 
ever  I  spake  withal ;  it  is  the  Count  Guilliam  of  Nassau.  He 
governs  Friesland;  I  would  every  Province  had  such  another.''* 
Thus,  upon  the  great  question  which  presented  itself  upon 
the  very  threshold — the  nature  and  extent  of  the  authority 
to  be  exercised  by  Leicester — the  most  influential  Nether- 
landers  were  in  favour  of  a  large  and  liberal  interpretation  of 
his  powers.  The  envoys  in  England,  the  Nassau  family, 
Hohenlo,  the  prominent  members  of  the  States,  such  as  the 
shrewd,  plausible  Menin,  the  ''honest  and  painful"  Falk,^  and 
the  chancellor  of  Gelderland — "  that  very  great,  wise,  old 
man  Leoninus,"  ^  as  Leicester  called  him, — were  all  desirous 


»  Bruce,  61,  -  Jan.,  1586. 

'24  ' 

a    TUIA     3  0      86  Dec.  1585 

»  Ibid.  33,  -g  y.b.  158a 


'  Leicester   to  Burghley,  18th  Feb, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1585.  CLERK   AND   KILLIGREW.  399 

that  he  should  assume  an  absolute  governor-generalship  over 
the  whole  country.  This  was  a  grave  and  a  delicate  matter, 
and  needed  to  be  severely  scanned,  without  delay.  But 
besides  the  natives,  there  were  two  Englishmen — together 
with  ambassador  Davison — who  were  his  official  advisers, 
Bartholomew  Clerk,  LL.D.,  and  Sir  Henry  Killigrew  had 
been  appointed  by  the  Queen  to  be  members  of  the 
council  of  the  United  States,  according  to  the  provisions  of 
the  August  treaty.  The  learned  Bartholomew  hardly  seemed 
equal  to  his  responsible  position  among  those  long-headed 
Dutch  politicians.  Philip  Sidney — the  only  blemish  in 
whose  character  was  an  intolerable  tendency  to  puns — ob- 
served that  "  Doctor  Clerk  was  of  those  clerks  that  are  not 
always  the  wisest,  and  so  my  lord  too  late  was  finding  him."^ 
The  Earl  himself,  who  never  undervalued  the  intellect  of  the 
Netherlanders  whom  he  came  to  govern,  anticipated  but  small 
assistance  from  the  English  civilian.  "  I  find  no  great  stuff  in 
my  little  colleague,'  he  said,  "  nothing  that  I  looked  for.  It 
is  a  pity  you  have  no  more  of  his  profession,  able  men  to 
serve.  This  man  hath  good  will,  and  a  pretty  scholar's  wit  ; 
hut  he  is  too  little  for  these  hig  felloivs,  as  heavy  as  her  Majesty 
thinks  them  to  he.  I  ivould  she  had  hut  one  or  tivo,  such  as  the 
worst  of  half  a  score  he  here.""^  The  other  English  state- 
counsellor  seemed  more  promising.  "I  have  one  here,"  said 
the  Earl,  "  in  whom  I  take  no  small  comfort  ;  that  is  little 
Hal  Killigrew.  I  assure  you,  my  lord,  he  is  a  notable  servant, 
and  more  in  him  than  ever  I  heretofore  thought  of  him, 
though  I  always  knew  him  to  be  an  honest  man  and  an  able."'^ 

But  of  all  the  men  that  stood  by  Leicester's  side,  the  most 
faithful,  devoted,  sagacious,  experienced,  and  sincere  of  his 
counsellors,  English  or  Flemish,  was  envoy  Davison.  It  is 
important  to  note  exactly  the  opinion  that  had  been  formed 
of  him  by  those  most  competent  to  judge,  before  events  in 


'  Gray's  Sidney,  p.  313.  Thus: 
"  Turner,  I  hope,  will  serve  my  turn 
well;"    and    again,     "Mr.    Paul    Bus 


and  so  on.     (Ibid.  313,  327.) 
"^  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.,'  33. 
^  Leycester    to    Burghley,    18    Feb, 


hath    too   many  busses   in   his   head,"    [    1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


400  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VII. 

which  he  was  callml  on  to  play  a  prominent  and  responsible 
though  secondary  part,  had  placed  him  in  a  somewhat  false 
position. 

"  Mr.  Davison,"  wrote  Sidney,  "  is  here  very  careful  in  lief 
Majesty's  causes,  and  in  your  Lordship's.      He   takes  great 
pains  and  goes  to  great  charges  for  it."      The  Earl  himself 
was  always  vehement  in  his  praise.     "  Mr.  Davison,"  said  he 
at  another  time,  "  has  dealt  most  painfully  and  chargeahly  in 
her  Majesty's  service  here,  and  you  shall  find  him  as  suffi- 
ciently able  to  deliver  the  whole  state  of  this  country  as  any 
man  that  ever  was  in  it,  acquainted  with  all  sorts  here  that 
are  men  of  dealing.     Surely,  my  Lord,  you  shall  do  a  good 
deed  that  he  may  be  remembered  with  her  Majesty's  gracious 
consideration,   for  his  being   here  has  been  very   chargeable, 
having  kept  a  very  good  countenance,  and  a  very  good  table, 
all  his  abode  here,  and  of  such  credit  with  all  the  chief  sort, 
as  I  know  no  stranger  in  any  place  hath  the  like.     As  I  am 
a  suitor  to  you  to  be  his  good  friend  to  her  Majesty,  so  I  must 
heartily  pray  you,  good  my  Lord,  to  procure  his  coming  hither 
shortly  to  me  again,  for  I  know  not  almost  how  to  do  without 
him.     I  confess  it  is  a  wrong  to  the  gentleman,  and  I  protest 
before   God,   if  it  were  for  mine  own   particular   respect,   I 
would  not  require  it  for  5000/.     But  your  Lordship  doth  little 
think  how  greatly  I  have  to  do,  as  also  how  needful  for  her 
Majesty's   service  his  being  here  will  be.      Wherefore,  good 
my  Lord,  if  it  may  not  offend  her  Majesty,  be  a  mean  for  this 
my  request,  for  her  own  service'  sake  wholly." 

Such  were  the  personages  who  surrounded  the  Earl  on  his 
arrival  in  the  Netherlands,  and  such  their  sentiments  respect- 
ing the  position  that  it  was  desirable  for  him  to  assumes 
But  there  was  one  very  important  fact.  He  had  studiously 
concealed  from  Davison  that  the  Queen  had  peremptorily  and 
distinctly   forbidden    his    accepting    the   office    of    governor- 


'  Sidney  to  Leicester,  22  Nov.  1585.   ]  OflSce  MS.) 
Brit.    Mus.    Galba,    C.    viii.    213,    MS.  2  Leicester    to    Burghley,    27    Dec, 

Same  to  same,  -   Feb.    1586.      (S.    P.   i   ^^^^-     (S-  ^-  Office  MS.) 


1580.  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  STATES.  401 

general.  It  eeemed  reasonable,  if  he  came  thither  at  all, 
that  he  should  come  in  that  elevated  capacity.  The  States 
wished  it.  The  Earl  ardently  longed  for  it.  The  ambassador, 
who  knew  more  of  Netherland  politics  and  Netherland 
humours  than  any  man  did,  approved  of  it.  The  interests  of 
both  England  and  Holland  seemed  to  require  it.  No  one 
but  Leicester  knew  that  her  Majesty  had  forbidden  it. 

Accordingly,  no  sooner  had  the  bell-ringing,  cannon-explo- 
Eions,  bonfires,  and  charades,  come  to  an  end,  and  the  Earl  got 
fairly  housed  in  the  Hague,  than  the  States  took  the  affair  of 
government  seriously  in  hand. 

On  the  9th  January,  Chancellor  Leoninus  and  Paul  Buys 
waited  upon  Davison,  and  requested  a  copy  of  the  commission 
granted  by  the  Queen  to  the  Earl.  The  copy  was  refused, 
but  the  commission  was  read  ;  ^  by  which  it  appeared  that  he 
had  received  absolute  command  over  her  Majesty's  forces  in 
the  Netherlands  by  land  and  sea,  together  with  authority  to 
send  for  all  gentlemen  and  other  personages  out  of  England 
that  he  might  think  useful  to  him.  On  the  10th  the  States 
passed  a  resolution  to  offer  him  the  governor-generalship  over 
all  the  Provinces.  On  the  same  day  another  committee 
waited  upon  his  "  Excellency" — as  the  States  chose  to  deno- 
minate the  Earl,  much  to  the  subsequent  wrath  of  the  Queen 
■ — and  made  an  appointment  for  the  whole  body  to  wait  upon 
liim  the  following  morning.^ 

Upon  that  day  accordingly — New  Year's  Day,  by  the 
English  reckoning,  11th  January  by  the  New  Style — the 
deputies  of  all  the  States  at  an  early  hour  came  to  his  i 
lodgings,  with  much  pomp,  preceded  by  a  herald  i' 
and  trumpeters.  Leicester,  not  expecting  them  quite  so  soon, 
was  in  his  dressing-room,  getting  ready  for  the  solemn  audi- 
ence, when,  somewhat  to  his  dismay,  a  flourish  of  trumpets 
announced  the  arrival  of  the  whole  body  in  his  principal  hall 
of  audience.     Hastening  his  preparations  as  much  as  possible. 


1  Resolutien  van  de  Staten  General, 

y 

a"    1586.      (Hague   Archives,    MS.,   — 
Jan.  1586.) 

VOL.  I.— 2  B 


'    Ibid.      Compare     Bor,     II.     68«; 
seq. 


402  THE   UNITED   M ETiLERLANDS.  Chap.  ViJ. 

he  descended  to  that  apartment,  and  was  instantly  saluted  by 
a  flourish  of  rhetoric  still  more  formidable  ;  for  that  "  very 
grcatj  and  wise  old  Leoninus,"  forthwith  began  an  oration, 
which  promised  to  be  of'  portentous  length  and  serious 
meaning.  The  Earl  was  slightly  flustered,  when,  fortunately, 
some  one  whispered  in  his  ear  that  they  had  come  to  ofier 
him  the  much-coveted  prize  of  the  stadholderate-general. 
Thereupon  he  made  bold  to  interrupt  the  flow  of  the  chan- 
cellor's eloquence  in  its  first  outpourings.  "  As  this  is  a  very 
private  matter,"  said  he,  "  it  will  be  better  to  treat  of  it  in  a 
more  private  place.  I  pray  you  therefore  to  come  into  my 
chamber,  where  these  things  may  be  more  conveniently 
discussed."  ^ 

"  You  hear  what  my  Lord  says,"  cried  Leoninus,  turning  to 
his  companions  ;  "we  are  to  withdraw  into  his  chamber."^ 

Accordingly  they  withdrew,  accompanied  by  the  Earl, 
and  by  five  or  six  select  counsellors,  among  whom  were 
Davison  and  Dr.  Clerk.  Then  the  chancellor  once  more 
commenced  his  harangue,  and  went  handsomely  through  the 
usual  forms  of  compliment,  first  to  the  Queen,  and  then  to 
her  representative,  concluding  with  an  earnest  request  that 
the  Earl — although  her  Majesty  had  declined  the  sovereignty 
— "  would  take  the  name  and  place  of  absolute  governor  and 
general  of  all  their  forces  and  soldiers,  with  the  disposition 
of  their  whole  revenues  and  taxes."  ^ 

So  soon  as  the  oration  was  concluded,  Leicester,  who  did 
not  speak  French,  directed  Davison  to  reply  in  that  language. 

The  envoy  accordingly,  in  name  of  the  Earl,  expressed  the 
deepest  gratitude  for  this  mark  of  the  affection  and  confidence 
of  the  States-General  towards  the  Queen.  He  assured  them 
that  the  step  thus  taken  by  them  would  be  the  cause  of  still 
more  favour  and  affection  on  the  part  of  her  Majesty,  who 
would  unquestionably,  from  day  to  day,  augment  the  succour 
that  she  was  extending  to  the  Provinces  in  order  to  relieve 
men  from  their  misery.     For  himself,  the  Earl  protested  that 

1  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Correap.,'  p.  58,  -  Jan.  1586.  2  Ibid. 

3  Bruce,  58,  -  Jan.  1386- 


1586. 


GOVERNMENT-GENERAL  OFFERED  TO  THE  EARL. 


403 


he  could  never  sufficiently  recompense  the  States  for  the 
honour  which  had  thus  been  conferred  upon  him,  even  if  he 
should  live  one  hundred  lives.  Although  he  felt  himself 
quite  unable  to  sustain  the  weight  of  so  great  an  office,  yet  he 
declared  that  they  might  repose  with  full  confidence  on  his 
integrity  and  good  intentions.  Nevertheless,  as  the  authority 
thus  oiFered  to  him  was  very  arduous,  and  as  the  subject 
required  deep  deliberation,  he  requested  that  the  proposition 
should  be  reduced  to  writing,  and  delivered  into  his  hands. 
He  might  then  come  to  a  conclusion  thereupon,  most  con- 
ducive to  the  glory  of  God  and  the  welfare  of  the  land.  ^ 

Three  days  afterwards,  14th  January,  the  ofier,  drawn  up 
formally  in  writing,  was  presented  to  envoy  Davison,  according 
to  the  request  of  Leicester.  Three  days  latter,  17th  ±j^^  ^ 
January,  his  Excellency  having  deliberated  upon  the  7 
proposition,  requested  a  committee  of  conference.^  ^^ 
The  conference  took  place  the  same  day,  and  there  was  some 
discussion  upon  matters  of  detail,  principally  relating  to  the 
matter  of  contributions.  The  Earl,  according  to  the  report 
of  the  committee,  manifested  no  repugnance  to  the  acceptance 
of  the  office,  provided  these  points  could  be  satisfactorily 
adjusted.  He  seemed,  on  the  contrary,  impatient,  rather 
than  reluctant ;  for,  on  the  day  following  the  conference,  he 
sent  his  secretary  Gilpin  with  a  somewhat  importunate 
message.  "  His  Excellency  was  surprised,"  said  the  secre- 
tary, "  that  the  States  were  so  long  in  coming  to  a  resolution 
on  the  matters  suggested  by  him  in  relation  to  the  offer  of 
the  government-general ;  nor  could  his  Excellency  imagine 
the  cause  of  the  delay."  ^ 


■    Resol.  Stat.  General,  -  Jan.  1586. 

(Hague  Archives,  MS.)  According  to 
tlie  Earl's  own  account  of  his  speech, 
through  the  mouth  of  Davison,  he  had 
much  more  distinctly  expressed  his 
reluctance  to  accept  the  autliority 
offered,  placing  his  refusal,  not  on  the 
ground  of  unfitness,  but  on  the  unex- 
pected nature  of  the  proposition,  and 
upon  its  "being  further  than  had  past 


in  the  contract  with  her  Majesty." 
The  account  in  the  text  is  from  the 
MS.  journal  of  the  Sessions  of  the 
States  General,  kept  from  day  to  day 
by  the  clerk  of  that  assembly. 

»  Resol.  Stat.  Gen. Jan.  1586. 

14     IT 

3  Read.    Stat.    Gen.  -   Jan.    1586. 
(MSS.) 


404  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VII 

For,  in  truth,  the  delay  was  caused  by  an  excessive,  rather 
than  a  deficient,  appetite  for  power  on  the  part  of  his  Excel- 
lency. The  States,  while  conferring  what  they  called  the 
"absolute"  government,  by  which  it  afterwards  appeared 
that  they  meant  absolute,  in  regard  to  time,  not  to  function 
— were  very  properly  desirous  of  retaining  a  wholesome  control 
over  that  government  by  means  of  the  state-council.  They 
wished  not  only  to  establish  such  a  council,  as  a  check  ujjon 
the  authority  of  the  new  governor,  but  to  share  with  him  at 
least  in  the  appointment  of  the  members  who  were  to 
compose  the  board.  But  the  aristocratic  Earl  was  already 
restive  under  the  thought  of  any  restraint — most  of  all  the 
restraint  of  individuals  belonging  to  what  he  considered  the 
humbler  classes. 

"  Cousin,  my  lord  ambassador,"  said  he  to  Davison,  "  among 
your  sober  companions  be  it  always  remembered,  I  beseech 
you,  that  your  cousin  have  no  other  alliance  but  with  gentle 
blood.  By  no  means  consent  that  he  be  linked  in  faster 
bonds  than  their  absolute  grant  may  yield  him  a  free  and 
honourable  government,  to  be  able  to  do  such  service  as  shall 
be  meet  for  an  honest  man  to  perform  in  such  a  calling, 
which  of  itself  is  very  noble.  But  yet  it  is  not  more  to  be 
embraced,  if  I  were  to  be  led  in  alliance  by  such  keepers  as 
will  sooner  draw  my  nose  from  the  right  scent  of  the  chace, 
than  to  lead  my  feet  in  the  true  pace  to  pursue  the  game  I 
desire  to  reach.  Consider,  I  pray  you,  therefore,  what  is  to  be 
done,  and  how  unfit  it  will  be  in  respect  of  my  poor  self,  and 
how  unacceptable  to  her  Majesty,  and  how  advantageous  to 
enemies  that  will  seek  holes  in  my  coat,  if  I  should  take  so 
great  a  name  upon  me,  and  so  little  power.  They  challenge 
acceptation  already,  and  I  challenge  their  absolute  grant  and 
offer  to  me,  before  they  spoke  of  any  instructions  ;  for  so  it  was 
when  Leoninus  first  spoke  to  me  with  them  all  on  New  Years- 
Day,  as  you  heard — offering  in  his  speech  all  manner  of 
absolute  authority.  If  it  please  them  to  confirm  this,  without 
restraining  instructions,  I  will  willingly  serve  the  States,  or 


1586.  DISCUSSIONS  ON  THE  SUBJECT.  405 

else,    with   such   advising  instructions   as    the    Dowager  of 
Hungary  had."  ^ 

This  was  explicit  enough,  and  Davison,  who  always  acted 
for  Leicester  in  the  negotiations  with  the  States,  could  cer- 
tainly have  no  doubt  as  to  the  desires  of  the  Earl,  on  the 
subject  of  "  absolute  "  authority.  He  did  accordingly  what  he 
could  to  bring  the  States  to  his  Excellency's  way  of  thinking ; 
nor  was  he  unsuccessful. 

On  the  22nd  January,  a  committee  of  conference  was  sent 
by  the  States  to  Leyden,  in  which  city  Leicester  was  making 
a  brief  visit.  They  were  instructed  to  procure  his  consent,  if 
possible,  to  the  appointment,  by  the  States  themselves,  of  a 
council  consisting  of  members  from  each  Province.  If  they 
could  not  obtain  this  concession,  they  were  directed  to  insist 
as  earnestly  as  possible  upon  their  right  to  present  a  double 
list  of  candidates,  from  which  he  was  to  make  nominations. 
And  if  the  one  and  the  other  proposition  should  be  refused, 
the  States  were  then  to  agree  that  his  Excellency  should 
freely  choose  and  appoint  a  council  of  state,  consisting  of 
native  residents  from  every  Province,  for  the  period  of  one 
year.  The  committee  was  further  authorised  to  arrange  the 
commission  for  the  governor,  in  accordance  with  these  points  ; 
and  to  draw  up  a  set  of  instructions  for  the  state-council,  to 
the  satisfaction  of  his  Excellency.  The  committee  was  also 
empowered  to  conclude  the  matter  at  once,  without  further 
reference  to  the  States.' 

Certainly  a  committee  thus  instructed  was  likely  to  be 
sufficiently  pliant.  It  had  need  to  be,  in  order  to  bend  to 
the  humour  of  his  Excellency,  which  was  already  becoming 
imperious.      The    adulation    which    he    had    received,    the 


1  Leicester  to  Davison,  -  Jan.    1586. 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Davison  answered 
in  the  same  strain,  assuring  tiie  Earl 
that  lie  had  taken  the  Estates  well  to 
tasli  for  wishing  to  "  prescribe  in- 
structions after  their  grant  of  an  au- 
thority absolute,"  and  informing  him 
that  they  were  "  very  sorry  any  thing 


should   fall   out  might   justly   distaste 

IS 

him.      Davison   to   Leicester,   —    Jan. 
1586.     Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  viii  p.  4, 

14 

MS.     -  Jan.  1586.     See  Bruce,  p.  59. 
2  Resol.  Stat.  Gen.  ---  Jan.  1586L 

18      SI 

MS. 


406  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VU 

triumphal  marches,  the  Latin  orations,  the  flowers  strewn  in 
liis  path,  had  produced  their  effect,  and  the  Earl  was  almost 
inclined  to  assume  the  airs  of  royalty.  The  committee 
waited  upon  him  at  Leyden.  He  affected  a  reluctance  to 
accept  the  "  absolute  "  government,  but  his  coyness  could  not 
deceive  such  experienced  statesmen  as  the  "  wise  old  Leo- 
ninus,"  or  Menin,  Maalzoon,  Floris  Thin,  or  Aitzma,  who 
composed  the  deputation.  It  was  obvious  enough  to  them 
that  it  was  not  a  King  Log  that  had  descended  among  them  , 
but  it  was  not  a  moment  for  complaining.  The  governor- 
elect  insisted,  of  course,  that  the  two  Englishmen,  according 
to  the  treaty  with  her  Majesty,  should  be  members  of  the 
council.  He  also,  at  once,  nominated  Leoninus,  Meetkerk, 
Brederode,  Falck,  and  Paul  Buys,  to  the  same  office  ;  thinking, 
no  doubt,  that  these  were  five  keepers — if  keepers  he  must 
have — who  would  not  draw  his  nose  off  the  scent,  nor 
prevent  his  reaching  the  game  he  hunted,  whatever  that 
game  might  be.  It  was  reserved  for  the  future,  however,  to 
show,  whether  the  five  were  like  to  hunt  in  company  with 
him  as  harmoriiously  as  he  hoped.  As  to  the  other  coun- 
sellors, he  expressed  a  willingness  that  candidates  should  be 
proposed  for  him,  as  to  whose  qualifications  he  would  make 
up  his  miind  at  leisure. ' 

This  matter  being  satisfactorily  adjusted — and  certainly 
unless  the  game  pursued  by  the  Earl  was  a  crown  royal,  he 
ought  to  have  been  satisfied  with  his  success — the  States  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  their  committee  at  Leyden,  informing 
them  that  his  Excellency,  after  some  previous  protestations, 
had  accepted  the  government  (24th  January,  1586).^ 

It  was  agreed  that  he  should  be  inaugurated  Governor- 
General  of  the  United  Provinces  of  Gelderland  and  Zutphen, 
Flanders,  Holland,  Zeeland,  Utrecht,  Friesland,  and  all  others 
in  confederacy  with  them.  He  was  to  have  supreme  military 
command  by  land  and  sea.  He  was  to  exercise  supreme 
authority   in  matters   civil   and   political,    according   to    the 

'  Kesol.  Stat.  Gen.  -  Jan.  1586,  MS.  '  Ibid. 

24 


1586.  THE    EARL   ACCEPTS   THE    OFFICE.  407 

customs  prevalent  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 
All  officers,  political,  civil,  legal,  were  to  be  appointed  by 
him  out  of  a  double  or  triple  nomination  made  by  the  States 
of  the  Provinces  in  which  vacancies  might  occur.  The 
States-General  were  to  assemble  whenever  and  wherever  he 
should  summon  them.  They  were  also — as  were  the  States 
of  each  separate  Province  —  competent  to  meet  together 
by  their  own  appointment.  The  Governor-General  was  to 
receive  an  oath  of  fidelity  from  the  States,  and  himself  to 
swear  the  maintenance  of  the  ancient  laws,  customs,  and 
privileges  of  the  country.^ 

The  deed  was  done.  In  vain  had  an  emissary  of  the  French 
court  been  exerting  his  utmost  to  prevent  the  consummation 
of  this  close  alliance.  For  the  wretched  government  of 
Henry  III.,  while  abasing  itself  before  Philip  II.,  and  offering 
the  fair  cities  and  fertile  plains  of  France  as  a  sacrifice  to 
that  insatiable  ambition  which  wore  the  mask  of  religious 
bigotry,  was  most  anxious  that  Holland  and  England  should 
not  escape  the  meshes  by  which  it  was  itself  enveloped. 
The  agent  at  the  Hague  came  nominally  upon  some  mercan- 
tile affairs,  but  in  reality,  according  to  Leicester,  "  to  impeach 
the  States  from  binding  themselves  to  her  Majesty.^  But  he 
was  informed  that  there  was  then  no  leisure  for  his  affairs, 
"for  the  States  would  attend  to  the  service  of  the  Queen  of 
England,  before  all  princes  in  the  world."  The  agent  did  not 
feel  complimented  by  the  coolness  of  this  reception  ;  yet  it 
was  reasonable  enough,  certainly,  that  the  Hollanders  should 
femember  with  bitterness  the  contumely  which  they  had 
experienced  the  previous  year  in  France.  The  emissary  was, 
however,  much  disgusted.  "  The  fellow,"  said  Leicester, 
"  took  it  in  such  snuff,  that  he  came  proudly  to  the  States, 
and  offered  his  letters,  saying  ;  "  Now  I  trust  you  have  done 
all  your  sacrifices  to  the  Queen  of  England,  and  may  yield 
me  some  leisure  to  read  my  master's  letters."  "  But  they  so 
shook  him  up,"  continued  the  Earl,  "  for  naming  her  Majesty 

'  Groot  Plakaatboek,  iv.  81.     Bor,  II.  686.     "Wagenaar,  viii.  115-117. 

,  T3  ^„     -M  Dec.  1585 

■*  Bruce,  47, 

10  Jan.  ICSti 


408  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  Yll 

in  scorn — as  they  took  it — that  thoy  hurled  him  his  letters, 
and  bid  him  content  himself ;  "  and  so  on,  much  to  the  agent's 
discomfiture,  who  retired  in  greater  "  snuff"  than  ever.' 

So  much  for  the  French  influence.  And  now  Leicester 
had  done  exactly  what  the  most  imperious  woman  in  the 
world,  whose  favour  was  the  breath  of  his  life,  had  expressly 
forbidden  him  to  do.  The  step  having  been  taken,  the  prize 
so  tempting  to  his  ambition  having  been  snatched,  and  the 
policy  which  had  governed  the  united  action  of  the  States  and 
himself  seeming  so  sound,  what  ought  he  to  have  done  in 
order  to  avert  the  tempest  which  he  must  have  foreseen  ? 
Surely  a  man  who  knew  so  much  of  woman's  nature  and  of 
Elizabeth's  nature  as  he  did,  ought  to  have  attempted  to 
conciliate  her  affections,  after  having  so  deeply  wounded  her 
pride.  He  knew  his  power.  Besides  the  graces  of  his  person 
and  manner — 'Which  few  women,  once  impressed  by  them, 
could  ever  forget — he  possessed  the  most  insidious  and  flatter- 
ing eloquence,  and,  in  absence,  his  pen  was  as  wily  as  his 
tongue.  For  the  Earl  was  imbued  with  the  very  genius  of 
courtship.  None  was  better  skilled  than  he  in  the  phrases  of 
rapturous  devotion,  which  were  music  to  the  ear  both  of  the 
woman  and  the  Queen  ;  and  he  know  his  royal  mistress  too 
well  not  to  be  aware  that  the  language  of  passionate  idolatry, 
however  extravagant,  had  rarely  fallen  unheeded  upon  her 
soul.  It  was  strange  therefore,  that  in  this  emergency,  he 
should  not  at  once  throw  himself  upon  her  compassion  without 
any  mediator.  Yet,  on  the  contrary,  he  committed  the 
monstrous  error  of  entrusting  his  defence  to  envoy  Davison, 
whom  he  determined  to  despatch  at  once  with  instructions  to 
the  Queen,  and  towards  whom  he  committed  the  grave  offence 
of  concealing  from  him  her  previous  prohibitions.  But  how 
could  the  Earl  fail  to  perceive  that  it  was  the  woman,  not  the 
Queen,  whom  he  should  have  implored  for  pardon  ;  that  it  was 
Robert  Dudley,  not  William  Davison,  who  ought  to  have 
sued  upon  his  knees.     This  whole  matter  of  the  Netherland 

,  ,       ,  ^  ,      ^    31  Dec.  1585 

'  Bruce  s    Leyc.  Corresp.  47,  . 


1586.  HIS  AMBITION    AND    MISTAKES.  409 

sovereignty  and  the  Leicester  stadholderate,  forms  a  strange 
psychological  study,  which  deserves  and  requires  some  minute- 
ness of  attention  ;  for  it  was  by  the  characteristics  of  these 
eminent  personages  that  the  current  history  was  deeply 
stamped. 

Certainly,  under  the  pecuhar  circumstances  *of  the  case,  the 
first  letter  conveying  intelligence  so  likely  to  pique  the  pride 
of  Elizabeth,  should  have  been  a  letter  from  Leicester.  Ou 
the  contrary,  it  proved  to  be  a  dull  formal  epistle  from  the 
States. 

y  And  here  again  the  assistance  of  the  indispensable  Davison 
was  considered  necessary.  On  the  3rd  February  the  ambas- 
sador— having  announced  his  intention  of  going  to  3  peb. 
England,  by  command  of  his  Excellency,  so  soon  as  ^^^^• 
the  Earl  should  have  been  inaugurated,  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
plaining all  these  important  transactions  to  her  Majesty — waited 
upon  the  States  with  the  request  that  they  should  prepare  as 
speedily  as  might  be  their  letter  to  the  Queen,  with  other 
necessary  documents,  to  be  entrusted  to  his  care.  He  also 
suggested  that  the  draft  or  minute  of  their  proposed  epistle 
should  be  submitted  to  him  for  advice — "  because  the  humours 
of  her  Majesty  were  best  known  to  him."^ 

Now  the  humours  of  her  Majesty  were  best  known  to 
Leicester  of  all  men  in  the  whole  world,  and  it  is  inconceivable 
that  he  should  have  allowed  so  many  days  and  weeks  to  pass 
without  taking  these  humours  properly  into  account.  But 
the  Earl's  head  was  slightly  turned  by  his  sudden  and  un- 
expected success.  The  game  that  he  had  been  pursuing  had 
fallen  into  his  grasp,  almost  at  the  very  start,  and  it  is  not 
astonishing  that  he  should  have  been  somewhat  absorbed  in 
the  enjoyment  of  his  victory. 

Three  days  later  (6th  February)  the  minute  of  a  letter  to 
Elizabeth,  drawn  up  by  Menin,  was  submitted  to  the  ambas- 
sador ;  eight  days  after  that  (14th  February)  Mr.  Davison 
took  leave  of  the  States,  and  set  forth  for  the  Brill  on  his  way 
to  England  ;  and  three  or  four  days  later  yet,  he  was  still  in 

1  ResoL  Stat.  Gen.  3  Feb.  1586,  MS. 


410  THE    UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIL 

that  sea-port,  waiting  for  a  favourable  wind.^  Thus  from  the 
11th  January,  N.S.,  upon  which  day  the  first  offer  of  the 
absolute  government  had  been  made  to  Leicester,  nearly  forty 
days  had  elapsed,  during  which  long  period  the  disobedient 
Earl  had  not  sent  one  line,  private  or  official,  to  her  Majesty 
on  this  most  important  subject.  And  when  at  last  the  Queen 
was  to  receive  information  of  her  favourite's  delinquency,  it 
was  not  to  be  in  his  well-known  handwriting  and  accompanied 
by  his  penitent  tears  and  written  caresses,  but  to  be  laid 
before  her  with  all  the  formality  of  parchment  and  sealing- 
wax,  in  the  stilted  diplomatic  jargon  of  those  "  highly-mighty, 
very  learned,  wise,  and  very  foreseeing  gentlemen,  my  lords 
the  States-General."  Nothing  could  have  been  managed  with 
less  adroitness. 

Meantime,  not    heeding    the  storm   gathering   beyond  the 

narrow  seas,  the  new  governor  was  enjoying  the  full  sunshine 

4  Feb.,     of  power.     On  the  4th  February  the  ceremony  of 

I58e.  jjjg  inauguration  took  place,  with  great  pomp  and 
ceremony  at  the  Hague."  ^ 

The  beautiful,  placid,  village-capital  of  Holland  wore  much 
the  same  aspect  at  that  day  as  now.  Clean,  quiet,  spacious 
streets,  shaded  with  rows  of  whispering  poplars  and  umbrageous 
limes,  broad  sleepy  canals — those  liquid  highways  along  which 
glided  in  phantom  silence  the  bustle,  and  traffic,  and  countless 
cares  of  a  stirring  population — quaint  toppling  houses,  with 
tower  and  gable  ;  ancient  brick  churches,  with  slender  spire 
and  musical  chimes  ;  thatched  cottages  on  the  outskirts,  with 
stork- nests  on  the  roofs — the  whole  without  fortification  save 
the  watery  defences  which  enclosed  it  with  long-drawn  lines , 
on  every  side  ;  such  was  the  Count's  park,  or  's  Graven  Haage, 
in  English  called  the  Hague. 

It  was  embowered  and  almost  buried  out  of  sight  by  vast 
groves  of  oaks  and  beeches.  Ancient  Badahuennan  forests 
of  sanguinary  Druids,  the  "wild  wood  without  mercy"  of 
Saxon  savages,  where,  at  a  later  period,  sovereign  Dirks  and 

»  Resol.  Stat.  Gen.  6-20  Feb.  1586,  MS. 
'  Resol.  Stat.  Gen.  4  Feb.  1586,  MS. 


}586.  HIS  INSTALLATION    AT  THE   HAGUE.  411 

Florences,  in  long  succession  of  centuries,  had  ridden  abroad 
with  lance  in  rest,  or  hawk  on  fist ;  or  under  whose  boughs, 
in  still  nearer  days,  the  gentle  Jacqueline  had  pondered  and 
wept  over  her  sorrows,  stretched  out  in  eyery  direction  between 
the  city  and  the  neighbouring  sea.  In  the  heart  of  the  place 
stood  the  ancient  palace  of  the  counts,  built  in  the  thirteenth 
centuiy  by  William  II.  of  Holland,  King  of  the  Romans, 
with  massive  brick  walls,  cylindrical  turrets,  pointed  gable 
and  rose-shaped  windows,  and  with  spacious  couit-yard,  en- 
closed by  feudal  moat,  drawbridge,  and  portcullis. 

In  the  great  banqueting-hall  of  the  ancient  palace,  whose 
cedarn-roof  of  magnificent  timber-work,  brought  by  crusading 
counts  from  the  Holy  Land,  had  rung  with  the  echoes  of  many 
a  gigantic  revel  in  the  days  of  chivalry — an  apartment  one 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  long  and  forty  feet  high — there  had 
been  arranged  an  elevated  platform,  with  a  splendid  chair  of 
state  for  the  "  absolute  "  governor,  and  with  a  great  profusion 
of  gilding  and  velvet  tapestry,  hangings,  gilt  emblems,  com- 
plimentary devices,  lions,  unicorns,  and  other  imposing  appur- 
tenances. Prince  Maurice,  and  all  the  members  of  his  house, 
the  States-General  in  full  costume,  and  all  the  great  func- 
tionaries, civil  and  military,  were  assembled.  There  was  an 
elaborate  harangue  by  orator  Menin,  in  which  it  was  proved, 
by  copious  citations  from  Holy  Writ  and  from  ancient 
chronicle,  that  the  Lord  never  forsakes  His  own  ;  so  that 
now,  when  the  Provinces  were  at  their  last  gasp  by  the  death 
of  Orange  and  the  loss  of  Antwerp,  the  Queen  of  England 
and  the  Earl  of  Leicester  had  suddenly  descended,  as  if  from 
Heaven,  to  their  rescue.  Then  the  oaths  of  mutual  fidelity 
were  exchanged  between  the  governor  and  the  States,  and, 
in  conclusion.  Dr.  Bartholomew  Clerk  ventured  to  measure 
himself  with  the  "big  fellows,"  by  pronouncing  an  oration 
which  seemed  to  command  universal  approbation.  And  thus 
the  Earl  was  duly  installed  Governor- General  of  the  United 
States  of  the  Netherlands.^ 

1  Kesol.  Stat.  Gen.  4  Feb.  1586,  MS.     Bor,  IL  688,  689.     Wagenaar,  viil 
115,  seq.     Holinshed,  iv.  617,  seq.     Stowe,  715,  seq. 


412 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VII. 


But  already  the  first  mutterings  of  the  storm  were  audible. 
A  bird  in  the  air  had  whispered  to  the  Queen  that  her 
favourite  was  inclined  to  disobedience.  "  Some  flying  tale 
hath  been  told  me  here,"  wrote  Leicester  to  Walsingham, 
"  that  her  Majesty  should  mislike  my  name  of  Excellency. 
But  if  I  had  delighted,  or  would  have  received  titles,  I  refused 
a  title  higher  than  Excellency,  as  Mr.  Davison,  if  you  ask 
him,  will  tell  you  ;  and  that  I,  my  own  self,  refused  most 
earnestly  that,  and,  if  I  might  have  done  it,  this  also."' 
Certainly,  if  the  Queen  objected  to  this  common  form  of 
address,  which  had  always  been  bestowed  upon  Leicester,  as 
he  himself  observed,  ever  since  she  had  made  him  an  earl,^ 
it  might  be  supposed  that  her  wrath  would  mount  high  when 
she  should  hear  of  him  as  absolute  governor-general.  It  is 
also  difficult  to  say  what  higher  title  he  had  refused,  for 
certainly  the  records  show  that  he  had  refused  nothing,  in 
\ — the  way  of  power  and  dignity,  that  it  was  possible  for  him  to 
obtain. 

But  very  soon  afterwards  arrived  authentic  intelligence 
that  the  Queen  had  been  informed  of  the  proposition  made 
on  New  Year's-Day  (0.  S.),  and  that,  although  she  could 
not  imagine  the  possibility  of  his  accepting,  she  was  indignant 
that  he  had  not  peremptorily  rejected  the  offer, 

"  As  to  the  proposal  made  to  you,"  wrote  Burghley,  "by  the 
mouth  of  Leoninus,  her  Majesty  hath  been  informed  that  you 
had  thanked  them  in  her  name,  and  alledged  that  there  was 
no  such  thing  in  the  contract,  and  that  therefore  you  could 
not  accept  nor  knew  how  to  answer  the  same."^ 

Now  this  information  was  obviously  far  from  correct, 
although  it  had  been  furnished  by  the  Earl  himself  to 
Burghley.  We  have  seen  that  Leicester  had  by  no  means 
rejected,  but  very  gratefully  entertained,  the  proposition  as 


'  Brace's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  94,  — 
Feb.  1586.  " 

'^  Compare  Camden,  III.  399,  "  being 
derided  by  those  that  envied  him,  and 
the  title  of  Excellency,  which  of  all 
Englishmen,  he  was  the  first  that  ever 


used,    exploded   and    tripped    off   the 
stage." 

*  Burghley  (in  his  own  hand)  to 
Leicester,  "-'"•  1586.  S.  P.  Office 
MS. 


96  Jan. 
6~Feb. 


1Q86.  INTIMATIONS   OF   THE   QUEEN'S   DISPLEASURE.  413 

soon  as  made.  Nevertheless  the  Queen  was  dissatisfied,  evet 
without  suspecting  that  she  had  been  directly  disobeyed. 
"Her  Majesty,"  continued  the  Lord- Treasurer,  "is  much 
offended  with  this  2)roceeding.  She  allows  not  that  you 
should  give  them  thanks,  but  findeth  it  very  strange  that  you 
did  not  plainly  declare  to  them  that  they  did  well  know  how 
often  her  Majesty  had  refused  to  have  any  one  for  her  take 
any  such  government  there,  and  that  she  had  always  so 
answered  peremptorily.  Therefore  there  might  be  some 
suspicion  conceived  that  by  offering  on  their  part,  and  refusal 
on  hers,  some  further  mischief  might  be  secretly  hidden  by 
some  odd  person's  device  to  the  hurt  of  the  cause.  But  in 
that  your  Lordship  did  not  flatly  say  to  them  that  yourself 
did  know  her  Majesty's  mind  therein,  that  she  never  meant, 
in  this  sort,  to  take  the  absolute  government,  she  is  offended ; 
considering,  as  she  saith,  that  none  knew  her  determination 
therein  better  than  yourself.  For  at  your  going  hence,  she 
did  peremptorily  charge  you  not  to  accept  any  such  title  and 
office  ;  and  therefore  her  straight  commandment  now  is  that 
you  shall  not  accept  the  same,  for  she  will  never  assent  thereto, 
nor  avow  you  with  any  such  title."  ^ 

If  Elizabeth  was  so  wrathful,  even  while  supposing  that  the 
offer  had  been  gratefully  declined,  what  were  likely  to  be  her 
emotions  when  she  should  be  informed  that  it  had  been  grate- 
fully accepted.  The  Earl  already  began  to  tremble  at  the 
probable  consequences  of  his  mal-adroitness.  Grave  was  the 
error  he  had  committed  in  getting  himself  made  governor^ 
general  against  orders  ;  graver  still,  perhaps  fatal,  the  blundei 
of  not  being  swift  to  confess  his  fault,  and  cry  for  pardon, 
before  other  tongues  should  have  time  to  aggravate  his 
offence.  Yet  even  now  he  shrank  from  addressing  the  Queen 
in  person,  but  hoped  to  conjure  the  rising  storm  by  means  of 
the  magic  wand  of  the  Lord-Treasurer.  He  implored  hia 
friend's  interposition  to  shield  him  in  the  emergency,  and 
begged  that  at  least  her  Majesty  and  the  lords  of  council 
would   suspend   their   judgment  until   Mr.    Davison   should 

1  Burghley  to  Leicaster,  MS.  before  cited. 


414  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  VII. 

deliver  those  messages  and  explanations  with  which,  fully 
freighted,  he  was  about  to  set  sail  from  the  Brill. 

"  If  my  reasons  seem  to  your  wisdoms,"  said  he,  "  other 
than  such  as  might  well  move  a  true  and  a  faithful  careful 
man  to  her  Majesty  to  do  as  I  have  done,  I  do  desire,  for  my 
mistaking  offence,  to  bear  the  burden  of  it ;  to  be  disavowed 
with  all  disjjleasure  and  disgrace  ;  a  matter  of  as  great  re- 
proach and  grief  as  ever  can  happen  to  any  man."  He 
begged  that  another  person  might  be  sent  as  soon  as  possible 
in  his  place — protesting,  however,  by  his  faith  in  Christ,  that 
he  had  done  only  what  he  was  bound  to  do  by  liis  regard  for 
her  Majesty's  service — and  that  when  he  set  foot  in  the 
country  he  had  no  more  expected  to  be  made  Governor  of 
the  Netherlands  than  to  be  made  King  of  Spain.^  Certainly 
he  had  been  paying  dear  for  the  honour,  if  honour  it  was, 
and  he  had  not  intended  on  setting  forth  for  the  Provinces  to 
ruin  himself,  for  the  sake  of  an  empty  title.  His  motives — ■ 
and  he  was  honest,  when  he  so  avowed  them — were  motives 
of  state  at  least  as  much  as  of  self-advancement."^  "I  have 
no  cause,"  he  said,  "  to  have  played  the  fool  thus  far  for 
myself ;  first,  to  have  her  Majesty's  displeasure,  which  no 
kingdom  in  the  world  could  make  me  willingly  deserve  ;  next, 
to  undo  myself  in  my  later  days  ;  to  consume  all  that  should 
have  kept  me  all  my  life  in  one  half  year.  But  I  must  thank 
God  for  all,  and  am  most  heartily  grieved  at  her  Majesty's 
heavy  displeasure.  I  neither  desire  to  live,  nor  to  see  my 
country  with  it."^ 

And  at  this  bitter  thought,  he  began  to  sigh  like  furnace, 
and  to  shed  the  big  tears  of  penitence. 

"  For  if  I  have  not  done  her  Majesty  good  service  at  this 
time,"  he  said,  "I  shall  never  hope  to  do  her  any,  but  will 
withdraw  me  into  some  out-corner  of  the  world,  where  I  will 
languish  out  the  rest  of  my  few — too  many — days,  praying 
ever  for  her  Majesty's  long  and  prosperous  life,  and  with  this 
only  comfort  to  Hve  an  exile,  that  this  disgrace  hath  happened 

*  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  96,  97,  -  Feb.  1586. 
•Ibid.  "     'Ibid. 


1586.  DEPRECATORY   LETTERS   OF   LEICESTER.  415 

for  no  other  cause  but  for  my  mere  regard  for  her  Majesty's 
estate."  ^ 

Having  painted  this  dismal  picture  of  the  probable  termi- 
nation to  his  career — not  in  the  hope  of  melting  Burghley, 
but  of  touching  the  heart  of  Elizabeth — he  proceeded  to  argue 
the  point  in  question  with  much  logic  and  sagacity.  He  had 
satisfied  himself  on  his  arrival  in  the  Provinces,  that,  if  he 
did  not  take  the  governor-generalship  some  other  person 
would ;  and  that  it  certainly  was  for  the  interest  of  her 
Majesty  that  her  devoted  servant,  rather  than  an  indifferent 
person,  should  be  placed  in  that  important  position.  He 
maintained  that  the  Queen  had  intimated  to  him,  in  private, 
her  willingness  that  he  should  accept  the  office  in  question, 
provided  the  proposition  should  come  from  the  States  and  not 
from  her  ;  he  reasoned  that  the  double  nature  of  his  functions 
— being  general  and  counsellor  for  her,  as  well  as  general 
and  counsellor  for  the  Provinces — made  his  acceptance  of 
the  authority  conferred  on  him  almost  indispensable  ;  that 
for  him  to  be  merely  commander  over  five  thousand  English 
troops,  when  an  abler  soldier  than  himself.  Sir  John  Norris, 
was  at  their  head,  was  hardly  worthy  her  Majesty's  service 
or  himself,  and  that  in  reality  the  Queen  had  lost  nothing, 
by  his  appointment,  but  had  gained  much  benefit  and  honour 
by  thus  having  "  the  whole  command  of  the  Provinces,  of 
their  forces  by  land  and  sea,  of  their  towns  and  treasures, 
with  knowledge  of  all  their  secrets  of  state."  ^ 

Then,  relapsing  into  a  vein  of  tender  but  reproachful 
melancholy,  he  observed,  that,  if  it  had  been  any  man  but 
himself  that  had  done  as  he  had  done,  he  would  have  been 
thanked,  not  censured.  "  But  such  is  now  my  wretched  case," 
Jie  said,  "as  for  my  faithful,  true,  and  loving  heart  to  her 
Majesty  and  my  country,  I  have  utterly  undone  myself  For 
favour,  I  have  disgrace ;  for  reward,  utter  spoil  and  ruin. 
But  if  this  taking  upon  me  the  name  of  governor  is  so  evil 
taken  as  it  hath  deserved  dishonour,  discredit,  disfavour,  with 


«  Bruce,  98,  -  Feb.  1.586.  Ibid.  100-102,  -  Feb.  1586. 


416  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VH 

all  griefs  that  may  be  laid  upon  a  man,  I  must  receive 
it  as  deserved  of  God  and  not  of  my  Queen,  whom  I  have 
reverenced  with  all  humility,  and  whom  I  have  loved  with  all 
fidelity." » 

This  was  the  true  way,  no  doubt,  to  reach  the  heart  of 
Elizabeth,  and  Leicester  had  always  plenty  of  such  shafts  in 
bis  quiver.  Unfortunately  he  had  delayed  too  long,  and 
even  now  he  dared  not  take  a  direct  aim.  He  feared ,  to 
write  to  the  Queen  herself,  thinking  that  his  so  doing,  "  while 
she  had  such  conceipts  of  him,  would  only  trouble  her,"  and 
he  therefore  continued  to  employ  the  Lord- Treasurer  and 
Mr.  Secretary  as  his  mediators.  Thus  he  committed  error 
upon  error. 

Meantime,  as  if  there  had  not  been  procrastination  enough, 
Davison  was  loitering  at  the  Brill,  detained  by  wind  and 
weather.  Two  days  after  the  letter,  just  cited,  had  been 
despatched  to  Walsingham,  Leicester  sent  an  impatient 
10  ,      message  to  the  envoy.     "  I  am  heartily  sorry,  with 

^0  '  "  all  my  heart,"  he  said,  "  to  hear  of  your  long  stay 
at  Brill,  the  wind  serving  so  fair  as  it  hath  done  these  two 
days.  I  would  have  laid  any  wager  that  you  had  been  in 
England  ere  this.  I  pray  you  make  haste,  lest  our  cause  take 
too  great  a  prejudice  there  ere  you  come,  although  I  cannot 
fear  it,  because  it  is  so  good  and  honest.  I  pray  you  imagine 
in  what  care  I  dwell  till  I  shall  hear  from  you,  albeit  some 
way  very  resolute."^ 

Thus  it  was  obvious  that  he  had  no  secret  despair  of  his 
cause  when  it  should  be  thoroughly  laid  before  the  Queen.  The 
wonder  was  that  he  had  added  the  offence  of  long  silence  to  the 
sin  of  disobedience.  Davison  had  sailed,  however,  before  the 
receipt  of  the  Earl's  letter.  He  had  been  furnished  with  care- 
ful instructions  upon  the  subject  of  his  mission.  He  was  to 
show  how  eager  the  States  had  been  to  have  Leicester  for 
their  absolute  governor — which  was  perfectly  true — and  how 

'  Bruce,  100-102,  just  cited. 
«  Leicester  to  Davison,  -  Feb.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


158«.  DAVISON'S   MISSION   TO   ENGLAND.  417 

anxious  the  Earl  had  been  to  dedine  the  proffered  honour — ■ 
which  was  certainly  false,  if  contemporary  record  and  the 
minutes  of  the  States-General  are  to  be  helieved.  He  was  to 
sketch  the  general  confusion  which  had  descended  upon  the 
country,  the  quarrelling  of  politicians,  and  the  discontent  of 
officers  and  soldiers,  from  out  of  all  which  chaos  one  of  two 
results  was  sure  to  arise  :  the  erection  of  a  single  chieftain,  or 
a  reconciliation  of  the  Provinces  with  Spain.  That  it  would 
be  impossible  for  the  Earl  to  exercise  the  double  functions 
with  which  he  was  charged — of  general  of  her  Majesty's 
forces,  and  general  and  chief  counsellor  of  the  States — if 
any  other  man  than  himself  should  be  appointed  governor, 
was  obvious.  It  was  equally  plain  that  the  Provinces  could 
only  be  kept  at  her  Majesty's  disposition  by  choosing  the 
course  which,  at  their  own  suggestion,  had  been  adopted.  The 
offer  of  the  government  by  the  States,  and  its  acceptance  by 
the  Earl,  were  the  logical  consequence  of  the  step  which  the 
Queen  had  already  taken.  It  was  thus  only  that  England 
could  retain  her  hold  upon  the  country,  and  even  upon  the 
cautionary  towns.  As  to  a  reconciliation  of  the  Provinces 
with  Spain — which  would  have  been  the  probable  result  of 
Leicester's  rejection  of  the  jiroposition  made  by  the  States — 
it  was  unnecessary  to  do  more  than  allude  to  such  a  cata- 
strophe. No  one  but  a  madman  could  doubt  that,  in  such  an 
event,  the  subjugation  of  England  was  almost  certain.' 

But  before  the  arrival  of  the  ambassador,  the  Queen  had 
been  thoroughly  informed  as  to  the  whole  extent  of  the  Earl's 
delinquency.  Dire  was  the  result.  The  wintry  gales  which 
had  been  lashing  the  North  Sea,  and  preventing  the  unfor- 
tunate Davison  from  setting  forth  on  his  disastrous  mission, 
were  nothing  to  the  tempest  of  royal  wrath  which  had  been 
shaking  the  court-world  to  its  centre.  The  Queen  had  been 
swearing  most  fearfully  ever  since  she  read  the  news,  which 
Leicester  had  not  dared  to  communicate  directly  to  herself. 
No  one  was  allowed  to  speak  a  word  in  extenuation  of  the 

'  Remembrances  for  Mr.  Davison,  in  Bruce,  80-82,  Feb.  1586. 

VOL.  I.— 2  C 


418  TIIK    UNITED    NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  YIi. 

favourite's  oflfence.  Burgliley,  who  lifted  up  his  voice  some- 
what feebly  to  appease  her  wrath,  was  bid,  with  a  curse,  to 
hold  his  peace.  So  he  took  to  his  bed — j)artly  from  prudence, 
])artly  from  gout — and  thus  sheltered  himself  for  a  season 
from  the  peltings  of  the  storm.  Walsingham,  more  manful, 
stood  to  his  post,  but  could  not  gain  a  hearing.  It  was  the 
culj)rit  that  should  have  spoken,  and  spoken  in  time.  "  Why, 
why  did  you  not  write  yourself  ?"  was  the  plaintive  cry  of  all 
the  Earl's  friends,  from  highest  to  humblest.  "  But  write  to 
her  now,"  they  exclaimed,  "  at  any  rate  ;  and,  above  all,  send 
her  a  present,  a  love-gift."  "  Lay  out  two  or  three  hundred 
crowns  in  some  rare  thing,  for  a  token  to  her  Majesty,"  said 
Christopher  Hatton.^ 

Strange  that  his  colleagues  and  his  rivals  should  have  been 
obliged  to  advise  Leicester  upon  the  proper  course  to  pursue  ; 
that  they — not  himself — 'sliould  have  been  the  first  to  perceive 
that  it  was  the  enraged  woman,  even  more  than  the  offended 
sovereign,  who  was  to  be  pro23itiated  and  soothed.  In  truth,  all 
the  woman,  had  been  aroused  in  Elizabeth's  bosom.  She  was 
displeased  that  her  favourite  should  derive  power  and  splen- 
dour from  any  source  but  her  own  bounty.  She  was  furious 
that  his  wife,  whom  she  hated,  was  about  to  share  in  his 
honours.  For  the  mischievous  tongues  of  court-ladies  had 
been  collecting  or  fabricating  many  unpleasant  rumours.  A 
swarm  of  idle  but  piquant  stories  had  been  buzzing  about 
the  Queen's  ears,  and  stinging  her  into  a  frenzy  of  jealousy. 
The  Countess — it  was  said — was  on  the  point  of  setting  forth 
for  the  Netherlands,  to  join  the  Earl,  with  a  train  of  courtiers 
and  ladies,  coaches  and  side-saddles,  such  as  were  never  seen 
before — where  the  two  were  about  to  establish  themiselves  in 
conjugal  felicity,  as  well  as  almost  royal  state.  What  a  pros- 
pect for  the  jealous  and  imperious  sovereign  !  "  Coaches  and 
side-saddles  !  She  would  show  the  upstarts  that  there  was 
one  Queen,  and  that  her  name  was  Elizabeth,  and  that  there 
was  no  court   but  hers."      And   so  she  continued  to  storm 

'  Bruce'a  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  113,  114,  -  Feb.  1586. 


1586. 


QUEEN'S   ANGER   AND   JEALOUSY. 


419 


and  swear,  and  threaten  unutterable  vengeance,  till  all  her 
courtiers  quaked  in  their  shoes.^ 

Thomas  Dudley,  however,  warmly  contradicted  the  report, 
declaring,  of  his  own  knowledge,  that  the  Countess  had  no 
wish  to  go  to  the  Provinces,  nor  the  Earl  any  intention  of 
receiving  her  there.  This  information  was  at  once  conveyed 
to  the  Queen,  "  and,"  said  Dudley,  "  it  did  greatly  pacify  her 
stomach."'  His  friends  did  what  they  could  to  maintain  the 
governor's  cause ;  but  Burghley,  Walsingham,  Hatton,  and  the 
rest  of  them,  were  all  "at  their  wits'  end,"'^  and  were  nearly 
distraught  at  the  delay  in  Davison's  arrival.  Meantime  the 
Queen's  stomach  was  not  so  much  pacified  but  that  she  was 
determined  to  humiliate  the  Earl  with  the  least  possible  delay. 
Having  waited  sufficiently  long  for  his  exjilanations,  she  now 
appointed  Sir  Thomas  Heneage  as  special  commissioner  to 
the  States,  without  waiting  any  longer.  Her  wrath  vented 
itself  at  once  in  the  preamble  to  the  instructions  for  this 
agent. 

"  Whereas,"  she  said,  "  we  have  been  given  to  understand 
that  the  Earl  of  Leicester  hath  in  a  very  contemptuous  sort — 
contrary  to  our  express  commandment  given  unto  him  by  our- 
self,  accepted  of  an  offer  of  a  more  absolute  government  made 
by  the  States  unto  him,  than  was  agreed  on  between  us  and 
their  commissioners — which  kind  of  contemptible  manner  of 
proceeding  giveth  the  world  just  cause  to  think  that  there  is 
not  that  reverent  respect  carried  towards  us  by  our  subjects 
as  in  duty  appertaineth  ;  especially  seeing  so  notorious  a  con- 
tempt committed  by  one  whom  we  have  raised  up  and  yielded 
in  the  eye  of  the  world,  even  from  the  beginning  of  our  reign. 


1  "It  was  told  her  Majesty,"  wrote 
Thomas  Dudley,  "  that  my  lady  was 
prepared  presently  to  come  over  to 
your  Excellency,  with  such  a  train  of 
ladies  and  gentlewomen,  and  such  rich 
coaches,  litters,  and  s'de-saddles,  as 
her  Majesty  had  none  such;  and  that 
there  should  be  such  a  court  of  ladies 
as  should  far  pass  her  Majesty's  court 
here.  This  information  (though  most 
false)  did  not  a  little  stir  her  Majesty 
to   extreme   choler   and  dislike   of  all 


your  doings  there ;  saying,  with  great 
oaths,  she  would  have  no  more  courts 
under  her  obeisance  than  her  own, 
and  would  revoke  you  from  thence 
with  all  speed.  This  Mr.  Vice-Cham- 
berlain (Hatton)  told  me  in  great 
secret,  and  afterwards  Mr.  Secretary, 
and   last   of  all   my  Lord   Treasurer." 

Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  112,  -  Feb 

158G. 

'  Ibid.  3  Ibid. 


420 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  Til. 


as  great  portion  of  our  favour  as  ever  subject  enjoyed  at  any 
prince's  hands  ;  we  therefore,  holding  nothing  dearer  than  our 
honour,  and  considering  that  no  one  thing  could  more  touch 
our  reputation  than  to  induce  so  open  and  public  a  faction  of 
a  prince,  and  work  a  greater  reproach  than  contempt  at  a 
subject's  hand,  without  reparation  of  our  honour,  have  found 
it  necessary  to  send  you  unto  him,  as  well  to  charge  him  with 
the  said  contempt,  as  also  to  execute  such  other  things  as  we 
think  meet  to  be  done,  for  the  justifying  of  ourselves  to  the 
world,  as  the  repairing  of  the  indignity  cast  upon  us  by  his 

undutiful  manner  of  proceeding  towards  us And  for 

that  we  find  ourselves  also  not  well  dealt  withal  by  the  States, 
in  that  they  have  pressed  the  said  Earl,  without  our  assent  or 
jirivity,  to  accept  of  a  more  absolute  government  than  was 
agreed  on  between  us  and  their  commissioners,  we  have  also 
thought  meet  that  you  shall  charge  them  therewith,  according 
to  the  directions  hereafter  ensuing.  And  to  the  end  there 
may  be  no  delay  used  in  the  execution  of  that  which  we  think 
meet  to  be  presently  done,  you  shall  charge  the  said  States, 
•  even  as  they  tender  the  continuance  of  our  good-will  towards 
them,  to  proceed  to  the  speedy  execution  of  our  request."' 

After  this  trumpet-like  preamble  it  may  be  supposed  that 
the  blast  which  followed  would  be  piercing  and  shrill.  The 
instructions,  in  truth,  consisted  in  wild,  scornful  flourishes 
upon  one  theme.  The  word  contempt  had  occurred  five 
times  in  the  brief  preamble.  It  was  repeated  in  almost  every 
line  of  the  instructions. 

"  You  shall  let  the  Earl"  (our  cousin  no  longer)  "  under- 
stand," said  the  Queen,  "  how  highly  and  justly  we  are  offended 
with  his  acceptation  of  the  government,  which  we  do  repute 
to  be  a  very  great  and  strange  contempt,  least  looked  for  at 
our  hands,  being,  as  he  is,  a  creature  of  our  own."  His 
omission  to  acquaint  her .  by  letter  with  the  causes  moving 
him  "  so  contemptuously  to   break"    her  commandment,  his 


1   The    Queen   to   Sir   Thomas    He- 
neage,  -  Feb.  1586.     fS.  P.  Office  MS.) 


The  rest  of  the  document  is  given  ii| 
Bruce,  10&  seq. 


1B86.       HER  ANGRY  LETTERS   TO   THE   EARL   AND   STATES.       421 

delay  in  sending  Davison  "  to  answer  the  said  contempt,"  had 
much  "  aggravated  the  fault,"  although  the  Queen  protested 
herself  unable  to  imagine  any  "  excuse  for  so  manifest  a  con- 
tempt." The  States  were  to  be  informed  that  she  "held  it 
strange"  that  "this  creature  of  her  own"  should  have  been 
pressed  by  them  to  "commit  so  notorious  a  contempt"  against 
her,  both  on  account  of  this  very  exhibition  of  contempt  on 
Leicester's  part,  and  because  they  thereby  "  shewed  them- 
selves to  have  a  very  slender  and  weak  conceit  of  her  judg- 
ment, by  pressing  a  minister  of  hers  to  accept  that  which  she 
had  refused,  as  though  her  long  experience  in  government 
had  not  taught  her  to  discover  what  was  fit  to  do  in  matters 
of  state."  As  the  result  of  such  a  proceeding  would  be  to 
disgrace  her  in  the  eyes  of  mankind,  by  inducing  an  opinion 
that  her  published  solemn  declaration  on  this  great  subject  had 
been  intended  to  abuse  the  world,  he  was  directed — in  order 
to  remove  the  hard  conceit  justly  to  be  taken  by  the  world, 
"in  consideration  of  the  said  contempt" — to  make  a  public 
and  open  resignation  of  the  government  in  the  place  where 
he  had  accepted  the  same.^ 

Thus  it  had  been  made  obvious  to  the  unlucky  "  creature 
of  her  own,"  that  the  Queen  did  not  easily  digest  "  contempt." 
Nevertheless  these  instructions  to  Heneage  were  gentle,  com- 
pared with  the  fierce  billet  which  she  addressed  directly  to  the 
Earl.  It  was  brief,  too,  as  the  posy  of  a  ring  ;  and  thus  it 
ran  : — "  To  my  Lord  of  Leicester,  from  the  Queen,  by  Sir 
Thomas  Heneage.  How  contemptuously  we  conceive  ourself 
to  have  been  used  by  you,  you  shall  by  this  bearer  understand, 
whom  we  have  expressly  sent  unto  you  to  charge  you  withal. 
We  could  never  have  imagined,  had  we  not  seen  it  fall  out  in 
experience,  that  a  man  raised  up  by  ourself,  and  extraor- 
dinarily favoured  by  us  above  any  other  subject  of  this  land, 
would  have,  in  so  contemptible  a  sort,  broken  our  command- 
ment, in  a  cause  that  so  greatly  toucheth  us  in  honour ; 
whereof,  although  you  have  showed  yourself  to  make  but  little 
account,  in  most  undutiful  a  sort,  you  may  not  therefore  think 

'   The  Queen  to  Sir  Thomas  Heneage,  just  cited. 


422 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.   VIL 


that  we  have  so  little  care  of  the  reparation  thereof  as  we 
mind  to  pass  so  great  a  wrong  in  silence  unredressed.  And 
therefore  our  express  pleasure  and  commandment  is,  that — ■ 
all  delays  and  excuses  laid  apart — you  do  presently,  upon  the 
duty  of  your  allegiance,  obey  and  fulfil  whatsoever  the  bearer 
hereof  shall  direct  you  to  do  in  our  name.  Whereof  fail  not, 
as  you  will  answer  the  contrary  at  your  uttermost  peril."  ^ 

Here  was  no  billing  and  cooing,  certainly,  but  a  terse,  biting 
phraseology,  about  which  there  could  be  no  misconception. 

By  the  same  messenger  the  Queen  also  sent  a  formal  letter 
to  the  States- General ;  the  epistle — mutatis  mutandis — being 
also  addressed  to  the  state-council. 

In  this  document  her  Majesty  expressed  her  great  surprise 
that  Leicester  should  have  accepted  their  offer  of  the  absolute 
government,  "  both  for  police  and  war,"  when  she  had  so  ex- 
pressly rejected  it  herself.  "  To  tell  the  truth,"  she  observed, 
"you  seem  to  have  treated  us  with  very  little  respect,  and 
put  a  too  manifest  insult  upon  us,  in  presenting  anew  to  one 
of  our  subjects  the  same  proposition  which  we  had  already 
declined,  without  at  least  waiting  for  our  answer  whether  we 
should  like  it  or  no  ;  as  if  we  had  not  sense  enough  to  be  able 
to  decide  upon  what  we  ought  to  accept  or  refuse."^  She 
proceeded  to  express  her  dissatisfaction  with  the  course  pur- 
sued, because  so  repugnant  to  her  published  declaration,  in 
which  she  had  stated  to  the  world  her  intention  of  aiding  the 
Provinces,  without  meddling  in  the  least  with  the  sovereignty! 
of  the  country.  "  The  contrary  would  now  be  believed,"  she 
said,  "  at  least  by  those  who  take  the  liberty  of  censuring, 
according  to  their  pleasure,  the  actions  of  princes."  Thus  her 
honour  was  at  stake.  She  signified  her  will,  therefore,  that^ 
in  order  to  convince  the  world  of  her  sincerity,  the  authority 
conferred  should  be  revoked,  and  that  "  the  Earl,"  whom  she  had 
decided  to  recall  very  soon,"*  should,  during  his  brief  residence 


'  Bruce's 
Feb.   1586. 


'Leyc.    Corresp.'    110,    _ 
S.  P.  Office,  J^^^  Feb! 


1586,  MS. 

»   Minute  to  tbe  States  General 


the 


like  to  the  Council   of  State — mutatis 

mutandis.     (S.   P.  Office   MS.,  Feb.  - 
1585.)  ^' 

•  "  Lequel  sommes  deliberee  de  rajj 
peller  bientot,"  &c.     MS.  ubi  sup. 


^586. 


ARRIVAL   OF   DAVISON. 


423 


there,  only  exercise  the  power  agreed  ujjon  by  the  original 
contract.  She  warmly  reiterated  her  intention,  however,  of 
observing  inviolably  the  promise  of  assistance  which  she  had 
given  to  the  States.  "  And  if,"  she  said,  "  any  malicious  or 
turbulent  spirits  should  endeavour,  perchance,  to  persuade  the 
people  that  this  our  refusal  proceeds  from  lack  of  affection  or 
honest  disposition  to  assist  you — instead  of  being  founded  only 
on  respect  for  our  honour,  which  is  dearer  to  us  than  life — we 
beg  you,  by  every  possible  means,  to  shut  their  mouths,  and 
prevent  their  pernicious  designs."^ 

Thus,  heavily  laden  with  the  royal  wrath,  Heneage  was  on 
the  point  of  leaving  London  for  the  Netherlands,  on  the  very 
day  upon  which  Davison  arrived,  charged  with  deprecatory 
missives  from  that  country.  After  his  long  detention  he  had 
a  short  passage,  crossing  from  the  Brill  to  Mai-gate  in  a  single 
night.  Coming  immediately  to  London,  he  sent  to  Walsing- 
ham  to  inquire  which  way  the  wind  was  blowing  at  court,  but 
received  a  somewhat  discouraging  reply.  "  Your  long  deten- 
tion by  his  Lordship,"  said  the  Secretary,  "  has  wounded  the 
whole  cause  ;"  adding,  that  he  thought  her  Majesty  would  not 
speak  with  him.  On  the  other  hand,  it  seemed  indispensable 
for  him  to  go  to  the  court,  because  if  the  Queen  should  hear 
of  his  arrival  before  he  had  presented  himself,  she  was  likely 
to  be  more  angry  than  ever.^ 

So,  the  same  afternoon,  Davison  waited  upon  Walsingham, 
and  found  him  in  a  state  of  despondency.  "  She  takes  his 
Lordship's  acceptance  of  the<  government  most  haynously," 
said  Sir  Francis,  "  and  has  resolved  to  send  Sir  Thomas  He- 
neage at  once,  with  orders  for  him  to  resign  the  office.  She  hag 
been  threatening  you  and  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  whom  she  con- 
siders the  chief  actors  and  persuaders  in  the  matter,  according 
to  information  received  from  some  persons  about  my  Lord  of 
Leicester."  ^ 

Davison  protested  himself  amazed  at  the  Secretary's  dis- 


'  "  Vous  taschiez  par  tous  moyens 
de  cloire  la  bouche  et  empecher  les 
jiCTiiicifux  dcssoitis  de  tel  dangereux 
iustruments,"  &c.     (Ibid.) 


'  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  117    118, 
Feb.  1586. 
3  Ibid. 


424  THE  tJUlTED  NETfiERLANDa  Chap.  VIl 

course,  and  at  once  took  great  pains  to  show  the  reasons  b^ 
which  all  parties  had  been  influenced  in  the  matter  of  the 
government.  He  declared  roundly  that  if  the  Queen  should 
carry  out  her  present  intentions,  the  Earl  would  be  most  un- 
worthily disgraced,  the  cause  utterly  overthrown,  the  Queen's 
honour  perpetually  stained,  and  that  her  kingdom  would  incur 
great  disaster. 

Directly  after  this  brief  conversation,  Walsingham  went 
up  stairs  to  the  Queen,  while  Davison  proceeded  to  the  apart* 
ments  of  Sir  Christopher  Hatton.  Thence  he  was  soon  sum- 
moned to  the  royal  presence,  and  found  that  he  had  not  been 
misinformed  as  to  the  temper  of  her  Majesty.  The  Queen 
was  indeed  in  a  passion,  and  began  swearing  at  Davison  so 
soon  as  he  got  into  the  chamber  ;  abusing  Leicester  for  having 
accepted  the  offer  of  the  States,  against  her  many  times  re- 
peated commandment,  and  the  ambassador  for  not  having 
opposed  his  course.  The  thing  had  been  done,  she  said,  in 
contempt  of  her,  as  if  her  consent  had  been  of  no  conse- 
quence, or  as  if  the  matter  in  no  way  concerned  her. 

So  soon  as  she  paused  to  take  breath,  the  envoy  modestly^ 
but  firmly,  appealed  to  her  reason,  that  she  would  at  any  rate 
lend  him  a  patient  and  favourable  ear,  in  which  case  he 
doubted  not  that  she  would  form  a  more  favourable  opinion 
of  the  case  than  she  had  hitherto  done.  He  then  entered 
into  a  long  discourse  upon  the  state  of  the  Netherlands  before 
the  arrival  of  Leicester,  the  inclination  in  many  quarters  for 
a  peace,  the  "despair  that  any. sound  and  good  fruit  would 
grow  of  her  Majesty's  cold  beginning,"  the  general  unpopu- 
larity of  the  States'  government,  the  "  corruption,  partiality, 
and  confusion,"  which  were  visible  everywhere,  the  perilous 
condition  of  the  whole  cause,  and  the  absolute  necessity  of 
some  immediate  reform. 

"  It  was  necessary,"  said  Davison,  "  that  some  one  person 
of  wisdom  and  authority  should  take  the  helm.  Among  the 
Netherlanders  none  was  qualified  for  suCh  a  charge.  Lord 
Maurice  is  a  child,  poor,  and  of  but  little  respect  among 
them.     Elector  Truchsess,   Count  Hohenlo,   Meurs,  and  the 


1586.  STORMY  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  QUEEN.  425 

rest,  strangers  and  incapable  of  the  burden.  These  considera- 
tions influenced  the  States  to  the  step  which  had  been  taken, 
without  which  all  the  rest  of  her  benevolence  was  to  little 
purpose."  Although  the  contract  between  the  commissioners 
and  the  Queen  had  not  literally  provided  for  such  an  arrange- 
ment, yet  it  had  always  been  contemplated  by  the  States,  who 
had  left  themselves  without  a  head  until  the  arrival  of  the 
Earl. 

"  Under  one  pretext  or  another,"  continued  the  envoy,  "  my 
Lord  of  Leicester  had  long  delayed  to  satisfy  them," — (and 
in  so  stating  he  went  somewhat  further  in  defence  of  his  ab- 
sent friend  than  the  facts  would  warrant),  "  for  he  neither  flatly 
refused  it,  nor  was  willing  to  accept,  until  your  Majesty's 
pleasure  should  be  known,"  ^  Certainly  the  records  show  no 
reservation  of  his  acceptance  until  the  Queen  had  been  con- 
sulted ;  but  the  defence  by  Davison  of  the  offending  Earl  was 
so  much  the  more  courageous. 

"  At  length,  wearied  by  their  importunity,  moved  with  their 
reasons,  and  compelled  by  necessity,  he  thought  it  better  to 
take  the  course  he  did,"  proceeded  the  diplomatist,  "  for 
otherwise  he  must  have  been  an  eye-witness  of  the  dismem- 
berment of  the  whole  country,  which  could  not  be  kept  to- 
gether but  by  a  reposed  hope  in  her  Majesty's  found  favour, 
which  had  been  utterly  despaired  of  by  his  refusal.  He 
thought  it  better  by  accepting  to  increase  the  honour,  profit, 
and  surety,  of  her  Majesty,  and  the  good  of  the  cause,  than, 
by  refusing,  to  utterly  hazard  the  one,  and  overthrow  the 
other."  ^ 

To  all  this  and  more,  well  and  warmly  urged  by  Davison, 
the  Queen  listened  by  fits  and  starts,  often  interrupting  his 
discourse  by  violent  abuse  of  Leicester,  accusing  him  of  con- 
tempt for  her,  charging  him  with  thinking  more  of  his  own 
particular  greatness  than  of  her  honour  and  service,  and  then 
"digressing  into  old  griefs,"  said  the  envoy,  "too  long  and 
tedious  to  write."  She  vehemently  denounced  Davison  also 
for  dereliction  of  duty  in  not  opposing  the  measure  ;    but  he 

'  Bruce,  120,  same  date.  *  Ibid. 

VOL,    I. —  IS  — 


426  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIL 

manfully  declared  that  he  never  deemed  so  meanly  of  her 
Majesty  or  of  his  Lordship  as  to  suppose  that  she  would  send 
him,  or  that  he  would  go  to  the  Provinces,  merely  "  to  take 
command  of  the  relics  of  Mr,  Norris's  worn  and  decayed 
troops."  Such  a  change,  protested  Davison,  was  utterly  un- 
worthy a  person  of  the  Earl's  quality,  and  utterly  unsuited  to 
the  necessity  of  the  time  and  state.' 

But  Davison  went  farther  in  defence  of  Leicester.  He  had 
been  present  at  many  of  the  conferences  with  the  Netherland 
envoys  during  the  preceding  summer  in  England,  and  he  now 
told  the  Queen  stoutly  to  her  face  that  she  herself,  or  at  any 
rate  one  of  her  chief  counsellors,  in  her  hearing  and  his,  had 
expressed  her  royal  determination  not  to  prevent  the  accept- 
ance of  whatever  authority  the  states  might  choose  to  confer, 
by  any  one  whom  she  might  choose  to  send.  She  had  de- 
clined to  accept  it  in  person,  but  she  had  been  willing  that  it 
should  be  wielded  by  her  deputy  ;  and  this  remembrance  of 
his  had  been  confirmed  by  that  of  one  of  the  commissioners 
since  their  return.  She  had  never — Davison  maintained — sent 
him  one  single  line  having  any  bearing  on  the  subject.  Under 
such  circumstances,  "  I  might  have  been  accused  of  madness," 
said  he,  "  to  have  dissuaded  an  action  in  my  poor  opinion  so 
necessary  and  expedient  for  your  Majesty's  honour,  surety, 
and  greatness."  If  it  were  to  do  over  again,  he  avowed,  and 
"  were  his  opinion  demanded,  he  could  give  no  other  advice 
than  that  which  he  had  given,  having  received  no  contrary 
commandment  from  her  Highness."  ^ 

And  so  ended  the  first  evening's  long  and  vehement  debate, 
and  Davison  departed,  "leaving  her,"  as  he  said,  "much 
q[ualified,  though  in  many  points  unsatisfied."^  She  had 
however,  absolutely  refused  to  receive  a  letter  from  Leicester, 
with  which  he  had  been  charged,  but  which,  in  her  opinion, 
had  better  have  been  written  two  months  before. 

The  next  day,  it  seemed,  after  all,  that  Heneage  was  to  be 
despatched,  "in  great  heat,"  upon  his  mission.  Davison 
accordingly  requested  an  immediate  audience.      So  soon  as 

'  Bruce,  121,  same  date.  '  Ibid.  '  Ibid.  122,  same  date. 


1586. 


THE  SECOND  ONE  IS  CALMER. 


427 


admitted  to  the  presence  lie  burst  into  tears,  and  implored 
the  Queen  to  pause  before  she  should  inflict  the  contemplated 
disgrace  on  one  whom  she  had  hitherto  so  highly  esteemed, 
and,  by  so  doing,  dishonour  herself  and  imperil  both  countries. 
But  the  Queen  was  more  furious  than  ever  that  morning, 
returning  at  every  pause  in  the  envoy's  discourse  to  harp 
upon  the  one  string — "  How  dared  he  come  to  such  a  decision 
without  at  least  imparting  it  to  me  '^  " — and  so  on,  as  so  many 
times  before.  And  again  Davison,  with  all  the  eloquence  and 
with  every  soothing  art  he  had  at  command,  essayed  to  poui 
oil  upon  the  waves.  Nor  was  he  entirely  unsuccessful  ;  for 
presently  the  Queen  became  so  calm  again  that  he  ventured 
once  more  to  present  the  rejected  letter  of  the  Earl.  She 
broke  the  seal,  and  at  sight  of  the  well-known  handwriting 
she  became  still  more  gentle,  and  so  soon  as  she  had  read  the 
first  of  her  favourite's  honied  phrases  she  thrust  the  precious 
document  into  her  pocket,  in  order  to  read  it  afterwards,  as 
Davison  observed,  at  her  leisure.^ 

The  opening  thus  successfully  made,  and  the  envoy  having 
thus,  "by  many  insinuations,"  prepared  her  to  lend  him  a 
"more  patient  and  willing  ear  than  she  had  vouchsafed  be- 
fore," he  again  entered  into  a  skilful  and  impassioned  argu- 
ment to  show  the  entire  wisdom  of  the  course  pursued  by  the 
Earl.* 

It  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  the  conversation.  Suffice  to 
say  that  no  man  could  have  more  eloquently  and  faithfully 
supported  an  absent  friend  under  difficulties  than  Davison 
now  defended  the  Earl.  The  line  of  argument  is  already 
familiar  to  the  reader,  and,  in  truth,  the  Queen  had  nothing 
to  reply,  save  to  insist  upon  the  governor's  delinquency  in 
maintaining  so  long  and  inexplicable  a  silence.  And  at  this 
thought,  in  spite  of  the  envoy's  eloquence,  she  went  oif  again 


'  Bruce,   122,  -  Feb.  158G. 

27 

'  Ibid.  "  The  begianing  of  our 
comedy  was  uncommon  sharp,"  said 
Davison,  "  but  this  much  I  do  be  bold 
to  assure  you,  that  if  I  had  not  arrived 


as  I  did,  both  his  Lordship  had  been 
utterly  disowned  and  the  cause  over- 
tlirown."  Davison  to  Herle,  17  Feb. 
1586.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  viil  33, 
MS.) 


428 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VIL 


in  a  paroxysm  of  anger,  abusing  the  Earl,  and  deeply  cen- 
suring Davison  for  his  "  peremptory  and  partial  dealing."  ^ 

"  I  had  conceived  a  better  opinion  of  you,"  she  said,  "  and 
I  had  intended  more  good  to  you  than  I  now  find  you  worthy 
of." 

"  I  humbly  thank  your  Highness,"  replied  the  ambassador, 
"  but  I  take  yourself  to  witness  that  I  have  never  affected  or 
sought  any  such  grace  at  your  hands.  And  if  your  Majesty 
persists  in  the  dangerous  course  on  which  you  are  now  enter- 
ing, I  only  pray  your  leave,  in  recompense  for  all  my  travails, 
to  retire  myself  home,  where  I  may  spend  the  rest  of  my  life 
in  praying  for  you,  whom  Salvation  itself  is  not  able  to  save, 
if  these  purposes  are  continued.  Henceforth,  Madam,  he  is 
to  be  deemed  happiest  who  is  least  interested  in  the  public 
service."^ 

And  so  ended  the  second  day's  debate.  The  next  morning 
the  Lord-Treasurer,  who,  according  to  Davison,  employed 
himself  diligently — as  did  also  Walsingham  and  Hatton^ — in 
dissuading  the  Queen  from  the  violent  measures  which  she 
had  resolved  upon,  effected  so  much  of  a  change  as  to  procure 
the  insertion  of  those  qualifying  clauses  in  Heneage's  in- 
structions which  had  been  previously  disallowed.  The  open 
and  public  disgrace  of  the  Earl,  which  was  to  have  been 
peremptorily  demanded,  was  now  to  be  deferred,  if  such  a 
measure  seemed  detrimental  to  the  public  service.  Her 
Majesty,  however,  protested  herself  as  deeply  offended  as 
ever,  although  she  had  consented  to  address  a  brief,  some- 
what mysterious,  but  benignant  letter  of  compliment  to  the 
States.* 


J  Bruce,  123,  same  date. 
*  Ibid.  124,  same  date. 

28  Feb. 

3  Ibid.     143,  1586  : 


but    to 


10  Mar. 

Walsingham  Leicester  "owed  more," 
according  to  Davnson,  "  for  his  constant 
friendship  and  sufferance  for  his  sake 
than  to  all  others  at  court."  Davison 
to  Herle.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  viii. 
MS.) 


*  "Monsieur  Davison  nous  a  bien 
au  long  discouru  et  represente,"  said 
the  Queen,  "  de  quel  zele  vous  avez 
ete  pousses  a  fairo  I'offre  du  gouverne- 
ment  absolu  de  ces  pays  la  au  Comte 
de  Leycestre,  avec  les  plus  grandea 
signes  et  demonstrations  d'une  vehe- 
mente  et  devotionnee  affection  envers 
nous,  qu'on  scauroit  desirer,  dont  on 
nous  pourroit  a  bon  droit  taxer  d'in- 
,  gratitude,  si  eussions  oublie  de  voua 


1686.  QUEEN'S  WRATH  SOMEWHAT  MITIGATED.  429 

Soon  after  this  Davison  retired  for  a  few  days  from  the 
court,  having  previously  written  to  the  Earl  that  "  the  heat  of 
her  Majesty's  offence  to  his  Lordship  was  abating  every  day 
somewhat,  and  that  she  was  disposed  both  to  hear  and  to 
speak  more  temperately  of  him."  ^ 

He  implored  him  accordingly  to  a  "  more  diligent  enter- 
taining of  her  by  wise  letters  and  messages,  wherein  his  slack- 
ness hitherto  appeared  to  have  bred  a  great  part  of  this 
unkindness."^  He  observed  also  that  the  "traffic  of  peace 
was  still  going  on  underhand  ;  but  whether  to  use  it  as  a 
second  string  to  our  bow,  if  the  first  should  fail,  or  of  any 
settled  inclination  thereunto,  he  could  not  affirm."  ^ 

Meantime  Sir  Thomas  Heneage  was  despatched  on  his 
mission  to  the  States,  despite  all  the  arguments  and  expostula- 
tions of  Walsingham,  Burghley,  Hatton,  and  Davison.  All 
the  Queen's  counsellors  were  unequivocally  in  favour  of  sus- 
taining Leicester  ;  and  Heneage  was  not  a  little  embarrassed 
as  to  the  proper  method  of  conducting  the  affair.  Every- 
thing, in  truth,  was  in  a  most  confused  condition.  He  hardly 
understood  to  what  power  he  was  accredited.  "  Heneage 
writes  even  now  unto  me,"  said  Walsingham  to  Davison, 
"  that  he  cannot  yet  receive  any  information  who  be  the 
States,  which  he  thinketh  will  be  a  great  maimer  unto  him  in 
his  negotiation.  I  have  told  him  that  it  is  an  assembly  much 
like  that  of  our  burgesses  that  represent  the  State,  and  that 
my  Lord  of  Leicester  may  cause  some  of  them  to  meet 
together,  unto  whom  he  may  deliver  his  letters  and  mes- 
sages."* Thus  the  new  envoy  was  to  request  the  culprit  tc 
summon  the  very  assembly  by  which  his  downfall  and   dis 


en  remercier  bien  expressement,  et  de 
vous  rendre  certains  des  effects  reci- 
proques  que  cela  cause  en  nous  d'une 
entierc  affection  envers  vous,  combien 
que  pour  plusieurs  grandes  et  inipor- 
tantes  considerations  ne  puissons  nous 
accorder  a  I'acceptation  du  dit  offre. 
....  Nous  asseurant  que  si  scaviez  de 
quelle  consequence  sont  les  raisons  et 
considerations  qiie  ne  nous  pouvons 
comniuniiiuer  pour  plusieurs  respects 
dC importance,  et  sur  les  quelles  notre 
repos  est  foude,   vous  memes  seriez  de 


notre  advis,  et  demeureriez  contents 
du  diet  refus,  lequel  sera  cause  d'aug- 
nienter  encores  de  tant  plus  le  soin 
qu'avous  promis  d'avoir  du  bien  et 
conversation  de  ces  pays  la.''  Minute 
of  H.  Majesty's  Letter  to  the  States 
General.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.  Feb.  1581.) 

'Bruce,  124,  ^^  Feb.  1586. 

'  Ibid.  125,  same  date. 
3  Ibid. 

*  Walsingham    to  Davison,  25    Feb 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


430 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VII. 


grace  were  to  be  solemnized,  as  formally  as  had  been  so 
ecently  his  elevation  to  the  height  of  power.  The  prospect 
yas  not  an  agreeable  one,  and  the  less  so  because  of  his 
general  want  of  familiarity  with  the  constitutional  forms  of 
bhe  country  he  was  about  to  visit.  Davison  accordingly,  at 
the  request  of  Sir  Francis,  furnished  Heneage  with  much 
valuable  information  and  advice  upon  the  subject,^ 


'  "The  government  as  it  is  now," 
aid  he,  "  you  shall  find  altered  from 
he  form  whereof  I  delivered  you  some 
lotes  the  last  year.  The  general  com- 
nandment  rests  presently  in  the  hands 
o(  my  Lord  of  Leicester,  as  governor 
of  the  countries  for  them,  over  and 
besides  his  lieutenancy  from  the 
Queen.  The  nature  of  his  authority 
reaches  to  an  absolute  command  in 
matters  belonging  to  the  wars,  though 
in  civil  things  Umited  to  the  lawful 
power  of  other  governors-general  in 
times  past,  as  you  shall  better  perceive 
by  the  commission  and  acts  them- 
selves, which  I  know  my  Lord  will 
aot  conceal  from  you.  The  contribu- 
tions towards  the  war  of  200,000  florins, 
or  20,000Z.  the  month,  agreed  to  by  the 
four  provinces  of  llolland,  Zeeland, 
Friesland,  and  Utrecht,  are  to  be  levied 
chiefly  on  the  ordinary  means  of  con- 
sumption, or  things  spent  and  con- 
sumed in  the  country,  which  in  Hol- 
land alone,  doth  now  amount  to  90,000 
lorius  monthly,  besides  the  quota  of 
:he  other  provinces,  and  over  and 
ibove  their  customs  upon  all  mer- 
ihandize  going  out  and  coming  in, 
ind,  besides,  all  this  may  be  levied  in 
iie  other  provinces  of  Gelderland, 
)vorysse],  Brabant  and  Flanders. 
They  are  to  put  into  my  Lord's  hands 
he  letting  and  farming  of  these  impo- 
sitions yet  in  force  tDl  April  next, 
-vhich,  coming  short  of  the  general 
sum,  they  have  promised  to  supply  by 
»  contribution  extraordinary,  such  as 
.ax  on  land  and  other  things,  whereof 
ny  Lord  can  and  will  thoroughly  in- 
brm  you.  The  sovereignty,  notwith- 
tanding,  remains  penes  ordines,  which 
ve  call  the  Estates.  These  consist  of 
..he  whole  provinces  united,  to  the 
number  ordinarily  of  some  eighteen  or 
twenty  persons,  each  province  deputing 
Bomo  four  or  five,  as  the  occasion  and 


time  require.  These  are  chosen  out 
by  their  provinces,  and  are  sent  to  the 
general  assembly  upon  extraordinary 
occasions — as  when  there  is  occasion 
for  making  some  new  ordinance,  either 
for  contributions  or  other  occurrences, 
concerning  the  whole  generality.  The 
place  of  their  ordinary  meeting  is  the 
Hague.  The  time  of  their  continuance 
together  is  not  longer  than  tiU  the 
matter  in  question  be  resolved,  or  re- 
mitted to  a  new  report,  which  often 
happeneth.  These  having  remained 
together  upon  my  Lord's  coming  till 
he  had  agreed  to  the  acceptance  of  the 
government,  were  to  depart  home — 
about  the  time  of  my  coming  thence 
— to  return  within  some  few  days  after 
for  the  determining  of  a  new  proposi- 
tion for  the  increase  of  their  ordinary 
contributions,  and  are  by  this  time,  I 
think,  dissolved  again.  In  this  case, 
your  letters  to  them — if  you  have  any 
— must  tarry  a  new  convocation,  for  to 
them  only  it  appertains  to  answer  the 
matter  of  my  Lord's  election,  foras- 
much as  concerneth  the  country.  The 
council  of  estate,  resident  with  my 
Lord,  hath  been  chosen  since  his 
election  to  the  government,  composed 
of  some  ten  or  twelve  persons,  at  the 
denomination  of  the  provinces,  and  my 
Lord's  election.  These  you  shall  find 
attending  upon  my  Lord  as  his  ordi- 
nary assistants  in  all  matters  concern- 
ing the  public  government,  but  to 
them  it  belongeth  not  to  deliver  any- 
thing touching  this  case  of  my  Lord's 
without  special  direction.  And  thus 
much  touching  the  form  of  that  go- 
vernment, as  far  forth  as  the  time  will 
suffer  me  to  discourse  unto  you,  or 
may  belong  to  your  present  charge, 
leaving  you  for  other  things  to  be 
more  particularly  satisfied  by  Sir  Philip 
Sidney,  Mr.  KUligrew,  and  others  of 
your  friends,  at  your  arrival  thwre." 


1586.  MISSION  OF  HENEAGE  TO  THE  STATES.  431 

Thus  provided  with  information,  forewarned  of  danger,  fur- 
nished with  a  double  set  of  letters  from  the  Queen  to  the 
States — the  first  expressed  in  language  of  extreme  exaspera- 
tion, the  others  couched  in  almost  afiectionate  terms — and 
laden  with  messages  brimfull  of  wrathful  denunciation  from 
her  Majesty  to  one  who  was  notoriously  her  Majesty's  dearly- 
beloved,  Sir  Thomas  Heneage  set  forth  on  his  mission.  These 
were  perilous  times  for  the  Davisons  and  the  Heneages,  when 
even  Leicesters  and  Burghleys  were  scarcely  secure. 

Meantime  the  fair  weather  at  court  could  not  be  depended 
upon  from  one  day  to  another,  and  the  clouds  were  perpetu- 
ally returning  after  the  rain. 

"  Since  my  second  and  third  day's  audience,"  said  Davison, 
"  the  storms  I  met  with  at  my  arrival  have  overblown  and 
abated  daily.  On  Saturday  again  she  fell  into  some  new 
heat,  which  lasted  not  long.  This  day  I  was  myself  at  the 
court,  and  found  her  in  reasonable  good  terms,  though  she 
will  not  yet  seem  satisfied  to  me  either  with  the  matter  or 
manner  of  your  proceeding,  notwithstanding  all  the  labour  I 
have  taken  in  that  behalf  Yet  I  find  not  her  Majesty  alto- 
gether so  sharp  as  some  men  look,  though  her  favour  has 
outwardly  cooled  in  respect  both  of  this  action  and  of  our 
plain  proceeding  with  her  here  in  defence  thereof."^ 

The  poor  Countess — whose  imaginary  exodus,  with  the  long 


Having  given  this  correct  and  gra- 
phic outline  of  the  government  to 
which  Heneage  had  thus  been  de- 
spatched, upon  such  dehcate  and 
perilous  business,  Davison  proceeded 
to  whisper  a  word  of  timely  caution  in 
his  ear. 

"  I  cannot  but  let  you  know,"  he 
Baid,  "  how  heartily  sorry  I  am  that  it 
is  not  more  plausible  to  ray  Lord,  and 
profitable  to  that  poor  country.  What 
may  move  her  Majesty  to  take  this 
course  I  know  not ;  but  this  I  protest 
unto  you  before  God,  that  I  know  not 
what  other  course  the  Estates  or  my 
Lord  might  have  taken  than  they 
have  done,  nor  how  the  country  may 
be  saved,  if  this  act  be  discounte- 
nanced  and   overthrown.      To  advise 


you  how  to  carry  yourself  I  will  not 
take  upon  me,  and  yet  dare  be  bold 
to  affirm  this  much,  that  your  message, 
if  it  be  not  all  the  better  handled  in 
your  wisdom,  cannot  but  breed  utter 
dishonour  to  my  Lord,  ruin  to  the 
cause,  and  repentance  ere  long  to  her 
Majesty's  self;  which  wiU  better  ap- 
pear unto  you  when  you  shall  be  there 
to  look  into  their  estate.  But  seeing 
God  hath  so  disposed  thereof,  I  will 
cast  my  care  upon  his  providence,  and 
recommend  the  cause  to  Him  that 
governs  all."  Davison  to  Heneage, 
26  Feb.  1586.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
'  Brace's      'Leyc.      Corresp.'     142; 

28  Feb. 

,1586. 


432  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VII 

procession  of  coaches  and  side-saddles,  had  excited  so  much 
ire — found  herself  in  a  most  distressing  position.  "  I  have 
not  seen  my  Lady  these  ten  or  twelve  days/'  said  Davison. 
"  To-morrow  I  hope  to  do  ray  duty  towards  her.  I  found 
her  greatly  troubled  with  tempestuous  news  she  received  from 
court,  but  somewhat  comforted  when  she  understood  how  I 
had  proceeded  with  her  Majesty.  .  .  .  But  these  pas- 
sions overblown,  I  hope  her  Majesty  will  have  a  gracious 
regard  both  towards  myself  and  the  cause."  ^ 

But  the  passions  seemed  not  likely  to  blow  over  so  soon  as 
was  desirable.  Leicester's  brother  the  Earl  of  Warwick  took 
a  most  gloomy  view  of  the  whole  transaction,  and  hoarser 
than  the  raven's  was  his  boding  tone, 

"  Well,  our  mistress's  extreme  rage  doth  increase  rather 
than  diminish,"  he  wrote,  "  and  she  giveth  out  great  threa- 
tening words  against  you.  Therefore  make  the  best  assurance 
you  can  for  yourself,  and  trust  not  her  oath,  for  that  her 
malice  is  great  and  unquenchable  in  the  wisest  of  their  opi- 
nions here,  and  as  for  other  friendships,  as  far  as  I  can  learn, 
it  is  as  doubtful  as  the  other.  Wherefore,  my  good  brother, 
repose  your  whole  trust  in  God,  and  He  will  defend  you  in 
despite  of  all  your  enemies.  And  let  this  be  a  great  comfort 
to  you,  and  so  it  is  likewise  to  myself  and  all  your  assured 
friends,  and  that  is,  that  you  were  never  so  honoured  and 
loved  in  your  life  amongst  all  good  people  as  you  are  at 
this  day,  only  for  dealing  so  nobly  and  wisely  in  this  action 
as  you  have  done  ;  so  that,  whatsoever  cometh  of  it,  you  have 
done  your  part.  I  praise  God  from  my  heart  for  it.  Once 
again,  have  great  care  of  yourself,  I  mean  for  your  safety, 
and  if  she  will  needs  revoke  you,  to  the  overthrowing  of  the 
cause,  if  I  were  as  you,  if  I  could  not  be  assured  there,  I  would 
go  to  the  farthest  part  of  Christendom  rather  than  ever  come 
into  England  again.  Take  heed  whom  you  trust,  for  that 
you  have  some  false  hoys  about  you."^ 

And  the  false   boys  were  busy  enough,  and  seemed  likely 

*  Bruce'g  'Leyc.  Corresp.,'  144.     MS.  just  cited. 

2  Ibid.  150,  151,  -  March,  1586. 
16 


1586.  SHIRLEY  SENT  TO  ENGLAND  BY  THE  EARL.  433 

to  triumph  in  the  result  of  their  schemes.  For  a  glance  into 
the  secret  correspondence  of  Mary  of  Scotland  has  already  re- 
vealed the  Earl  to  us  constantly  surrounded  by  men  in  masks. 
Many  of  those  nearest  his  person,  and  of  highest  credit  out  of 
England,  were  his  deadly  foes,  sworn  to  compass  his  dishonour, 
his  confusion,  and  eventually  his  death,  and  in  correspond- 
ence with  his  most  powerful  adversaries  at  home  and  abroad. 
Certainly  his  path  was  slippery  and  perilous  along  those  icy 
summits  of  power,  and  he  had  need  to  look  well  to  his  foot- 
steps. 

Before  Heneage  had  arrived  in  the  Netherlands,  Sir  Tho- 
mas Shirley,  despatched  by  Leicester  to  England  with  a  com- 
mission to  procure  suppKes  for  the  famishing  soldiers,  and,  if 
possible,  to  mitigate  the  Queen's  wrath,  had  been  admitted 
more  than  once  to  her  Majesty's  presence.  He  had  fought 
the  Earl's  battle  as  manfully  as  Davison  had  done,  and,  like 
that  envoy,  had  received  nothing  in  exchange  for  his  plausible 
arguments  but  bitter  words  and  big  oaths.  Eight  days  after 
his  arrival  he  was  introduced  by  Hatton  into  the  privy  cham- 
ber, and  at  the  moment  of  his  entrance  was  received  with  a 
volley  of  execrations.' 

"  I  did  expressly  and  peremptorily  forbid  his  acceptance  of 
the  absolute  government,  in  the  hearing  of  divers  of  my 
council,"  said  the  Queen. 

Shirley. — "  The  necessity  of  the  case  was  imminent,  your 
Highness.  It  was  his  Lordship's  intent  to  do  all  for  your  Ma- 
jesty's service.  Those  countries  did  expect  him  as  a  governor 
at  his  first  landing,  and  the  States  durst  do  no  other  than 
satisfy  the  people  also  with  that  opinion.  The  people's  mis- 
like  of  their  present  government  is  such  and  so  great  as  that 
the  name  of  States  is  grown  odious  amongst  them.  There- 
fore the  States,  doubting  the  furious  rage  of  the  people,  con- 
ferred the  authority  upon  his  Lordship  with  incessant  suit  to 
him  to  receive  it.  Notwithstanding  this,  however,  he  did 
deny  it  until  he  saw  plainly  both  confusion  and  ruin  of  that 

1  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'     172, —  March,  1586. 

VOL.  I.— 2  D 


434  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VII. 

country  if  he  should  refuse.  On  the  other  hand,  when  he 
had  seen  into  their  estates,  his  lordship  found  great  profit  and 
commodity  like  to  come  unto  your  Majesty  by  your  accept- 
ance of  it.  Your  Highness  may  now  have  garrisons  of  Eng- 
lish in  as  many  towns  as  pleaseth  you,  without  any  more 
cliarge  than  you  are  now  at.  Nor  can  any  peace  be  made 
with  Spain  at  any  time  hereafter,  but  through  you  and  by 
you.  Your  Majesty  should  remember,  likewise,  that  if  a  man 
of  another  nation  had  been  chosen  governor  it  might  have 
wrought  great  danger.  Moreover  it  would  have  been  an  indig- 
nity that  your  lieutenant-general  should  of  necessity  be  under 
him  that  so  should  have  been  elected.  Finally,  this  is  a  stop 
to  any  other  that  may  affect  the  place  of  government  there." 

Queen  (who  has  manifested  many  signs  of  impatience 
during  this  discourse). — "'  Your  speech  is  all  in  vain.  His 
Lordship's  proceeding  is  sufficient  to  make  me  infamous  to 
all  princes,  having  protested  the  contrary,  as  I  have  done,  in 
a  book  which  is  translated  into  divers  and  sundry  languages. 
His  Lordship,  being  my  servant,  a  creature  of  my  own,  ought 
not,  in  duty  towards  me,  have  entered  into  this  course  without 
my  knowledge  and  good  allowance." 

Shirley. — "  But  the  world  hath  conceived  a  high  judgment 
of  your  Majesty's  great  wisdom  and  providence,  shown  by 
your  assailing  the  King  of  Spain  at  one  time  both  in  the  Low 
Countries  and  also  by  Sir  Francis  Drake.  I  do  assure  myself 
that  the  same  judgment  which  did  first  cause  you  to  take 
this  in  hand  must  continue  a  certain  knowledge  in  your  Ma- 
jesty that  one  of  these  actions  must  needs  stand  much  better 
by  the  other.  If  Sir  Frances  do  prosper,  then  all  is  well.  And 
though  he  should  not  prosper,  yet  this  hold  that  his  Lordship 
hath  taken  for  you  on  the  Low  Countries  must  always  assure 
an  honourable  peace  at  your  Highness's  pleasure.  I  beseech 
your  Majesty  to  remember  that  to  the  King  of  Spain  the 
government  of  his  Lordship  is  no  greater  matter  than  if  he 
were  but  your  lieutenant-general  there  ;  but  the  voyage  of 
Sir  Francis  is  of  much  greater  ofience  than  all." 

Queen  (interrupting).—"!    can  very  well   answer   for    Sir 


1586.  HIS  INTERVIEW  WITH  ELIZABETH.  435 

Francis.  Moreover,  if  need  be,  the  gentleman  careth  not  if 
I  should  disavow  him." 

tShirley. — "  Even  so  standeth  my  Lord,  if  your  disavowing  of 
him  may  also  stand  with  your  Highness's  favour  towards  him. 
Nevertheless,  should  this  bruit  of  your  mislike  of  his  Lord- 
ship's authority  there  come  unto  the  ears  of  those  people — 
being  a  nation  both  sudden  and  suspicious,  and  having  been 
heretofore  used  to  stratagem — I  fear  it  may  work  some 
strange  notion  in  them,  considering  that,  at  this  time,  there 
is  an  increase  of  taxation  raised  upon  them,  the  bestowing 
whereof  perchance  they  know  not  of.  His  Lordship's  giving 
up  of  the  government  may  leave  them  altogether  without 
government,  and  in  worse  case  than  they  were  ever  in  before. 
For  now  the  authority  of  the  States  is  dissolved,  and  his  Lord- 
ship's government  is  the  only  thing  that  holdeth  them  together. 
I  do  beseech  your  Highness,  then,  to  consider  well  of  it,  and 
if  there  be  any  private  cause  for  which  you  take  grief  against 
his  Lordship,  nevertheless,  to  have  regard  unto  the  public 
cause,  and  to  have  a  care  of  your  own  safety,  which  in  many 
wise  men's  opinions,  standeth  much  upon  the  good  mainte- 
nance and  upholding  of  this  matter." 

Queen. — "I  believe  nothing  of  what  you  say  concerning 
the  dissolving  of  the  authority  of  the  States.  I  know  well 
enough  that  the  States  do  remain  states  still.  I  mean  not  to 
do  harm  to  the  cause,  but  only  to  reform  that  which  his  Lord- 
ship hath  done  beyond  his  warrant  from  me."  ^ 

And  with  this  the  Queen  swept  suddenly  from  the  apart- 
ment. Sir  Thomas,  at  different  stages  of  the  conversation, 
had  in  vain  besought  her  to  accept  a  letter  from  the  Eari 
which  had  been  entrusted  to  his  care.  She  obstinately  refused 
to  touch  it.  Shirley  had  even  had  recourse  to  stratagem  : 
affecting  ignorance  on  many  points  concerning  which  the 
Queen  desired  information,  and  suggesting  that  doubtless  she 
would  find  those  matters  fully  explained  in  his  Lordship's 
letter.^     The  artifice  was  in  vain,  and  the  discussion  was,  on 

}  Brwce's  'leyc,  Corresp,'  171-176,  ^March,  1580  » Ibid, 


436  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VII. 

the  whole,  unsatisfactory.  Yet  there  is  no  doubt  that  the 
Queen  had  had  the  worst  of  the  argument,  and  she  was  far  too 
sagacious  a  politician  not  to  feel  the  weight  of  that  which 
liad  been  urged  so  often  in  defence  of  the  course  pursued. 
But  it  was  with  her  partly  a  matter  of  temper  and  offended 
pride,  perhaps  even  of  wounded  affection. 

On  the  following  morning  Shirley  saw  the  Queen  walking 
in  the  garden  of  the  palace,  and  made  bold  to  accost  her. 
Thinking,  as  he  said,  "  to  test  her  affection  to  Lord  Leicester 
by  another  means,"  the  artful  Sir  Thomas  stepped  up  to  her, 
and  observed  that  his  Lordship  was  seriously  ill.  "  It  is  feared," 
he  said,  "  that  the  Earl  is  again  attacked  by  the  disease  of  which 
Dr.  Goodrowse  did  once  cure  him.  Wherefore  his  Lordship  is 
now  a  humble  suitor  to  your  Highness  that  it  would  please 
you  to  spare  Goodrowse,  and  give  him  leave  to  go  thither  for 
some  time." 

The  Queen  was  instantly  touched. 

"  Certainly — with  all  my  heart,  with  all  my  heart,  he  shall 
have  him,"  she  replied,  "and  sorry  I  am  that  his  Lordship 
hath  that  need  of  him." 

"And  indeed,"  returned  sly  Sir  Thomas,  "your  Highness 
is  a  very  gracious  prince,  who  are  pleased  not  to  suffer  his 
Lordship  to  perish  in  health,  though  otherwise  you  remain 
deeply  offended  with  him." 

"You  know  my  mind,"  returned  Elizabeth,  now  all  the 
queen  again,  and  perhaps  suspecting  the  trick  ;  "  I  may  not 
endure  that  any  man  should  alter  my  commission  and  the 
authority  that  I  gave  him,  upon  his  own  fancies  and  without 
me." 

With  this  she  instantly  summoned  one  of  her  gentlemen, 
in  order  to  break  off  the  interview,  fearing  that  Shirley  was 
about  to  enter  again  upon  a  discussion  of  the  whole  subject, 
and  again  to  attempt  the  delivery  of  the  Earl's  letter.' 

In  all  this  there  was  much  of  superannuated  coquetry,  no 
doubt,  and  much  of  Tudor  despotism,  but  there  was  also  a 
strong  infusion  of  artifice.     For  it  will  soon  be  necessary  to 

'  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  175,  176,  same  date. 


1586.  HIS  INTERVIEW   WITH   ELIZABETH.  437 

direct  attention  to  certain  secret  transactions  of  an  important 
nature  in  which  the  Queen  was  engaged,  and  which  were  even 
hidden  from  the  all-seeing  eye  of  Walsingham — although 
shrewdly  suspected  both  by  that  statesman  and  by  Leicester — 
but  which  were  most  influential  in  modifying  her  policy  at 
that  moment  towards  the  Netherlands. 

There  could  be  no  doubt,  however,  of  the  stanch  and  stre- 
nuous manner  in  which  the  delinquent  Earl  was  supported  by 
his  confidential  messengers  and  by  some  of  his  fellow-coun- 
cillors. His  true  friends  were  urgent  that  the  great  cause  in 
which  he  was  engaged  should  be  forwarded  sincerely  and 
without  delay.  Shirley  had  been  sent  for  money  ;  but  to 
draw  money  from  Elizabeth  was  like  coining  her  life-blood, 
drachma  by  drachma. 

"  Your  Lordship  is  like  to  have  but  a  poor  supply  of  money 
at  this  time,"  said  Sir  Thomas.  "  To  be  plain  with  you,  I  fear 
she  groweth  weary  of  the  charge,  and  will  hardly  be  brought 
to  deal  thoroughly  in  the  action." 

He  was  also  more  explicit  than  he  might  have  been — ^had 
he  been  better  informed  as  to  the  disposition  of  the  chief 
personages  of  the  court,  concerning  whose  temper  the  absent 
Earl  was  naturally  anxious.  Hatton  was  most  in  favour  at 
the  moment,  and  it  was  through  Hatton  that  the  commu- 
nications upon  Netherland  matters  passed  ;  "  for,"  said  Shir- 
ley, "  she  will  hardly  endure  Mr.  Secretary  (Walsingham)  to 
speak  unto  her  therein." 

"  And  truly,  my  Lord,"  he  continued,  "  as  Mr.  Secretary  is 
a  noble,  good,  and  true  friend  unto  you,  so  doth  Mr.  Vice- 
Chamberlain  show  himself  an  honourable,  true,  and  faithful 
gentleman,  ^nd  doth  carefully  and  most  like  a  good  friend 
for  your  Lordship." 

And  thus  very  succinctly  and  graphically  had  the  envoy 
painted  the  situation  to  his  principal.  "  Your  Lordship  now 
sees  things  just  as  they  stand,"  he  moralized.  "  Your  Lordship 
is  exceeding  wise.  You  hnoio  the  Queen  and  her  nature  best 
of  any  man.  You  know  all  men  here.  Your  Lordship  can 
judge  the  sequel  by  this  that  you  see  :  only  this  I  must  tell 


438 


THE   UNITED   NETUEULANDS. 


Chap.  Vlt. 


your  Lordship,  I  perceive  that  fears  and  doubts  from  thence 
are  like  to  work  better  effects  here  than  comforts  and  assu^ 
ranee.  I  think  it  my  part  to  send  your  Lordship  this  as  it  is, 
rather  than  to  be  silent."^ 

And  with  these  rather  ominous  insinuations  the  envoy  con* 
eluded  for  the  time  his  narrative. 

While  these  storms  were  blowing  and  "overblowing"  in 
England,  Leicester  remained  greatly  embarrassed  and  anxious 
in  Holland.  He  had  sown  the  wind  more  extensively  than 
he  had  dreamed  of  when  accepting  the  government,  and  he 
was  now  awaiting,  with  much  trepidation,  the  usual  harvest. 
And  we  have  seen  that  it  was  rapidly  ripening.  Meantime, 
the  good  which  he  had  really  effected  in  the  Provinces  by  the 
course  he  had  taken  was  likely  to  be  neutralized  by  the  sinis- 
ter rumours  as  to  his  impending  disgrace,  while  the  enemy 
was  proportionally  encouraged.  "  I  understand  credibly,"  he 
said,  "  that  the  Prince  of  Parma  feels  himself  in  great  jollity 
that  her  Majesty  doth  rather  mislike  than  allow  of  our  doings 
here,  which,  if  it  be  true,  let  her  be  sure  her  own  sweet  self 
shall  first  smart."  ^ 

Moreover,  the  English  troops  were,  as  we  have  seen,  mere 
shoeless,  shivering,  starving  vagabonds.  The  Earl  had  gene- 
rously advanced  very  large  sums  of  money  from  his  own  pocket 
to  relieve  their  necessity.  The  States,  on  the  other  hand,  had 
voluntarily  increased  the  monthly  contribution  of  200,000 
florins,  to  which  their  contract  with  Elizabeth  obliged  them,^ 
.and  were  more  disposed  than  ever  they  had  been  since  the 


'  Brace's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  just  cited. 

*  Brace,  148,  -  March,  1586. 
'  13  ' 

3  "  They  have,  I  say,  added,"  wrote 
Lord  North  to  Lord  Burghley,  "to 
their  first  offer  as  much  more,  which 
ftmounteth  to  at  least  forty  thousand 
pounds  a  month."  28  Feb.  1586.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

But  he  seems  to  have  much  over- 
stated the  amount.  The  reg:ular  con- 
tribution of  tlie  States  ■\\a9  twenty 
thousand  pounds  (or  200.000  florins, 
as  it   was   then   always    reckom^d)   a 


month,  and  they  had  recently  granted, 
at  Leicester's  urgent  request,  an  addi- 
tional sum  of  forty  thousand  pounds 
(400,000  florins)  for  four  months, 
making  thirty  thousand  pounds  a 
month.  It  is  however  quite  impossible 
to  ascertain  at  this  day  the  exact  sums 
voted  or  collected  in  the  republic  for 
war-expenses,  although  there  is  no 
doubt  that  their  efforts  were  enormous. 
Comp.    Brace's   'Leyc.    Corresp.'    135, 

24  Feb.   ,       ^ 

1586. 


1586.  LEICESTER'S  LETTERS   TO   HIS   FRIEXDS.  439 

death  of  Ortange  to  proceed  vigorously  and  harmoniously 
against  the  common  enemy  of  Christendom.  Under  such 
circumstances  it  may  well  be  imagined  that  there  was  cause 
on  Leicester's  part  for  deep  mortification  at  the  tragical  turn 
which  the  Queen's  temper  seemed  to  be  taking. 

"  I  know  not,"  he  said,  "  how  her  Majesty  doth  mean  to 
dispose  of  me.  It  hath  grieved  me  more  than  I  can  express 
that  for  faithful  and  good  service  she  should  so  deeply  con- 
ceive against  me.  God  knows  with  what  mind  I  have  served 
her  Highness,  and  perhaps  some  others  might  have  failed. 
Yet  she  is  neither  tied  one  jot  by  covenant  or  promise  by  me 
in  any  way,  nor  at  one  groat  the  more  charges,  but  myself 
two  or  three  thousand  pounds  sterling  more  than  now  is  like 
to  be  well  spent.  I  will  desire  no  partial  sj^eech  in  my 
favour.  If  my  doings  be  ill  for  her  Majesty  and  the  realm, 
let  me  feel  the  smart  of  it.  The  cause  is  now  well  forward  ; 
let  not  her  majesty  suffer  it  to  quail.  If  you  will  have  it 
proceed  to  good  effect,  send  away  Sir  William  Pelham  with 
all  the  haste  you  can.  I  mean  not  to  complain,  but  with  so 
weighty  a  cause  as  this  is,  few  men  have  been  so  weakly 
assisted.  Her  Majesty  hath  far  better  choice  for  my  place, 
and  with  any  that  may  succeed  me  let  Sir  William  Pelham 
be  first  that  may  come.  I  sjieak  from  my  soul  for  her  Ma- 
jesty's service.  I  am  for  myself  upon  an  hour's  warning  to 
obey  her  good  pleasure." ' 

Thus  far  the  Earl  had  maintained  his  dignity.  He  had 
yielded  to  the  solicitations  of  the  States,  and  had  thereby 
exceeded  his  commission,  and  gratified  his  ambition,  but  he 
had  in  no  wise  forfeited  his  self-respect. 

But — so  soon  as  the  first  unquestionable  intelligence  of  the 
passion  to  which  the  Queen  had  given  way  at  his  misdoings 
reached  him — he  began  to  whimper.  The  straightforward  tone 
which  Davison  had  adopted  in  his  interviews  with  Elizabeth, 
and  the  firmness  with  which  he  had  defended  the  cause  of  his 

1  Leieester  to  Burghley,  18  Peb.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


440  THE  UNITED  NETHERLA.NDS.  Chap.  VH. 

absent  friend,  at  a  moment  when  he  had  plunged  himself  into 
disgrace,  was  worthy  of  applause.  He  deserved  at  least  a 
word  of  honest  thanks. 

I<i-noble  however  was  the  demeanor  of  the  Earl  towards  the 
man — for  whom  he  had  but  recently  been  unable  to  invent 
eulogies  sufficiently  warm — so  soon  as  he  conceived  the  pos- 
sibility of  sacrificing  his  friend  as  the  scape-goat  for  his  own 
fault.  An  honest  schoolboy  would  have  scorned  to  leave  thus 
in  the  lurch  a  comrade  who  had  been  fighting  his  battles  so 
honestly. 

"  How  earnest  I  was,"  he  wrote  to  the  lords  of  the  council, 
9th  March,  1586,  "  not  only  to  acquaint  her  Majesty,  but  im- 
mediately upon  the  first  motion  made  by  the  States,  to  send 
Mr.  Davison  over  to  her  with  letters,  I  doubt  not  but  he  will 
truly  affirm  for  me  ;  yea,  and  how  far  against  my  will  it  was, 
notwithstanding  any  reasons  delivered  me,  that  he  and  others 

persisted  in,  to  have  me  accept  first  of  this  place The 

extremity  of  the  case,  and  my  being  persuaded  that  Mr. 
Davison  might  have  better  satisfied  her  Majesty,  than  I  per- 
ceive he  can,  caused  me — neither  arrogantly  nor  contemptu- 
ously, but  even  merely  and  faithfully — to  do  her  Majesty  the 
best  service."^ 

He  acknowledged,  certainly,  that  Davison  had  been  in- 
fluenced by  honest  motives,  although  his  importunities  had 
been  tlie  real  cause  of  the  Earl's  neglect  of  his  own  obliga- 
tions. But  he  protested  that  he  had  himself  only  erred 
through  an  excessive  pliancy  to  the  will  of  others.  '*  My 
yielding  was  my  own  fault,"  he  admitted,  "  whatsoever  his 
persuasions  ;  but  far  from  a  contemptuous  heart,  or  else  God 
pluck  out  both  heart  and  bowels  with  utter  shame."  ^ 

So  soon  as  Sir  Thomas  Heneage  had  presented  himself,  and 
revealed  the  full  extent  of  the  Queen's  wrath,  the  Earl's  dis- 
position to  cast  the  whole  crime  on  the  shoulders  of  Davison 
became  quite  undisguised. 

1  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.,'  162,  -  March,  1586.  2  Ibid.  163,  same  date. 


158G.  PALTRY   CONDUCT   OF   THE   EARL   TO    DAVISON.  441 

"  I  thank  you  for  your  letters,"  wrote  Leicester  to  Wal- 
singham,  "  though  you  can  send  me  no  comfort.  Her  Majesty 
doth  deal  hardly  to  believe  so  ill  of  me.  It  is  true  I  faulted, 
.  .  but  she  doth  not  consider  what  commodities  she  hath 
withal,  and  herself  no  way  engaged  for  it,  ^as  Mr.  Davisoa 
might  have  better  declared  it,  if  it  had  pleased  him.  And  I 
must  thank  him  only  for  my  blame,  and  so  he  will  confess  to 
you,  for,  I  protest  before  God,  no  necessity  here  could  have 
made  me  leave  her  Majesty  unacquainted  with  the  cause 
before  I  would  have  accepted  of  it,  hut  only  his  so  earnest 
'pressing  me  ivith  Ms  faithful  assured  promise  to  discharge  me, 
hoivever  her  Majesty  should  take  it.  For  you  all  see  there  she 
had  no  other  cause  to  be  offended  but  this,  and,  by  the  Lord, 
he  was  the  only  cause  ;   albeit  it  is  no  sufficient  allegation, 

being  as  I  am He  had,  I  think,  saved  all  to  have  told 

her,  as  he  promised  me.  But  now  it  is  laid  upon  me,  God 
send  the  cause  to  take  no  harm,  my  grief  must  be  the  less. 
....  How  far  Mr.  Heneage's  commission  shall  deface  me  I 
know  not.  He  is  wary  to  observe  his  commission,  and  I  con- 
sent withal.  I  know  the  time  will  be  her  Majesty  will  be 
sorry  for  it.  In  the  meantime  I  am  too,  too  weary  of  the 
high  dignity.  I  would  that  any  that  could  serve  her  Majesty 
were  placed  in  it,  and  I  to  sit  down  with  all  my  losses."  - 

In  more  manful  strain  he  then  alluded  to  the  sufferings  of 
his  army.  "Whatsoever  become  of  me,"  he  said,  "give  me 
leave  to  speak  for  the  poor  soldiers.  If  they  be  not  better 
maintained,  being  in  this  strange  country,  there  will  be  neither 
good   service  done,   nor  be  without   great   dishonour  to  her 

Majesty Well,  you  see  the  wants,  and  it  is  one  cause 

that  will  glad  me  to  be  rid  of  this  heavy  high  calling,  and 
wish  me  at  my  poor  cottage  again,  if  any  I  shall  find.  But  let 
her  Majesty  pay  them  well,  and  appoint  such  a  man  as  Sir 
William  Pelham  to  govern  them,  and  she  never  wan  more 
honour  than  these  men  here  will  do,  I  am  persuaded."  ^ 

That  the  Earl  was  warmly  urged  by  all  most  conversant 

»  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  IGS-IGT,  -  March,  1586.  »  Ibid. 


442 


THE   UNITED   NEl'HERLANDS. 


Chap.  VII. 


with  Netherland  politics  to  assume  the  government  was  a  fact 
admitted  by  all.  That  he  manifested  rather  eagerness  than 
reluctance  on  the  subject,  and  that  his  only  hesitation  arose 
from  the  proposed  restraints  upon  the  power,  not  from  scruples 
about  accepting^  the  power,  are  facts  upon  record.  There  is 
nothing  save  his  own  assertion  to  show  any  backwardness  on 
his  part  to  snatch  the  coveted  prize  ;  and  that  assertion  was 
flatly  denied  by  Davison,  and  was  indeed  refuted  by  every 
circumstance  in  the  case.  It  is  certain  that  he  had  concealed 
from  Davison  the  previous  prohibitions  of  the  Queen.  He 
could  anticipate  much  better  than  could  Davison,  therefore, 
the  probable  indignation  of  the  Queen.  It  is  strange  then 
that  he  should  have  shut  his  eyes  to  it  so  wilfully,  and 
stranger  still  that  he  should  have  relied  on  the  envoy's  elo- 
quence instead  of  his  own  to  mitigate  that  emotion.  Had  he 
placed  his  defence  simply  upon  its  true  basis,  the  necessity  of 
the  case,  and  the  impossibility  of  carrying  out  the  Queen's 
intentions  in  any  other  way,  it  would  be  difficult  to  cen- 
sure him  ;  but  that  he  should  seek  to  screen  himself  by 
laying  the  whole  blame  on  a  subordinate,  was  enough  to  make 
any  honest  man  who  heard  him  hang  his  head.  "  I  meant 
not  to  do  it,  but  Davison  told  me  to  do  it,  please  your  Majesty, 
and  if  there  was  naughtiness  in  it,  he  said  he  would  make  it 
all  right  with  your  Majesty."  Such,  reduced  to  its  simplest  ex- 
pression, was  the  defence  of  the  magnificent  Earl  of  Leicester. 

And  as  he  had  gone  cringing  and  whining  to  his  royal 
mistress,  so  it  was  natural  that  he  should  be  brutal  and 
blustering  to  his  friend. 

"  By  your  means,"  said  he,^  "  I  have  fallen  into  her  Ma- 
jesty's deep  displeasure If  you  had  delivered  to  her 

the  truth  of  my  dealing,  her  Highness  never  could  have  con- 
ceived, as  I  perceive  she  doth Nor  doth  her  Majesty 

know  hoiv  hardly^  I  was  drawn  to  accept  this  place  before  I 
bad  acquainted  her — as  to  which  you  promised  you  would  not 


■  Leicester  to  Davison,  with  his 
comments  in  reply  written  in  the  mar- 
gin.    Bruce,  168-171,  -  March,  1586. 


-  The  words  italicized  in  the  text 
were  imderscored  by  Davison,  with 
the  marginal  comment — "Let  Sif 
Philip  Sidney  and  others  witness." 


1586. 


HE   EXCUSES  HIMSELF  AT  DAVISON'S  EXPENSE. 


443 


only  give  her  full  satisfaction,  but  would  procure  me  great 

thanks You  did  chiefly  persuade  me  to  take  this  charge 

upon  me You  can  remember  how  many  treaties  you  and 

others  had  with  the  States,  before  I  agreed,  for  all  yours  and 
their  per suasio7i  to  take  it}  ....  You  gave  me  assurance  tc 
satisfy  her  Majesty,  but  I  see  not  that  you  have  done  anything 
....  I  did  not  hide  from  you  the  doubt  I  had  of  her  Ma- 
jesty's ill  taking  it You  chieJi^J  brought  me  into  if,^  .... 

and  it  could  no  way  have  been  heavy  to  you,  though  you  had 
told  the  uttermost  of  your  own  doing,  as  you  faithfully  pro- 

mised  you  would I  did  very  unwillingly  come  into  the 

matter,^  doubting  that  to  fall  out  which  is  come  to  pass,  .... 
and  it  doth  so  fall  oiU  hy  your  negligent  carelessness,  whereof  I 
many  hundred  times  told  you  that  you  would*  both  mar  the  good- 
ness of  the  matter,  and  breed  me  her  Majesty's  displeasure. 
....  Thus  fare  you  well,  and  except  your  embassages  have 
better  success,  I  shall  have  no  cause  to  commend  them." 

And  so  was  the  unfortunate  Davison  ground  into  finest 
dust  between  the  upper  and  lower  millstones  of  royal  wrath 
and  loyal  subserviency. 

Meantime  the  other  special  envoy  had  made  his  appear- 
ance in  the  Netherlands  ;  the  other  go-between  between  the 
incensed  Queen  and  the  backsliding  favourite.  It  has  already 
been  made  sufficiently  obvious,  by  the  sketch  given  of  his  in- 
structions, that  his  mission  was  a  delicate  one.  In  obedience 
to  those  instructions,  Heneage  accordingly  made  his  appear- 
ance before  the  council,  and,  in  Leicester's  presence,  delivered 
to  them  the  severe  and  biting  reprimand  which  Elizabeth 
had  chosen  to  inflict  upon  the  States  and  upon  the  governorc 
The  envoy  performed  his  ungracious  task  as  daintily  as  he 
could,  and  after  preliminary  consultation  with  Leicester  ;  but 
the  proud  Earl  was  deeply  mortified.     "  The  fourteenth  day 


'  "  All  this  while  there  was  no  note 
of  any  contrary  commandraent." — 
Comment  of  Davison. 

'^  "Absolutely  denied." — Comment 
of  Davison. 

'  "  Hereof  let  the  world  judf^e."- — 
Davison. 

1  Words    underscored    by    Davison, 


with  the  comment — "  You  might  doubt 
it,  but  if  you  had  uttered  so  mucli, 
you  should  have  employed  some  other 
in  the  journey,  which  I  had  no  reason 
to  affect  much,  preseeing  well  enough 
how  thankless  it  would  be."    Bruce^ 

no. 


444  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIL 

of  this  month  of  March/'  said  he,  "  Sir  Thomas  Heneage  de- 
livered a  very  sharp  letter  from  her  Majesty  to  the  council 
of  estate,  besides  his  message — myself  being  present,  for  so 
was  her  Majesty's  pleasure,  as  he  said,  and  I  do  think  he  did 
but  as  he  was  commanded.  How  great  a  grief  it  must  be  to 
an  honest  heart  and  a  true,  faithful  servant,  before  his  own 
face,  to  a  company  of  very  wise  and  grave  counsellors,  who 
had  conceived  a  marvellous  opinion  before  of  my  credit  with 
her  Majesty,  to  be  charged  now  with  a  manifest  and  wilful 
contempt  !  Matter  enough  to  have  broken  any  man's  heart, 
that  looked  rather  for  thanks,  as  God  doth  know  I  did  when 
I  first  heard  of  Mr.  Heneage's  arrival — I  must  say  to  your 
Lordship,  for  discharge  of  my  duty,  I  can  be  no  fit  man  to 
serve  here — my  disgrace  is  too  great — protesting  to  you  that 
since  that  day  I  cannot  find  it  in  my  heart  to  come  into  that 
place,  where,  by  my  own  sufierings  torn,  I  was  made  to  be 
thought  so  lewd  a  person."  ^ 

He  then  comforted  himself — as  he  had  a  right  to  do — with 
the  reflection  that  this  disgrace  inflicted  was  more  than  he 
deserved,  and  that  such  would  be  the  opinion  of  those  by 
whom  he  was  surrounded. 

"Albeit  one  thing,"  he  said,  "did  greatly  comfort  me,  that 
they  all  best  knew  the  wrong  was  great  I  had,  and  that  her 
Majesty  was  very  wrongfully  informed  of  the  state  of  my  cause. 
I  doubt  not  but  they  can  and  will  discharge  me,  howsoever 
they  shall  satisfy  her  Majesty.  And  as  I  would  rather  wish 
for  death  than  justly  to  deserve  her  displeasure,  so,  good  my 
Lord,  this  disgrace  not  coming  for  any  ill  service  to  her,  pray 
procure  me  a  speedy  resolution,  that  I  may  go  hide  me  and 
pray  for  her.  My  heart  is  broken,  though  thus  far  I  can 
quiet  myself,  that  I  know  I  have  done  her  Majesty  as  faithful 
and  good  service  in  these  countries  as  ever  she  had  done  her 

since  she  was  Queen  of  England Under  correction,  my 

good  Lord,  I  have  had  Halifax  law — to  be  condemned  first 
and  inquired  upon  after.  I  pray  God  that  no  man  find  this 
measure  that  I  have  done,  and  deserved  no  worse."  ^ 

1  Leicester  to  Burghley,  17  March,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  s  Ibid. 


1586.  HIS  LETTER  TO  BURaHLEY.  445 

He  defended  himself — as  Davison  had  already  defended  him 
— upon  the  necessities  of  the  ease. 

"  I,  a  poor  gentleman,"  he  said,  "who  have  wholly  depended 
upon  herself  alone — and  now,  being  commanded  to  a  service 
of  the  greatest  importance  that  ever  her  Majesty  employed 
any  servant  in,  and  finding  the  occasion  so  serving  me,  and 
the  necessity  of  time  such  as  would  not  permit  such  delays, 
flatly  seeing  that  if  that  opportunity  were  lost,  the  like  again 
for  her  service  and  the  good  of  the  realm  was  never  to  be 
looked  for,  presuming  upon  the  favour  of  my  prince,  as  many 
servants  have  done,  exceeding  somewhat  thereupon,  rather 
than  breaking  any  part  of  my  commission,  taking  upon  me  a 
place  whereby  I  found  these  whole  countries  could  be  held 
at  her  best  devotion,  without  binding  her  Majesty  to  any 
such  matter  as  she  had  forbidden  to  the  States  before — finding, 
I  say,  both  the  time  and  opportunity  to  serve,  and  no  lack  but 
to  trust  to  her  gracious  acceptation,  I  now  feel  that  how  good, 
how  honourable,  how  profitable  soever  it  be,  it  is  turned  to  a 
worse  part  than  if  I  had  broken  all  her  commissions  and  com- 
mandments, to  the  greatest  harm,  and  dishonour,  and  danger, 
that  may  be  imagined  against  her  person,  state,  and  dignity."' 

He  protested,  not  without  a  show  of  reason,  that  he  was 
like  to  be  worse  punished  "  for  well-doing  than  any  man  that 
had  committed  a  most  heinous  or  traitorous  offence,"  and  he 
maintained  that  if  he  had  not  accej)ted  the  government,  as 
he  had  done,  "  the  whole  State  had  been  gone  and  wholly 
lost."^  All  this — as  we  have  seen — had  already  been  stoutly 
urged  by  Davison,  in  the  very  face  of  the  tempest,  but  with 
no  result,  except  to  gain  the  enmity  of  both  parties  to  the 
quarrel.  The  ungrateful  Leicester  now  expressed  confidence 
that  the  second  go-between  would  be  more  adroit  than  the 
first  had  proved.  "  The  causes  why,"  said  he,  "  Mr,  Davison 
could  have  told — no  man  better — but  Mr.  Heneage  can  now 
tell,  who  hath  sought  to  the  uttermost  the  bottom  of  all  things. 
I  will  stand  to  his  report,  whether  glory  or  vain  desire  of  title 

*  Leicester  to  Burghley.     (MS.  last  cited.)  *  Ibid- 


446  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VII. 

caused  me  to  step  one  foot  forward  in  the  matter.  My  place 
was  great  enough  and  high  enough  before,  with  much  less 
trouble    than   by  this,  besides   the    great   indignation  of  her 

Majesty If  I  had  overslipt  the  good  occasion  then  in 

danger,  I  had  been  worthy  to  be  hanged,  and  to  be  taken  for 
a  most  lewd  servant  to  her  Majesty,  and  a  dishonest  wretch 
to  my  country."^ 

But  diligently  as  Heneage  had  sought  to  the  bottom  of  all 
things,  he  had  not  gained  the  approbation  of  Sidney.  Sir 
Philip  thought  that  the  new  man  had  only  ill  botched  a  piece 
of  work  that  had  been  most  awkwardly  contrived  from  the 
beginning.  "  Sir  Thomas  Heneage,"  said  he,  "  hath  with  as 
much  honesty,  in  my  opinion  done  as  much  hurt  as  any  man 
this  twelvemonth  hath  done  with  naughtiness.  But  I  hope 
in  God,  when  her  Majesty  finds  the  truth  of  things,  her 
graciousness  will  not  utterly  overthrow  a  cause  so  behooveful 
and  costly  unto  her."' 

He  briefly  warned  the  government  that  most  disastrous 
effects  were  likely  to  ensue,  if  the  Earl  should  be  publicly 
disgraced,  and  the  recent  action  of  the  States  reversed.  The 
penny-wise  economy,  too,  of  the  Queen,  was  rapidly  proving 
a  most  ruinous  extravagance.  "  I  only  cry  for  Flushing,"  said 
Sidney,  "  but,  unless  the  monies  be  sent  over,  there  will  some 
terrible  accident  follow,  particularly  to  the  cautionary  towns, 
if  her  Majesty  mean  to  have  them  cautions."^ 

The  effect  produced  by  the  first  explosion  of  the  Queen's 
wrath  was  indeed  one  of  universal  suspicion  and  distrust. 
The  greatest  care  had  been  taken,  however,  that  the  affair 
should  be  delicately  handled,  for  Heneage,  while  doing  as 
much  hurt  by  honesty  as  others  by  naughtiness,  had  modified 
his  course  as  much  as  he  dared  in  deference  to  the  opinions 
of  the  Earl  himself,  and  that  of  his  English  counsellors. 
The  great  culprit  himself,  assisted  by  his  two  lawyers.  Clerk 
and  Killigrew — had  himself  drawn  the  bill  of  his  own  indict- 
ment.    The  letters  of  the  Queen  to  the  States,  to  the  council, 


'  Leicester  to  Burghley.     (MS.  just  cited.) 
»  Sir  P.  Sidney  to  Burghlej,  18  Marcli,  1586,     (S.  P.  Office  MS.}        '  Ibid, 


1586.        EFKECT  OF  THE  QUEEN'S  LETTERS  TO  THE  STATES.         447 

and  to  the  Earl  himself,  were,  of  necessity,  delivered,  hut  the 
reprimand  which  Heneage  had  been  instructed  to  fulminate 
was  made  as  harmless  as  possible.  It  was  arranged  that  he 
should  make  a  speech  before  the  council,  but  abstain  from  a 
protocol.  The  oration  was  duly  pronounced,  and  it  was,  of 
necessity,  stinging.  Otherwise  the  disobedience  to  the  Queen 
would  have  been  flagrant.  But  the  pain  inflicted  was  to  dis- 
appear with  the  first  castigation.  The  humiliation  was  to  be 
public  and  solemn,  but  it  was  not  to  be  placed  on  perpetual 
record. 

"  We  thought  best,"  said  Leicester,  Heneage,  Clerk,  and 
Killigrew — "according  to  her  Majesty's  secret  instructions — 
to  take  that  course  which  might  least  endanger  the  weak 
estate  of  the  Provinces — that  is  to  say,  to  utter  so  much  in 
words  as  we  hoped  might  satisfy  her  excellent  Majesty's  ex- 
pectation, and  yet  leave  them  nothing  in  writing  to  confirm 
that  which  was  secretly  spread  in  many  places  to  the  hindrance 
of  the  good  course  of  settling  these  affairs.  Which  speech, 
after  Sir  Thomas  Heneage  had  devised,  and  we  both  perused 
and  allowed,  he,  by  our  consent  and  advice,  pronounced  to  the 
council  of  state.  This  we  did  think  needful — especially  be- 
cause every  one  of  the  council  that  was  present  at  the  reading 
of  her  Majesty's  first  letters,  was  of  the  full  mind,  that  if  her 
Majesty  should  again  show  the  least  mislike  of  the  present 
government,  or  should  not  by  her  next  letters  confirm  it,  they 
were  all  undone — for  that  every  man  would  cast  with  himself 
which  way  to  make  his  peace."  ^ 

Thus  adrf)itly  had  the  "  poor  gentleman,  who  could  not  find 
it  in  his  heart  to  come  again  into  the  place,  where — by  his 
own  sufferings  torn — he  was  made  to  appear  so  lewd  a  person  " 
— provided  that  there  should  remain  no  trace  of  that  lewdness 
and  of  his  sovereign's  displeasure,  upon  the  record  of  the 
States.'  It  was  not  long,  too,  before  the  Earl  was  enabled  to 
surmount  his  mortification  ;  but  the  end  was  not  yet. 


'  "  The  Resolution  of  my  Lord,  &c., 
for  the  speech  I  should  use  to  the 
Council  of  the  States  upon  the  letters 
written    from    H.    Majesty    in    ^rnrcli, 


14  March,  1586."  Signed  by  Leicester, 
Heneage,  Clerk,  and  Killigrew.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

^  In  the  foreign   correspondence,  oi 


448 


THE   UNITED   NKTJIKKLANDS. 


Chap,  VU 


The  universal  suspicion,  consequent  on  these  proceedings, 
grew  most  painful.  It  pointed  to  one  invariable  quarter.  It 
was  believed  by  all  that  the  Queen  was  privately  treating  for 
peace,  and  that  tlie  transaction  was  kept  a  secret  not  only 
from  the  States  but  from  her  own  most  trusted  counsellors 
also.  It  would  be  difficult  to  exaggerate  the  pernicious 
effects  of  this  suspicion.  Whether  it  was  a  well-grounded  one 
or  not,  will  be  shown  in  a  subsequent  chapter,  but  there  is  no 
doubt  that  the  vigour  of  the  enterprise  was  thus  sapped  at  a 
most  critical  moment.  The  Provinces  had  never  been  more 
heartily  banded  together  since  the  fatal  10th  of  July,  1584, 
than  they  were  in  the  early  spring  of  1586.  They  were 
rapidly  organizing  their  own  army,  and,  if  the  Queen  had 
manifested  more  sympathy  with  her  own  starving  troops,^  the 


"  despatch  books,"  between  the  States 
General  and  England,  there  are  no 
letters  either  from  Queen  Elizabeth, 
or  from  Ortell,  who  was  in  England 
during  the  whole  of  the  year  1586,  as 
agent  of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  and,  at 
the  close  of  the  year,  was  added  to  the 
number  of  commissioners  sent  by  the 
States  General  to  the  Queen.  Nor 
are  there  any  letters  addressed  to 
Elizabeth  or  to  Ortell,  although  there 
are  a  few  notes  (which  J  have  used) 
made  by  the  persons  to  whom  was  en- 
trusted tlie  task  of  drawing  up  letters 
to  be  sent  by  Davison  in  the  middle 
of  February,  1586,  and  afterwards. 
There  are,  indeed,  no  letters  of  1586 
relative  to  England  or  to  the  Leicester 
government,  to  be  found  in  the  archives 
of  the  Hague ;  nor  is  there  in  the 
daily  register  of  the  sessions  of  the 
States  General  for  1586 — which  I  have 
examined,  page  by  page,  very  care- 
fully— a  trace  of  the  dissatisfaction  of 
the  Queen,  or  of  the  angry  correspond- 
ODce  which  ensued,  after  the  accept- 
ance by  Leicester  of  the  "  absolute  " 
government.  All  the  pieces  have  been 
lost — probably  secreted  at  the  period 
— so  that  no  one  could  tell  at  present, 
by  consulting  the  Hague  Archives 
only,  that  there  had  been  a  quarrel. 
Bor,  Meteren,  and  other  contempo- 
raries, give    an  account    of  the  trans- 


action, in  the  main  correct,  although 
most  of  them  are  of  opinion  that 
the  Queen's  anger  was  mere  pretence, 
and  that  she  was  desirous  of  assuming 
the  sovereignty,  in  case  the  Provinces 
were  deemed  by  Leicester  capable  of 
maintaining  their  own  cause.  This 
view  as  we  have  seen,  was  quite  erro- 
neous. 

It  is  remarkable  tliat  between  23 
Feb.  and  11  April,  1586,  the  States 
General  were  not  in  session. 

'  "I  will  not  trouble  your  Lord- 
ship," wrote  Leicester  to  Burghley  on 
the  15  March,  1586,  "with  anything 
that  may  privately  concern  myself.  I 
see  what  the  acceptation  of  my  services 
is,  and  how  little  it  availeth  to  allege 
most  just  reasons  in  defence  of  them. 
But  though  I  see  I  am,  and  must  be, 
disgraced,  which  God  I  hope  will  give 
me  strength  to  bear  patiently,  yet  let 
me  entreat  your  L'p  to  be  a  mean  to 
her  M.  that  the  poor  soldiers  be  not 
beaten  for  my  sake.  There  came  no 
penny  of  treasure  over  since  my  coming 
hither.  That  which  then  came  was 
most  part  due  before  it  came.  There 
is  much  due  to  them.  They  cannot 
get  a  penny.  Their  credit  is  spent. 
They  perish  for  want  of'  victual  and 
clothing  in  great  numbers.  The  whole 
and  some  are  ready  to  mutiny,"  &c 
S.  P.  Office  MS. 


J  686.  SUSPICION  AND  DISCONTENT  IN  HOLLAND  449 

united  Englishmen  and  Hollanders  would  have  been  invincible 
even  by  Alexander  Farnese. 

Moreover,  they  iiad  sent  out  nine  war- vessels  to  cruise  oflf  the 
Cape  Verd  Islands  for  the  homeward-bound  Spanish  treasure- 
fleet  from  America,  with  orders,  if  they  missed  it,  to  proceed 
to  the  West  Indies  ;  so  that,  said  Leicester,  "  the  King  of 
Spain  will  have  enough  to  do  between  these  men  and  Drake."  ^ 
All  parties  had  united  in  conferring  a  generous  amount  of 
power  upon  the  Earl,  who  was,  in  truth,  stadholder-general, 
under  grant  from  the  States — and  both  Leicester  and  the 
Provinces  themselves  were  eager  and  earnest  for  the  war.  In 
war  alone  lay  the  salvation  of  England  and  Holland.  Peace 
was  an  impossibility.  It  seemed  to  the  most  experienced 
statesmen  of  both  countries  even  an  absurdity.  It  may  well 
be  imagined,  therefore,  that  the  idea  of  an  underhand  nego- 
tiation by  Elizabeth  would  cause  a  frenzy  in  the  Netherlands. 
In  Leicester's  opinion,  nothing  short  of  a  general  massacre  of 
the  English  would  be  the  probable  consequence.  "  No  doubt," 
said  he,  "  the  very  way  it  is  to  put  us  all  to  the  sword  here. 
For  mine  own  part  it  would  be  happiest  for  me,  though  I 
wish  and  trust  to  lose  my  life  in  better  sort."  - 

Champagny,  however,  was  giving  out  mysterious  hints  that 
the  King  of  Spain  could  have  peace  with  England  when  he 
wished  for  it.  Sir  Thomas  Cecil,  son  of  Lord  Burghley,  on 
whose  countenance  the  States  especially  relied,  was  returning 
on  sick-leave  from  his  government  of  the  Brill,  and  this 
sudden  departure  of  so  eminent  a  personage,  joined  with  the 
public  disavowal  of  the  recent  transaction  between  Leicester 
and  the  Provinces,  was  producing  a  general  and  most  sicken- 
ing apprehension  as  to  the  Queen's  good  iiiith.  The  Earl 
did  not  fail  to  urge  these  matters  most  warmly  on  the  con- 
Bideration  of  the  English  council,  setting  forth  that  the  States 
were  stanch  for  the  war,  but  that  they  would  be  beforehand 
with  her  if  she  attempted  by  underhand  means  to  compass  a 
;?eace.     "  If  these  men  once  smell    any  such   matter,"  wrote 

'  Leicester  to  Burghley,  17  March,  1586.     (S.  ?.  Office  MS.)  t  IU<X, 

VOL.  I,— ^  E 


450  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Vli 

Leicester  to  Burghley,  "be  you  sure  they  will  soon  come 
before  you,  to  the  utter  overthrow  of  her  Majesty  and  state 
for  ever."  ^ 

The  Earl  was  suspecting  the  "  false  boys,"  by  whom  he  was 
surrounded,  although  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  perceive,  as 
we  have  been  enabled  to  do,  the  wide-spread  and  intricate 
meshes  by  which  he  was  enveloped,  "Your  Papists  in  Eng- 
land," said  he,  "  have  sent  over  word  to  some  in  this  com- 
pany, that  all  that  they  ever  hoped  for  is  come  to  pass  ;  that 
my  Lord  of  Leicester  shall  be  called  away  in  greatest  indig- 
nation with  her  Majesty,  and  to  confirm  this  of  Champagny, 
I  have  myself  seen  a  letter  that  her  Majesty  is  in  hand  with 
a  secret  peace.  God  forbid  !  for  if  it  be  so,  her  Majesty,  her 
realm,  and  we,  are  all  undone."  ^ 

The  feeling  in  the  Provinces  was  still  sincerely  loyal  to- 
wards England.  "  These  men,"  said  Leicester,  "  yet  honour 
and  most  dearly  love  her  Majesty,  and  hardly,  I  know,  will  be 
brought  to  believe  ill  of  her  any  way."  Nevertheless  these 
rumours,  to  the  discredit  of  her  good  faith,  were  doing  in-' 
finite  harm  ;  while  the  Earl,  although  keeping  his  eyes  and 
ears  wide  open,  was  anxious  not  to  compromise  himself  any 
further  with  his  sovereign,  by  appearing  himself  to  suspect 
her  of  duplicity.  "  Good,  my  Lord,"  he  besought  Burghley, 
"  do  not  let  her  Majesty  know  of  this  concerning  Champagny 
as  coming  from  me,  for  she  will  think  it  is  done  f  )r  my  own 
cause,  which,  by  the  Lord  God,  it  is  not,  but  even  on  the 
necessity  of  the  case  for  her  own  safety,  and  the  realm,  and 
us  all.  Good  my  Lord,  as  you  will  do  any  good  in  the  matter, 
let  not  her  Majesty  understand  any  piece  of  it  to  come  from 
me."» 

The  States-General,  on  the  25th  March,  N.  S.,  addressed  a 
respectful    letter  to  the   Queen,   in   reply    to   her   vehement 
j5  chidings.      They  expressed   their  deep  regret    that 

-  March,    -^^^   Majesty  should   be  so  offended  with  the  elec- 
tion  of  the    Earl   of    Leicester    as    absolute    go- 
vernor.     They   confessed    that   she   had    just   cause   of  dis- 

'  Leicester  to  Burghley,  MS.  last  cited.  '  Ibid.  3  ibid. 


1586.        STATES  BXClTSE  THEIR  CONDUCT  TO  THK  QUEEN. 


451 


pleasure,  but  hoped  that  when  she  should  be  informed  of 
the  whole  matter  she  would  rest  better  satisfied  with  their 
proceedings.  They  stated  that  the  authority  was  the  same 
which  had  been  previously  bestowed  upon  governors-general ; 
observing  that  by  the  word  "  absolute/'  which  had  been  used 
in  designation  of  that  authority,  nothing  more  had  been 
intended  than  to  give  to  the  Earl  full  power  to  execute 
his  commission,  while  the  sovereignty  of  the.  country  was  re- 
served to  the  people.  This  commission,  they  said,  could  not 
be  without  danger  revoked.  And  therefore  they  most  humbly 
besought  her  Majesty  to  approve  what  had  been  done,  and  to 
remember  its  conformity  with  her  own  advice  to  them,  that 
a  multitude  of  heads,  whereby  confusion  in  the  government 
is  bred,  should  be  avoided.^ 

Leicester,  upon  the  same  occasion,  addressed  a  letter  to 
Burghley  and-  Walsingham,  expressing  himself  as  became  a 
crushed  and  contrite  man,  never  more  to  raise  his  drooping 
head  again,  but  warmly  and  manfully  urging  upon  the  atten- 
tion of  the  English  government — for  the  honour  and  interest 
of  the  Queen  herself — "  the  miserable  state  of  the  poor 
soldiers/'  The  necessity  of  immediate  remittances  in  order 
to  keep  them  from  starving,  was  most  imperious.  For  him- 
self, he  was  smothering  his  wretchedness  until  he  should  learn 
her  Majesty's  final  decision,  as  to  what  was  to  become  of 
him.     "  Meantime,"  said  he,  "  I  carry  my  grief  inward,  and 


'  The  letter  is  given  in  Meteren, 
xii.  234.  Wagenaar  (viii.  121,  note  4) 
observes,  very  correctly,  that,  when 
the  States  were  thus  glibly  explaining 
away  the  word  '"absolute,"  they  had 
either  not  read  over  very  carefully  the 
commission  granted  by  themselves  to 
Leicester,  or  trusted  that  the  Queen 
would  not  closely  examine  that  docu- 
ment. In  this  original  contract  with 
the  Earl  were  these  words:  "Item, 
his  Excellency  shall  have  full  authority 
and  absolute  power  (voile  macht  en 
absoluyt  geweld)  within  the  Provinces 
in  the  matter  of  poUcy  and  justice  (in 
't  stuck  van  de  politie  en  justitie)." 
Comp.  Bor,  II.  686.  Groot  I'lakaat 
Boek,  iv.  81.     Meteren,  ubi  sup. 


Bor,  Meteren,  and  many  contem- 
porary writers,  as  well  as  Wagenaar 
and  other  more  modern  authorities, 
are  quite  mistaken  in  representing 
the  whole  angry  demonstration  made 
by  the  Queen  in  regard  to  this  accept- 
ance by  Leicester  of  the  ''  absolute " 
government  as  a  farce,  and  a  farco 
which  had  been  previously  arranged. 
We  have  seen  from  the  private  letters 
of  the  period  how  very  genuine  was 
the  ill  humour  of  Elizabetli. 

The  state-council  also,  on  the  27 
March,  1586  (N.S.),  addressed  a  letter 
to  the  Queen,  of  similar  tenor  to  that 
written  by  the  States-General.  Printed 
in  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  x\.ppend. 
468,  469. 


452 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VIL 


will  proceed  till  her  Majesty's  full  pleasure  come  with  as  little 
discouragement  to  the  cause  as  I  can.  I  pray  God  her 
Majesty  may  do  that  may  be  best  for  herself.  For  my  own 
part  my  heart  is  broken,  but  not  by  the  enemy."  ^ 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  public  disgrace  thus  inflicted 
upon  the  broken-hearted  governor,  and  the  severe  censure 
administered  to  the  States  by  the  Queen  were  both  ill-timed 
and  undeserved.  Whatever  his  disingenuousness  towards 
Davison,  whatever  his  disobedience  to  Elizabeth,  however 
ambitious  his  own  secret  motives  may  have  been,  there  is  no 
doubt  at  all  that  thus  far  he  had  borne  himself  well  in  his 
great  office. 

Richard  Cavendish — than  whom  few  had  better  oppor- 
tunities of  judging — spoke  in  strong  language  on  the  subject. 
"  It  is  a  thing  almost  incredible,"  said  he,  "  that  the  care  and 
diligence  of  any  one  man  living  could,  in  so  small  time,  have 
so  much  repaired  so  disjointed  and  loose  an  estate  as  my  Lord 
found  this  country  in.  But  lest  he  should  swell  in  pride  of 
that  his  good  success,  your  Lordship  knoweth  that  God  hath 
so  tempered  the  cause  with  the  construction  thereof,  as  may 
well  hold  him  in  good  consideration  of  human  things."  ^  He 
alluded  with  bitterness — as  did  all  men  in  the  Netherlands 
who  were  not  open  or  disguised  Papists — to  the  fatal  rumours 
concerning  the  peace-negotiation  in  connection  with  the  recall 
of  Leicester.  "  There  be  here  advertisements  of  most  fearful 
instance,"  he  said,  "  namely,  that  Champagny  doth  not  spare 
most  liberally  to  bruit  abroad  that  he  hath  in  his  hands  the 
conditions  of  peace  offered  by  her  Majesty  unto  the  King  his 
master,  and  that  it  is  in  his  power  to  conclude  at  pleasure — 
which  fearful  and  mischievous  plot,  if  in  time  it  be  not  met 
withal  by  some  notable  encounter,  it  cannot  but  prove  the 
root  of  great  ruin."  ^ 

The  "false  boys"  about  Leicester  were  indefatigable  in 
spreading  these  rumours,  and  in  taking  advantage — with  the 


'  Leicester  to  Burghley  and  "Wal- 
singham,  15  March,  1586.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS. 


'  Cavendish  to  Burghley,  18  March, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
3  Ibid. 


1686.  LEICESTER   DISCREDITED   IN    HOLLAND.  453 

assistance  of  the  Papists  in  the  obedient  Provinces  and  in 
England — of  the  disgraced  condition  in  which  the  Queen  had 
placed  the  favourite.  Most  galling  to  the  haughty  Earl — 
most  damaging  to  the  cause  of  England,  Holland,  and  liberty 
— were  the  tales  to  his  discredit,  which  circulated  on  the  Bourse 
at  Antwerp,  Middelburg,  Amsterdam,  and  in  all  the  other 
commercial  centres.  The  most  influential  bankers  and  mer- 
chants were  assured  by  a  thousand  chattering-r— but  as  it  were 
invisible — tongues,  that  the  Queen  had  for  a  long  time  dis- 
liked Leicester  ;  that  he  was  a  man  of  no  account  among  the 
statesmen  of  England  ;  that  he  was  a  beggar  and  a  bankrupt ; 
that,  if  he  had  waited  two  months  longer,  he  would  have  made 
his  appearance  in  the  Provinces  with  one  man  and  one  boy 
for  his  followers  ;  that  the  Queen  had  sent  him  thither  to  be 
rid  of  him  ;  that  she  never  intended  him  to  have  more 
authority  than  Sir  John  Norris  had  ;  that  she  could  not  abide 
the  bestowing  the  title  of  Excellency  upon  him,  and  that  she 
had  not  disguised  her  fury  at  his  elevation  to  the  post  of 
governor-general.  ^ 

All  who  attempted  a  refutation  of  these  statements  were 
asked,  with  a  sneer,  whether  her  Majesty  had  ever  written  a 
line  to  him,  or  in  commendation  of  him,  since  his  arrival. 
Minute  inquiries  were  made  by  the  Dutch  merchants  of  their 
commercial  correspondents,  both  in  their  own  country  and  in 
England,  as  to  Leicester's  real  condition  and  character  at 
home.  What  was  his  rank,  they  asked,  what  his  ability,  what 
his  influence  at  court  ?  Why,  if  he  were  really  of  so  high 
quality  as  had  been  reported,  was  he  thus  neglected,  and  at 
last  disgraced  .^  Had  he  any  landed  property  in  England  ? 
Had  he  really  ever  held  any  other  office  but  that  of  master 
of  the  horse  .?  "  And  then,"  asked  one  particular  busy  body, 
who  made  himself  very  unpleasant  on  the  Amsterdam  Ex- 
change, "  why  has  her  Majesty  forbidden  all  noblemen  and 
gentlemen  from  coming  hither,  as  was  the  case  at  the  begin- 
ning ?    Is  it  because  she  is  hearkening  to  a  peace  ?    And  if  it 

*  Bruce's  'Lejc.  Gorresp.'  214-219,  -  April,  1586. 


454  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIL 

be  SO,  quoth  he,  we  are  well  handled  ;  for  if  her  Majesty  hath 
sent  a  disgraced  man  to  amuse  us,  while  she  is  secretly  work- 
ing a  peace  for  herself,  when  we — on  the  contrary — had 
broken  oflf  all  our  negotiations,  upon  confidence  of  her  Ma- 
jesty's goodness  ;  such  conduct  will  be  remembered  to  the 
end  of  the  world,  and  the  Hollanders  will  never  abide  the 
name  of  England  again."  ^ 

On  such  a  bed  of  nettles  there  was  small  chance  of  repose 
for  the  governor.  Some  of  the  rumours  were  even  more 
stinging.  So  incomprehensible  did  it  seem  that  the  proud 
sovereign  of  England  should  send  over  her  subjects  to  starve  or 
beg  in  the  streets  of  Flushing  and  Ostend,  that  it  was  darkly 
intimated  that  Leicester  had  embezzled  the  funds,  which,  no 
doubt,  had  been  remitted  for  the  poor  soldiers.-  This  was  the 
most  cruel  blow  of  all.  The  Earl  had  been  put  to  enormous 
charges.  His  household  at  the  Hague  cost  him  a  thousand 
pounds  a  month.  He  had  been  paying  and  furnishing  five 
hundred  and  fifty  men  out  of  his  own  purse.  He  had  also  a 
choice  regiment  of  cavalry,  numbering  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  horse,  three  hundred  and  fifty  of  which  number  were 
over  and  above  those  allowed  for  by  the  Queen,  and  were 
entu-ely  at  his  expense.  He  was  most  liberal  in  making  pre- 
sents of  money  to  every  gentleman  in  his  employment.  He 
had  deeply  mortgaged  his  estates  in  order  to  provide  for  these 
heavy  demands  upon  him,  and  professed  his  willingness  "  to 
spend  more,  if  he  might  have  got  any  more  money  for  his  land 
that  was  left ;"  and  in  the  face  of  such  unquestionable  facts 
— much  to  the  credit  certainly  of  his  generosity — he  was 
accused  of  swindling  a  Queen  whom  neither  Jew  nor  Gentile 
had  ever  yet  been  sharp  enough  to  swindle  ;  while  he  was  in 
reality  plunging  forward  in  a  course  of  reckless  extravagance 
in  order  to  obviate  the  fatal  effects  of  her  penuriousness. 

Yet  these  sinister  reports  were  beginning  to  have  a  poison- 
ous effect.     Already  an  alteration  of  mien  was  perceptible  in 


J  truce's  'Lej'c.  Corresp.,'  last  cited.      -  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  216,  -  April,  1586, 
3  Ibid.  214-^19. 


1586.      EVIL   CONSEQUENCES  TO   nOLLAND   AND   ENOLAND.      455 

the  States-General.  "  Some  buzzing  there  is  amongst  them," 
said  Leicester,  "  whatsoever  it  be.  They  begin  to  deal  very 
strangely  within  these  few  days."^  Moreover  the  industry 
of  the  Poleys,  Blunts,  and  Pagcts,  had  turned  these  unfavour- 
able circumstances  to  such  good  account  that  a  mutiny  had 
been  near  breaking  out  among  the  English  troops.  "And, 
before  the  Lord  I  speak  it,"  said  the  Earl,  "  I  am  sure  some 
of  these  good  towns  had  been  gone  ere  this,  but  for  my 
money.  As  for  the  States,  I  warrant  you,  they  see  day  at  a 
little  hole.  God  doth  know  what  a  forward  and  a  joyful 
country  here  was  within  a  month.  God  send  her  Majesty  to 
recover  it  so  again,  and  to  take  care  of  it,  on  the  condition 
she  send  me  after  Sir  Francis  Drake  to  the  Indies,  my  ser- 
vice here  being  no  more  acceptable."" 

Such  was  the  aspect  of  affairs  in  the  Provinces  after  the 
first  explosion  of  the  Queen's  anger  had  become  known. 
Meanwhile  the  court- weather  was  very  changeable  in  England, 
being  sometimes  serene,  sometimes  cloudy,  always  treacherous. 
Mr.  Vavasour,  sent  by  the  Earl  with  despatches  to  her  Ma- 
jesty and  the  council,  had  met  with  a  sufficiently  benignant 
reception.  She  accepted  the  letters,  which,  however,  owing 
to  a  bad  cold  with  a  defluxion  in  the  eyes,  she  was  unable  at 
once  to  read  ;  but  she  talked  ambiguously  with  the  messen- 
ger. Vavasour  took  pains  to  show  the  immediate  necessity 
of  sending  supplies,  so  that  the  armies  in  the  Netherlands 
might  take  the  field  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  "And 
what,"  said  she,  "if  a  peace  should  come  in  the  mean 
time  ?"^ 

"  If  your  Majesty  desireth  a  convenient  peace,"  replied 
Vavasour,  "  to  take  the  field  is  the  readiest  way  to  obtain  it; 
for  as  yet  the  King  of  Spain  hath  had  no  reason  to  fear  you. 
He  is  daily  expecting  that  your  own  slackness  may  give  your 
Majesty  an  overthrow.  Moreover,  the  Spaniards  are  soldiers, 
and  are  not  to  be  moved  by  shadows."  * 

'  'Leya  Corresp.,' last  cited.  'Ibid. 

»  Bruce'a  'Leyc  Corresp.'  I'JA,  195,  '/^^^^i  1586.  *  Ibid. 


456  5SK  UNITKD  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Vll 

But  the  Queen  had  no  ears  for  these  remonstrances,  and  no 
disposition  to  open  her  coffers.  A  warrant  for  twenty-four 
thousand  pounds  ^  had  been  signed  by  her  at  the  end  of  the 
month  of  March,  and  was  about  to  be  sent,  when  Vavasour 
arrived  ;  but  it  was  not  possible  for  him,  although  assisted  by 
the  eloquence  of  Walsingham  and  Burghley,  to  obtain  an 
enlargement  of  the  pittance.  "The  storms  are  overblown," 
said  Walsingham,  "  but  I  fear  your  Lordship  shall  receive  very 
scarce  measure  from  hence.  You  will  not  believe  how  the 
sparing  humour  doth  increase  upon  us."^ 

Nor  were  the  storms  so  thoroughly  overblown  but  that 
there  were  not  daily  indications  of  returning  foul  weather. 
Accordingly — after  a  conference  with  Vavasour — Burghley, 
and  Walsingham  had  an  interview  with  the  Queen,  in  which 
the  Lord  Treasurer  used  bold  and  strong  language.  He 
protested  to  her  that  he  was  bound,  both  by  his  duty  to  him- 
self and  his  oath  as  her  councillor,  to  declare  that  the  course 
she  was  holding  to  Lord  Leicester  was  most  dangerous  to  her 
own  honour,  interest  and  safety.  If  she  intended  to  continue 
in  this  line  of  conduct,  he  begged  to  resign  his  office  of  Lord 
Treasurer  ;  wishing,  before  God  and  man,  to  wash  his  hands 
of  the  shame  and  peril  which  he  saw  could  not  be  avoided. 
The  Queen,  astonished  at  the  audacity  of  Burghley's  attitude 
and  language,  hardly  knew  whether  to  chide  him  for  his 
presumption  or  to  listen  to  his  arguments.  She  did  both. 
She  taxed  him  with  insolence  in  daring  to  address  her  so 
roundly,  and  then  finding  he  was  speaking  even  in  amaritudine 
animce  and  out  of  a  clear  conscience,  she  became  calm  again, 
and  intimated  a  disposition  to  qualify  her  anger  against  the 
absent  Earl.^ 

Next  day,  to  their  sorrow,  the  two  councillors  found  that 
the  Queen  had  again  changed  her  mind — "as  one  that  had 


'  This  sum  added  to  tho  52,000Z. 
already  advanced,  made  76,000^.  in 
all,  "which,"  said  Burghley,  "her 
Majesty  doth  often  repeat  with  great 
offence."        'Leyc.       Corresp.'       199, 


■l^''"-^,  1586. 

10  AprU   ' 


5   Brucc's      'Lcve.      Corres.'      191, 
??J^^'_^,  1586. 

1    April   ' 

»  Ibid.  197,  ^II^J^  1586. 

'  JO  AprU  ' 


1586.  I^AGIC  EFFECT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  LEICESTER.  457 

been  by  some  adverse  counsel  seduced."  She  expressed  the 
opinion  that  affairs  would  do  well  enough  in  the  Netherlands, 
even  though  Leicester  were  displaced.  A  conference  followed 
between  Walsingham,  Hatton,  and  Burghley,  and  then  the 
three  went  again  to  her  Majesty.  They  assured  her  that 
if  she  did  not  take  immediate  steps  to  satisfy  the  States' 
and  the  people  of  the  Provinces,  she  would  lose  those  coun- 
tries and  her  own  honour  at  the  same  time  ;  and  that  then 
they  would  prove  a  source  of  danger  to  her  instead  of  pro- 
tection and  glory.  At  this  she  was  greatly  troubled,  and 
agreed  to  do  anything  they  might  advise  consistently  with 
her  honour.  It  was  then  agreed  that  Leicester  should  be 
continued  in  the  government  which  he  had  accepted  until 
the  matter  should  be  further  considered,  and  letters  to  that 
effect  were  at  once  written.  Then  came  a  messenger  from 
Sir  Thomas  Heneage,  bringing  despatches  from  that  envoy, 
and  a  second  and  most  secret  one  from  the  Earl  himself 
Burghley  took  the  precious  letter  which  the  favourite  had 
addressed  to  his  royal  mistress,  and  had  occasion  to  observe 
its  magical  effect.^  Walsingham  and  the  Lord  Treasurer 
had  been  right  in  so  earnestly  remonstrating  with  him  on 
his  previous  silence. 

"  She  read  your  letter,"  said  Burghley,  "  and,  in  very 
truth,  I  found  her  princely  heart  touched  with  favourable 
interpretation  of  your  actions ;  affirming  them  to  be  only 
offensive  to  her,  in  that  she  was  not  made  privy  to  them ; 
not  now  7)iisUking  that  you  had  the  authority."  ^ 

Such,  at  fifty- three,  was  Elizabeth  Tudor.  A  gentle 
whisper  of  idolatry  from  the  lips  of  the  man  she  loved,  and 
she  was  wax  in  his  hands.     Where  now  were  the  vehement 


'   Bruce,    'Leyc.   Corresp.'   198,   last 
cited. 

'    This     letter    was    probably    very 
tender  and  personal,  for  no  trace  of  it 
is  to  be  found  in  the  English  archives. 
Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  198,  199, 


a  subsequent  chapter)  bad  reached 
England,  "Walsingham  observed  to 
Leicester,  "  I  do  assure  your  Lordship 
I  think  her  Majesty  toolc  as  much 
joy  upon  the  view  of  your  letter,  in 
seeing    you   restored    to   your   former 


SI  Marrh  ,      i  .  comfort,    grounded    upon    her    favour, 

1  1586;  and,  three  weeks  later,  I  .        ri    ■      +1  „    „,., ..f !,..„,..   ^.c  +i,„ 

10  April  '  '         '  '  I   as   she   did    ni    the   overthrow   ot    the 

after  the  news  of  the  success  of  the  I  „     ^.  . ,    ^„„    -'  April 

Earl  before  Grave  (to  bo  described  in  ^'  '  "     '    1  M»y  ' 

VOL.    I. — 15 


458  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIl 

})rote8tations  of  horror  that  her  public  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples and  motives  had  been  set  at  nought  ?  Where  now 
were  her  vociferous  denunciations  of  the  States,  her  shrill 
invectives  against  Leicester,  her  big  oaths,  and  all  the 
hysterica  passio,  which  had  sent  poor  Lord  Burghley  to  bed 
with  the  gout,  and  inspired  the  soul  of  Walsingham  with 
dismal  forebodings  ?  Her  anger  had  dissolved  into  a  shower 
of  tenderness,  and  if  her  parsimony  still  remained  it  was  be- 
cause that  could  only  vanish  when  she  too  should  cease  to  be. 

And  thus,  for  a  moment,  the  grave  diplomatic  difference 
between  the  crown  of  England  and  their  high  mightinesses 
the  United  States — upon  the  solution  of  which  the  fate  of 
Christendom  was  hanging — seemed  to  shrink  to  the  dimen- 
sions of  a  lovers'  quarrel.  Was  it  not  strange  that  the  letter 
had  been  so  long  delayed  ? 

Davison  had  exhausted  argument  in  defence  of  the  accept- 
ance  by  the  Earl  of  the  authority  conferred  by  the  States^ 
and  had  gained  nothing  by  his  eloquence,  save  abuse  from 
the  Queen,  and  acrimonious  censure  from  the  Earl.  He  had 
deeply  oftended  both  by  pleading  the  cause  of  the  erring 
favourite,  when  the  favourite  should  have  spoken  for  himself. 
^  Poor  Mr.  Davison,"  said  Walsingham,  "  doth  take  it  very 
grievously  that  your  Lordship  should  conceive  so  hardly  of 
him  as  you  do.  I  find  the  conceit  of  your  Lordship's  dis- 
favour hath  greatly  dejected  him.  But  at  such  time  as  he 
arrived  her  Majesty  was  so  incensed,  as  all  the  arguments 
and  orators  in  the  world  could  not  have  wrought  any  satis- 
faction."^ 

But  now  a  little  hillet-doux  had  done  what  all  the  orators 
in  the  world  could  not  do.  The  arguments  remained  the 
same,  but  the  Queen  no  longer  "  misliked  that  Leicester  should 
have  the  authority."  It  was  natural  that  the  Lord  Treasurer 
should  express  his  satisfaction  at  this  auspicious  result. 

"  I  did  commend  her  princely  nature,"  he  said,  "  in  allow- 
ing your  good  intention,  aud  excusing  you  of  any  spot  of  evil 

1  Bruce,  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  206,  -  April,  1586. 


1586.  THE   QUEEN   APPEASED.  459 

meaning  ;  and  I  thought  good  to  hasten  her  resolution,  which 
you  must  now  take  to  come  from  a  favourable  good  mistress. 
You  must  strive  with  your  nature  to  throw  over  your  shoulder 
that  which  is  past."  ^ 

Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  too,  who  had  been  "  falsely  and  pes- 
tilently"  represented  to  the  Earl  as  an  enemy,  rather  than 
what  he  really  was,  a  most  ardent  favourer  of  the  Netherland 
cause,  wrote  at  once  to  congratulate  him  on  the  change  in 
her  Majesty's  demeanour.  "  The  Queen  is  in  very  good 
terms  with  you  now,"  he  said,  "  and,  thanks  be  to  God, 
well  pacified,  and  you  are  again  her  '  siveet  RohinJ  "^ 

Sir  Walter  wished  to  be  himself  the  bearer  of  the  comfort- 
ing despatches  to  Leicester,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  been 
represented  as  an  "  ill  instrument  against  him,"  and  in  order 
that  he  might  justify  himself  against  the  charge,  with  his  own 
lips.  The  Queen,  however,  while  professing  to  make  use  of 
Shirley  as  the  messenger,  bade  Walsingham  declare  to  the 
Earl,  upon  her  honour,  that  Raleigh  had  done  good  offices  for 
him,  and  that,  in  the  time  of  her  anger,  he  had  been  as 
earnest  in  his  defence  as  the  best  friend  could  be.  It  would 
have  been  singular,  indeed,  had  it  been  otherwise.  "  Your 
Lordship,"  said  Sir  Walter,  "  doth  well  understand  my 
aifection  toward  Spain,  and  how  I  have  consumed  the  best 
part  of  my  fortune,  hating  the  tyrannous  prosperity  of  that 
state.  It  were  strange  and  monstrous  that  I  should  now  be- 
come an  enemy  to  my  country  and  conscience.  All  that  I 
have  desired  at  your  Lordship's  hands  is  that  you  will  ever- 
more deal  directly  with  me  in  all  matters  of  susjject  double- 
ness,  and  so  ever  esteem  me  as  you  shall  find  me  deserving 
good  or  bad.  In  the  mean  time,  let  no  poetical  scribe  work 
your  Lordship  by  any  device  to  doubt  that  I  am  a  hollow  or 
cold  servant  to  the  action."^ 

It  was  now  agreed  that  letters  should  be  drawn  up  au- 
thorizing Leicester  to  continue  in  the  office  which  he  held,  until 

.    ^  ,  _  „  .  31  March 

»  Bruce,  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'    199,  ,  1586. 

'  •'  ^  '   10  April 

.  29  March 

•  Bmce's  'Leyc  Corresp.'  193,  194, ,  1586.  »  Ibid, 

*  8  April 


460  THE  UNITED  Ni:tHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIL 

the  state-oonncil  should  devise  some  modification  in  his  com- 
mission. As  it  seemed,  however,  very  improbable  that  the 
board  would  devise  anything  of  the  kind,  Burghley  expressed 
the  belief  that  the  country  was  like  to  continue  in  the  Earl's 
government  without  any  change  whatever.  The  Lord  Trea- 
surer was  also  of  opinion  that  the  Queen's  letters  to  Leicester 
would  convey  as  much  comfort  as  he  had  received  discomfort ; 
although  he  admitted  that  there  was  a  great  diflference.  The 
former  letters  he  knew  had  deeply  wounded  his  heart,  white 
the  new  ones  could  not  suddenly  sink  so  low  as  the  wound/ 

The  desj)atch  to  the  States-General  was  benignant,  elabo- 
rate, slightly  diffuse.  The  Queen's  letter  to  'sweet  Kobin'  was 
caressing,  but  argumentative. 

"It  is  always  thought,"  said  she,  "in  the  opinion  of  the 
world,  a  hard  bargain  when  both  parties  are  losers,  and  so 
doth  fall  out  in  the  case  between  us  two.  You,  as  we  hear, 
are  greatly  grieved  in  respect  of  the  great  displeasure  you 
find  we  have  conceived  against  you.  We  are  no  less  grieved 
that  a  subject  of  ours  of  that  quality  that  you  are,  a  creature 
of  our  own,  and  one  that  hath  always  received  an  extraor- 
dinary portion  of  our  favour  above  all  our  subjects,  even 
from  the  beginning  of  our  reign,  should  deal  so  carelessly, 
not  to  say  contemptuously,  as  to  give  the  world  just  cause  to 
think  that  we  are  had  in  contempt  by  him  that  ought  most 
to  respect  and  reverence  us,  which,  we  do  assure  you,  hath 
wrought  as  great  grief  in  us  as  any  one  thing  that  ever  hap- 
pened unto  us. 

"  We  are  persuaded  that  you,  that  have  so  long  known  us, 
cannot  think  that  ever  we  could  have  been  drawn  to  have 
taken  so  hard  a  course  therein  had  we  not  been  provoked  by 
an  extraordinary  cause.  But  for  that  your  grieved  and 
wounded  mind  hath  more  need  of  comfort  than  reproof,  who, 
we  are  persuaded,  though  the  act  of  contempt  can  no  ways 
be  excused,  had  no  other  meaning  and  intent  than  to  advance 
our  service,  we  think  meet  to  forbear  to  dwell  upon  a  matter 

.    _  31  March 

>  Bruce.  *Levc.  Corresp.,'  202,  ,  158G. 

•  -^  ^ '  '   10  April  '  . 


1586. 


HER  LETTERS  TO  THE  STATES  AND  THE  EARL. 


461 


wherein  we  ourselves  do  find  so  little  comfort,  assuring  you 
that  whosoever  professeth  to  love  you  best  taketh  not  more 
comfort  of  your  well  doing,  or  discomfort  of  your  evil  doing 
than  ourself "  ^ 

After  this  affectionate  preface  she  proceeded  to  intimate 
her  desire  that  the  Earl  should  take  the  matter  as  nearly  as 
possible  into  his  own  hands.  It  was  her  wish  that  he  should 
retain  the  authority  of  absolute  governor,  but — if  it  could  be 
so  arranged — that  he  should  dispense  with  the  title,  retaining 
only  that  of  her  lieutenant-general.  It  was  not  her  inten- 
tion however,  to  create  any  confusion  or  trouble  in  the  Pro- 
vinces, and  she  was  therefore  willing  that  the  government 
should  remain  upon  precisely  the  same  footing  as  that  on 
which  it  then  stood,  until  circumstances  should  permit  the 
change  of  title  which  she  suggested.  And  the  whole  matter 
was  referred  to  the  wisdom  of  Leicester,  who  was  to  advise 
with  Heneage  and  such  others  as  he  liked  to  consult,  although 
it  was  expressly  stated  that  the  present  ari'angement  was  to 
be  considered  a  provisional  and  not  a  final  one.^ 


'Bruce,  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  209, 
April -'1586. 

March  30 

'  Ibid.    Queen   to  Leicester, ' 

'  April    10 

1586.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  On  the  day 
before,  she  had  addressed  a  shorter 
letter  of  similar  tenour  to  the  Earl. 

In  her  letters  of  the  same  date  to 
Ileneage,  she  congratulated  both  her- 
self and  the  envoy  that  he  had  not 
beea  so  precipitate  in  executing,  as 
she  had  been  in  ordaining,  the  con- 
dign and  public  chastisement  of  the 
great  delinquent.  Sir  Thomas  might, 
in  the  humour  in  which  the  Queen 
now  found  herself,  have  even  ventured 
upon  a  still  longer  delaj^,  and  a  more 
decided  mitigation,  of  the  sentence. 
Tender,  indeed,  was  the  tone,  com- 
pared with  that  in  which  she  had  so 
lately  communicated  her  sentiments 
to  the  departing  diplomatist,  in  wliich 
she  now  expressed  her  satisfaction 
that  1)6  had  not  been  hasty  in  obeying 
"  her  secret  directions  touching  the 
revocation  of  her  cousin  the  Eari'a 
government." 


"  "We  perceive  by  your  letters,"  she 
observed,  "  that  if  the  same  had  been 
executed  according  to  our  first  pur- 
pose, it  would  have  wrought  some 
dangerous  alteration  in  the  state  there, 
and  utterly  have  overthrown  the  re- 
putation and  credit  of  our  cousin,  no 
less  prejudicial  to  our  service  than 
the  utter  defacing  and  overthrow  of 
one  whom  we  ourselves  have  raised 
up,  and  have  always  found  as  greatly 
devoted  to  our  service  as  ever  sove- 
reign found  any  subject.  Though  iq 
his  late  proceeding  touching  the  abso- 
lute government  he  did  greatly  forget 
himself,  yet  we  would  never  have  pro- 
ceeded against  him  so  severely  had 
not  our  honour  been  touched.  "We 
are  well  persuaded  that  this  oflence 
and  error  grew  not  out  of  any  evil 
meaning  toward  us,  whose  service  we 
know  he  doth  prefer  even  before  hia 
own  life.  And  although  we  have 
assured  him  so  much  by  our  own 
letters,  directed  to  him,  yet  we  think 
meet  you  should  labour,  by  all  means, 
to  comfort  him,  whose  mind — as  we 
uuderstaad.  from  yourself  and  others-^ 


462 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VU. 


Until    this    soothing    intelligence    could    arrive    in     the 
Netherlands  the   suspicions   concerning  the  underhand  nego- 


\3  greatly  wounded  and  overthrown, 
and  also  to  remove  any  hard  opinion 
that  may  be  formed  against  him,  as  a 
man  quite  shaken   out  of  our  favour," 

Queen   to    Heneage,     April  — '     1586. 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

She  reiterated  her  instructions  as 
to  the  repairing,  as  handsomely  as 
possible,  of  the  Earl's  broken  heart, 
lu  a  style  which  was  almost  pathetic. 

"  You  have  been  an  eye-witness," 
she  said,  "  of  the  great  love  we  have 
always  borne  him  above  any  subject 
we  have,  and  therefore  you  can  easily 
guess  the  grief  we  should  conceive  if 
he  should  miscarry.  "We  doubt  not 
therefore  that  you  will  leave  nothing 
undone  that  may  salve  his  wounded 
mind,  and  repair  his  credit,  if  you  find 
the  same  decayed." 

She  was  desirous  that  Sir  Thomas 
should  be  the  medium  through  which 
the  Earl's  pardon  should  be  comnm- 
nicated  to  the  States,  as  he  had 
already  been  the  vehicle  which  had 
borne  to  them  her  wrath.  Although, 
therefore,  she  had  written  to  them- 
selves very  much  at  length,  she  had 
yet  reserved  certain  points  upon  which 
they  were  referred  to  the  envoy  for 
details.  This  proceeding  she  intended 
as  an  espdial  compliment  to  Heneage. 
"Forasmuch,"  so  she  expressed  her- 
self, "  as  you  have  already  yielded  the 
one  part  of  the  scorpion  which  is  to 
wound,  we  think  that  we  should  do 
you  wrong  if  you  should  not  deliver 
some  n>atter  of  contentment,  whereby 
you  may  cure."     (Ibid.) 

She  then  proceeded  to  handle  the 
two  points  contained  in  the  last  mis- 
sive of  the  States-General  to  herself. 
Uoon  the  first,  namely,  that  tlie  abso- 
lute government  conferred  on  the 
Earl  was  not  repugnant  to  the  original 
trealy,  and  was  offensive  rather  in 
name  than  in  matter,  she  reasoned  at 
considerable  length.  Her  grounds  of 
objection  are,  however,  sufficiently 
well  known.  She  considered  that  the 
acceptance  without  her  permission 
savoured  of  contempt,  and  that  an 
implied  permission  on  her  part  was 
an  impeachment  ou  the    aelf-denying 


nature  of  her  original  declarations. 
She  had  been  most  anxious,  therefore, 
lest  "the  world  should  condemn  her, 
as  guilty  of  cunning  and  unprincely 
dealing " ;  nor  had  she  seen  tlie  need 
of  the  extreme  haste  with  which  the 
matter  had  been  concluded,  without 
previous  communication  to  herself 

As  to  the  second  point  in  the  mes- 
sage of  the  States — that  the  Queen 
would  be  pleased  to  "  stay  the  revo- 
cation of  the  authority  granted "  to 
Leicester,  because  of  the  imminent 
danger  of  such  a  proceeding  —  her 
Majesty's  benignity,  compared  with 
her  ferocity  but  a  few  short  weeks 
before,  seemed  almost  incredible. 

"  You  shall  proceed,  in  the  answer- 
ing of  this  point,"  said  she,  ^^  according 
to  such  resolution  as  shall  be  taken  by 
our  cousin  the  Earl,  upon  debating 
the  matter  with  you  and  such  others 
as  he  shall  call  unto  him  for  that  pur- 
pose."    (Ibid.) 

Just  one  fortnight  before,  the  Earl 
had  been  forced  to  stand,  as  it  were, 
in  a  white  sheet,  with  candle  in  hand, 
before  the  state-council.  His  heart 
had  been  broken  in  consequence,  and 
he  had  resolved  never  again  to  appear 
in  that  chamber  where  he  had  been 
made  to  enact  so  sorry  a  part.  Now 
a  blank  paper  was  furnished  to  him- 
self and  Heneage,  wdiich  they  were  to 
inscribe  with  the  most  flattering  ex- 
pressions that  could  be  desired  fi"om 
royal  lips. 

"  You  shall  use  all  the  persuasions 
you  may,"  said  Elizabeth,  "  to  remove 
any  opinion  that  may  be  conceived  by 
the  council  of  state  to  the  hindrance 
or  prejudice  of  our  cousin  the  Earl's 
former  reputation,  as  though  the  qua- 
lification which  we  now  seek  pro- 
ceeded of  any  misliko  that  we  had  of 
any  honour  that  hath  been  or  may  be 
yielded  to  him. .  .  .Assure  them  that 
they  can  no  way  better  show  the 
good-will  they  bear  towards  us  than 
by  continuing  their  former  devotion 
toward  the  Earl,  of  whose  love  and 
devotion  towards  us,  you  may  teD 
them,  we  make  that  account  as  of  no 
other  subject  more."     (Ibid.) 

She   then   alluded    to    the    reports 


1586. 


SHE   PERMITS   THE   GRANTED   AUTHORITY. 


463 


tiations  with  Spain  grew  daily  more  rife,  and  the   discredit 
cast  upon  the  Earl  more  embarrassing.     The  private  letters 


"thrown  abroad"  that  she  had  a 
secret  intention  of  treating  for  hor 
own  peace  with  the  enemy  apart,  as 
"  niahcious  bruits  "  : — "  For  as  our 
fortune,"  said  she,  in  tlic  most  explicit 
language  which  pen  could  write,  "is 
Bojoinjd  witli  theirs,  that  the  good  or 
evil  success  of  tlieir  affairs  must  needs 
harm  or  prosper  ours,  so  you  may 
assure  them  that  we,  for  our  part,  are 
resolved  to  do  nothing  that  Tnay  con- 
cern them  without  their  own  knowledge 
and  good  liking J^     (Ibid.) 

The  despatch  to  the  States-General 
was  very  explicit  on  the  subject  of 
the  title,  but  most  affectionate  in 
style. 

"We  find  by  your  late  letters,"  said 
the  Queen,  "that  you  are  greatly 
grieved  tlirough  some  mislike  con- 
ceived by  us  against  you,  in  respect 
of  the  offer  to  our  cousin  of  Leicester 
of  the  absolute  government  of  the 
United  Provinces  being  made  without 
our  privity,  and  contrary  to  our  ex- 
press commandment  to  tlie  said  Earl. 
We  pray  you,  in  this  case,  to  consider 
that  we  were  not  rashly  carried  into 
this  mislike,  neither  could  we  have 
been  drawn  into  so  hard  and  severe 
a  course,  had  we  not  been  provoked 
by  two  things  that  do  greatly  import 
us  in  honour.  The  one,  that  the 
Earl's  acceptation,  contrary  to  our 
commandment,  might  work  in  the 
opinion  of  the  world,  that  it  pro- 
ceeded of  contempt;  the  other,  that 
we  sought  to  abuse  the  world,  in  pre- 
tending outwardly  that  our  proceed- 
iugs  witli  those  countries  tended  only 
to  relieve  them  in  their  distressed 
state  against  such  as  sought  to  tyran- 
nise them,  wlien  the  acceptation  of 
the  absolute  govermuent  by  the  Earl, 
being  a  creature  of  our  own,  and 
known  to  be  wholly  at  our  devotion, 
could  not  but  give  them  just  cause  to 
conceive  otherwise  of  us.  A  matter 
we  had  just  cause  to  look  into,  con- 
sidering wliat  a  number  of  evil  and 
malignant  spirits  do  reign  in  these 
days,  tliat  are  apt,  upon  the  least  ad- 
vantage that  may  be,  to  deliver  out 
hard  and  wicked  censures  of  princes' 
doings."     Queen  to  the  States-General, 


-'  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


9  April 

The  States  were  then  reminded 
that,  although  there  was  nothing  ab- 
solutely incompatible  in  the  absolute 
government  as  accepted  by  Leicester 
with  tlie  nature  of  the  original  treaty, 
tlie  Queen  had  resohitely  set  her  face 
from  the  beginning  against  any  such 
step,  because  she  was  "  loath  to  give 
the  world  cause  to  think  that  she  was 
moved  by  any  other  respect  to  assist 
them  than  by  the  love  slie  bore  them 
and  the  commiseration  she  had  for 
their  affliction."     (Ibid.) 

"And  therefore,"  she  continued, 
"seeing  there  was  no  special  matter 
contained  in  the  treaty  that  might 
any  way  give  him  any  authority  to 
accept  the  offer,  reason  would  that 
before  the  matter  had  been  proceeded 
in,  we  had  been  first  made  acquainted 
therewith.  For  we  do  not  see,  for 
anything  that  yet  hath  been  declared 
uuto  us  touching  certain  pretended 
dangers,  but  that  the  acceptation 
thereof  might  have  been  delayed  until 
our  pleasure  had  been  first  known. 
We  hope  that  you  have  put  on  that 
conceit  of  us,  as  we  would  have  been 
loath,  either  in  respect  of  yourselves 
or  of  our  cousin  the  Earl,  to  have 
proceeded  so  severely  as  we  intended, 
if  we  had  not  been  justly  pro\oked 
thereunto.  For  yourselves,  our  love 
towards  you  cannot  more  plainly 
appear  than  in  that  we  do  oppose 
ourselves,  for  your  sake,  unto  one  of 
the  miglitiest  potentates  in  Europe, 
without  regard  either  to  the  expense 
of  our  treasure,  or  of  our  subjects' 
lives.  And  as  touching  the  Earl,  ali 
the  world  knoweth  that  he  is  one  of 
our  own  raising,  and  we  do  acknow- 
ledge that  no  man  can  carry  more  love 
than  he  hath  ever  shewed  to  bear 
towards  us.  And  touching  the  cause 
of  this  our  present  offence,  we  do  ac- 
knowledge our  persuasion  that  the 
same  proceeded  of  no  evil  meaning 
towards  us,  though  good  intents  many 
times  bring  forth  dangerous  and  evil 
fnuts.  If  the  offence  had  not  grown 
out  of  a  public  and  open  action,  none 
would  have  been  more  ready  to  have 


464 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VII 


which  passed  between  the  Earl's  enemies  in  Holland  and  in 
England  contained  matter  more  damaging  to  himself  and  to 
the  cause  wliich  he  had  at  heart  than  the  more  public  reports 
of  modern  days  can  disseminate,  which,  being  jjatent  to  all, 
can  be  more  easily  contradicted.  Leicester  incessantly 
warned  his  colleagues  of  her  Majesty's  council  against  the 
malignant  manufacturers  of  intelligence.  "  I  pray  you,  my 
Lords,  as  you  are  wise,"  said  he,  "  beware  of  them  all.  You 
shall  find  them  here  to  be  shrewd  pick-tliinks,  and  hardly 
worth  the  hearkening  unto." ' 

He  com])lained  bitterly  of  the  disgrace  that  was  heaped 
upon  him,  both  publicly  and  privately,  and  of  the  evil  con- 
sequences whicb  were  sure  to  follow  from  the  course  pursued, 
"  Never  was  man  so  villanously  handled  by  letters  out  of  Eng- 
land as  I  have  been,"  said  he,  "  not  only  advertising  her  Ma- 
jesty's great  dislike  with  me  before  this  my  coming  over,  but 
that  I  was  an  odious  man  in  England,  and  so  long  as  I  tarried 
here  that  no  help  was  to  be  looked  for,  that  her  Majesty 
would  send  no  more  men  or  money,  and  that  I  was  used  hero 
but  for  a  time  till  a  peace  were  concluded  between  her  Ma- 
jesty and  the  Prince  of  Parma.  What  the  continuance  of  a 
man's  discredit  thus  will  turn  out  is  to  be  thought  of,  for 
better  I  were  a  thousand  times  displaced  than  that  her 
Majesty's  great  advantage  of  so  notable  Provinces  should  be 
hindered."  ^ 


hidden  t^ie  same  than  ourselves. 
Therefore,  we  pray  you  to  think  that 
this  mishke  of  ours  hath  grown  rather 
out  of  grief,  in  respect  of  the  love  we 
bear  him,  than  out  of  indignation,  as 
one  of  whom  we  have  conceived  a 
sinister  opinion,  whom  we  do  esteem 
as  greatly  devoted  towards  us  as  ever 
subject  was  to  prince;  and  so  we 
hope  you  will  use  him,  without  either 
dimin's'.iing  any  part  of  that  good-will 
and  love  that  you  have  hitherto  pro- 
fessed towards  him,  or  leaving  that 
respect  that  is  due  unto  him  as  our 
minister,  or  that  he  may  justly  chal- 
lenge at  your  hands,  who,  for  your 
aakes,  is  content  to  expose  both  his 
life  and   fortune  uoto  any  peril,  which 


is  not  the  least  cause  why  we  esteem 
so  greatly  of  him.  And  whereas,  by 
your  late  letters,  you  have  signified 
that  the  commission  and  authority 
granted  unto  him  cannot  be  revoked 
without  great  peril  to  the  state,  we 
have  given  authority  to  our  cousia 
the  Earl,  and  to  our  servant  Sir 
Thomas  Heneage,  to  confer  with  you 
upon  some  course  to  be  taken,  as  we 
conceive  both  our  honour  may  be 
saved  and  the  peril  avoided.  We 
pray  you  to  bend  yourselves  to  do 
that,  as  both  the  one  and  the  other 
may  be  provided  for."     (Ibid.) 

'  Leicester    to    Burghley,  —   April, 


1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


8  Ibia. 


1586.  UNSAPPY  UESULTS  OF  THE  QUEEN'S  COURSE.  465 

As  to  the  peace-negotiations — which,  however  cunningly 
managed,  could  not  remain  entirely  concealed — the  Earl 
declared  them  to  be  as  idle  as  they  were  disingenuous.  "  I 
will  boldly  pronounce  that  all  the  peace  you  can  make  in  the 
world,  leaving  these  countries,"  said  he  to  Burghley,  "will 
never  prove  other  than  a  fair  spring  for  a  few  days,  to  be  all 
over  blasted  with  a  hard  storm  after." ^  Two  days  later  her 
Majesty's  comforting  letters  arrived,  and  the  Earl  began  to 
raise  his  drooping  head.  Heneage,  too,  was  much  relieved, 
but  he  was,  at  the  same  time,  not  a  little  perplexed.  It  was 
not  so  easy  to  undo  all  the  mischief  created  by  the  Queen's 
petulance.  The  "  scorpion's  sting " — as  her  Majesty  ex- 
pressed herself — might  be  balsamed,  but  the  poison  had 
spread  far  beyond  the  original  wound. 

"  The  letters  just  brought  in,"  wrote  Heneage  to  Burgh- 
ley, "have  well  relieved  a  most  noble  and  sufficient  servant, 
but  I  fear  they  will  not  restore  the  much-repaired  wrecks  of 
these  far-decayed  noble  countries  into  the  same  state  I  found 
them  in.  A  loose,  disordered,  and  unknit  state  needs  no 
shaking,  but  propping.  A  subtle  and  fearful  kind  of  people 
should  not  be  made  more  distrustful,  but  assured."^  He 
then  expressed  annoyance  at  the  fault  already  found  with 
him,  and  surely  if  ever  man  had  cause  to  complain  of  reproofs 
administered  him,  in  quick  succession,  for  not  obeying  con- 
tradictory directions  following  upon  each  other  as  quickly,  that 
man  was  Sir  Thomas  Heneage.  He  had  been,  as  he  thought, 
over  cautious  in  administering  the  rebuke  to  the  Earl's 
arrogance,  which  he  had  been  expressly  sent  over  to  administer  ; 
but  scarcely  had  he  accomplished  his  task,  with  as  much  delicacy 
as  he  could  devise,  when  he  found  himself  censured,  not  for 
dilatoriness,  but  for  haste.  ^^ Fault  I  perceive"  said  he  to 
Burghley,  "is  found  in  me,  not  by  your  Lordship,  but  by  some 
other,  that  I  did  not  stay  proceeding  if  I  found  the  public  cause 
might  take  hurt.     It   is   true   I   had  good   warrant  for   the 


Leicester  to  Burghley,  MS.  last  cited, 
age 

VOL.  L— 2  F 


2  Heneage  to  Burghley,  -  April,  1586.    (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


iee 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


CiiAP.  VIL 


manner,  the  place,  and  the  persons,  but  for  the  matter  none, 
for  done  it  must  be.  Her  Majesty's  offence  must  be  declared. 
Yet  if  I  did  not  all  I  possibly  could  to  uphold  the  cause,  and 
to  keep  the  tottering  cause  upon  the  wheels,  I  deserve  no 
thanks,  but  reproof."  ^ 

Certainly,  when  the  blasts  of  royal  rage  are  remembered, 
by  which  the  envoy  had  been,  as  it  were,  blown  out  of  Eng- 
land into  Holland,  it  is  astonishing  to  find  his  actions 
censured  for  undue  precipitancy.  But  it  was  not  the  first, 
nor  was  it  likely  to  be  the  last  time  for  comparatively  sub- 
ordinate agents  in  Elizabeth's  government  to  be  distressed  by 
contradictory  commands,  when  the  sovereign  did  not  know, 
or  did  not  chose  to  make  known,  her  own  mind  on  important 
occasions.  "Well,  my  Lord,"  said  plaintive  Sir  Thomas, 
"  wiser  men  may  serve  more  pleasingly  and  happily,  but  never 
shall  any  serve  her  Majesty  more  faithfully  and  heartily. 
And  so  I  cannot  be  persuaded  her  Majesty  thinketh ;  for 
from  herself  I  find  nothing  but  most  sweet  and  gracious 
favour,  though  by  others'  censures  I  may  gather  otherwise  of 
her  judgment,  which  I  confess  doth  cumber  me."^ 

He  was  destined  to  be  cumbered  more  than  once  before 
these  negotiations  should  be  concluded,  but  meantime  there 
was  a  brief  gleam  of  sunshine.  The  English  friends  of 
Leicester  in  the  Netherlands  were  enchanted  with  the  sudden 
change  in  the  Queen's  humour  ;  and  to  Lord  Burghley,  who 
was  not,  in  reality,  the  most  stanch  of  the  absent  Earl's 
defenders,  tbey  poured  themselves  out  in  profuse  and  some- 
what superfluous  gratitude.^ 

Cavendish,  in  strains  exultant,  was  sure  that  Burghley's 
children,  grand-children,  and  remotest  posterity,  would  rejoice 
that  their  great  ancestor,  in  such  a  time  of  need,  had  been 


'  Letter  to  Burghley,  MS.  last  cited. 
'Ibid. 

*  North  to  Burghley,  -  April,  1586, 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

No  greater  mistake  could  have  been 
made  than  to  insinuate,  as  Leicester's 
English     correapoadent3     had    insinu- 


ated, that  North  waa  a  secret  enemy 
to  Leicester,  and  had  maligned  nim  in 
his  letters  to  influential  personages  at 
home.  I  have  read  many  of  North's 
unpublished  letters  to  Burghley  and 
other  statesmen,  and  they  all  speak  of 
the  Earl  in  strongest  language  of  ad* 
miration  and  attachment. 


1586. 


HER  VARIABLE  MOODS. 


467 


"  found  and  felt  to  be  indeed  a  pater  patrias,  a  good  father  to 
a  happy  land."  And,  although  unwilling  to  "  stir  up  the  old 
Adam"  in  his  Lordship's  soul,  he  yet  took  the  liberty  of  com- 
paring the  Lord  Treasurer,  in  his  old  and  declining  years,  to 
Mary  Magdalen,  assuring  him,  that  for  ever  after,  when  the" 
tale  of  the  preservation  of  the  Church  of  God,  of  her  Majesty, 
and  of  the  Netherland  cause,  which  were  all  one,  should  be 
told,  his  name  and  well-doing  would  be  held  in  memory  also.^ 

And  truly  there  was  much  of  honest  and  generous  enthu- 
siasm, even  if  couched  in  language  somewhat  startling  to  the 
ears  of  a  colder  and  more  material  age,  in  the  hearts  of  these 
noble  volunteers.  They  were  fighting  the  cause  of  England, 
of  the  Netherland  republic,  and  of  human  liberty,  with  a 
valour  worthy  the  best  days  of  English  chivalry,  against 
manifold  obstacles,  and  they  were  certainly  not  too  often 
cheered  by  the  beams  of  royal  favour. 

It  was  a  pity  that  a  dark  cloud  was  so  soon  again  to  sweep 
over  the  scene.  For  the  temper  of  Elizabeth  at  this  important 
juncture  seemed  as  capricious  as  the  April  weather  in  which 
the  scenes  were  enacting.  We  have  seen  the  genial  warmth 
of  her  letters  and  messages  to  Leicester,  to  Heneage,  to  the 
States-General,  on  the  first  of  the  month.  Nevertheless  it 
was  hardly  three  weeks  after  they  had  been  despatched,  when 
Walsingham  and  Burghley  found  her  Majesty  one  morning  in 
a  towering  passion,  because  the  Earl  had  not  already  laid 
down  the  government.     The  Lord  Treasurer  ventured  to  re- 


'  Richard    Cavendish    to    Burghley, 

-  April,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  It  may  please  you  to  think  with 
yourself  what  a  favour  the  Lord  hath 
herein  bestowed  upon  you  in  these 
your  old  and  declining  years,  namely, 
from  your  good  and  happy  labours  to 
adorn  your  posterity  with  the  note  of 
this  most  just  and  worthy  renown, 
that  such  a  father,  a  grand-father,  or 
ancestor  of  theirs,  in  such  a  needful 
time,  was  both  found  and  felt  to  be 
indeed  pater  patriae,  a  good  father  to 
a  happy  land.  Suspicion  of  flattery 
ought  of  right  to  be  secluded,  where 


assured  truth  doth  enforce  the  con- 
clusion. Neither  do  I  write  this  to 
stir  up  in  your  Lordship  old  Adam, 
but  knowing  you  well  have  learned 
Christ,  I  do  it  only  to  quicken  in  you 
the  joy  of  well-doing,  grounded  upon 
faith.  For  if  the  Lord  himself  re- 
frained not  to  add  unto  Mary  Magda- 
len's well-doing  this  ornament  unto 
her  name  for  ever,  that  wheresoever 
the  Gospel  should  be  preached,  there 
should  also  the  memorial  of  that  her 
act  bo  had  in  record,  then  doubt  I  not 
but  that  example  may  well  warrant 
me,"  &c. 


468  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIL 

monstrate,  but  was  bid  to  hold  his  tongue.  Ever  variable 
ftnd  mutable  as  woman,  Elizabeth  was  perplexing  and  baffling 
to  her  counsellors,  at  this  epoch,  beyond  all  divination.  The 
"  sparing  humour  "  was  increasing  fearfully,  and  she  thought 
it  would  be  easier  for  her  to  slip  out  of  the  whole  expensive 
enterprise,  provided  Leicester  were  merely  her  lieutenant- 
general,  and  not  stadholder  for  the  Provinces.  Moreover 
the  secret  negotiations  for  peace  were  producing  a  deleterious 
effect  upon  her  mind.  Upon  this  subject,  the  Queen  and 
Burghley,  notwithstanding  his  resemblance  to  Mary  Mag- 
dalen, were  better  informed  than  the  Secretary,  whom,  how- 
ever, it  had  been  impossible  wholly  to  deceive.  The  man 
who  could  read  secrets  so  far  removed  as  the  Vatican,  was 
not  to  be  blinded  to  intrigues  going  on  before  his  face.  The 
Queen,  without  revealing  more  than  she  could  help,  had  been 
obliged  to  admit  that  informal  transactions  were  pending, 
but  had  authorised  the  Secretary  to  assure  the  United  States 
that  no  treaty  would  be  made  without  their  knowledge  and 
full  concurrence.  "  She  doth  think,"  wrote  Walsiugham  to 
Leicester,  "  that  you  should,  if  you  shall  see  no  cause  to  the 
contrary,  acquaint  the  council  of  state  there  that  certain  over- 
tures of  peace  are  daily  made  unto  her,  but  that  she  meaneth 
not  to  proceed  therein  without  their  good  liking  and  privity, 
being  persuaded  that  there  can  no  peace  be  made  profitable 
or  sure  for  her  that  shall  not  also  stand  with  their  safety  ; 
and  she  doth  acknowledge  hers  to  be  so  linked  with  theirs  as 
nothing  can  fall  out  to  their  prejudice,  but  she  must  be  par- 
taker of  their  harm."  ^ 

This  communication  was  dated  on  the  21st  April,  exactly 
three  weeks  after  the  Queen's  letter  to  Heneage,  in  which 
she  had  spoken  of  the  "  malicious  bruits  "  concerning  the  pre- 
tended peace-negotiations  ;  and  the  Secretary  was  now  con- 
firming, by  her  order,  what  she  had  then  stated  under  her 
own  hand,  that  she  would  "do  nothing  that  might  concern 
them  without  their  own  knowledge  and  good  liking." 

^  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  232,  ^  1586. 

I  May 


1586. 


SHE   ATTEMPTS   TO   DECEIVE   WALSINGHAM. 


469 


And  surely  nothing  could  be  more  reasonable.  Even  if 
the  strict  letter  of  the  August  treaty  between  the  Queen  and 
the  States  did  not  provide  against  any  separate  negotiations 
by  the  one  party  without  the  knowledge  of  the  other,  there 
could  be  no  doubt  at  all  that  its  spirit  absolutely  forbade  the 
clandestine  conclusion  of  a  peace  with  Spain  by  England 
alone,  or  by  the  Netherlands  alone,  and  that  such  an  arrange- 
ment would  be  disingenuous,  if  not  positively  dishonourable. 

Nevertheless  it  would  almost  seem  that  Elizabeth  had  been 
taking  advantage  of  the  day  when  she  was  writing  her  letter 
to  Heneage  on  the  1st  of  April.  Never  was  painstaking 
envoy  more  elaborately  trifled  with.  On  the  26th  of  the 
month — and  only  five  days  after  the  communication  by 
"Walsingham  just  noticed — ^the  Queen  was  furious  that  any 
admission  should  have  been  made  to  the  States  of  their  right 
to  participate  with  her  in  peace-negotiations. 

"  We  find  that  Sir  Thomas  Heneage,"  said  she  to  Leicester, 
"hath  gone  further — in  assuring  the  States  that  we  would  make 
no  peace  without  their  privity  and  assent — than  he  had  com- 
mission ;  for  that  our  direction  was — if  our  meaning  had  been 
well  set  down,  and  not  mistaken  by  our  Secretary — that  they 
should  have  been  only  let  understand  that  in  any  treaty  that 
might  pass  between  us  and  Spain,  they  might  be  well  assured 
we  would  have  no  less  care  of  their  safety  than  of  our  own."  ^ 

Secretary  Walsingham  was  not  likely  to  mistake  her 
Majesty's  directions  in  this  or  any  other  important  afiair  of 
state.  ^  Moreover,  it  so  happened  that  the  Queen  had,  in 
her  own  letter  to  Heneage,  made  the  same  statement  which 


I  Queen  to  Leicester, 


26  April 
6  May  ' 


1586. 


(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

Almost  the  same  words  were  used 
in  a  letter  to  Sir  Thomas  Heneage  of 

26  April 

the  same   date,   ,  1586.     (S.  P. 

6  May  '  ^ 

Office  MS.)  Printed  also  in  Bruce, 
p.  241,  from  a  copy  in  the  handwriting 
of  Heneage  in  the  British  Museum. 

2  "  "When  she  chargeth   your  Ijord- 
ahin."  wrote   Walsingham  to  Leicester 


(—May,   1586),  "with  the  acquainting 

the  council  of  state  there  with  the 
overtures  of  peace  made  unto  her  by 
the  Prince  of  Parma  as  a  fault,  herein 
your  Lordship  is  wronged,  for  the 
fault  is  mine,  if  any  were  committed. 
But  in  very  truth,  she  gave  me  com- 
mandment to  direct  you  to  acquaint 
them  withal,  though  now  she  doth  deny 
it.  I  have  received,  within  these  few 
days,  many  of  these  hard  measures." 
Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  p.  272. 


470  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIL 

sho  now  chose  to  disavow.  She  had  often  a  convenient  way 
of  making  herself  misunderstood,  when  she  thought  it  desirable 
to  shift  responsibility  from  her  own  shoulders  upon  those  of 
others ;  but  upon  this  occasion  she  had  been  sufficiently 
explicit.  Nevertheless,  a  scape-goat  was  necessary,  and  un- 
happy the  subordinate  who  happened  to  be  within  her 
Majesty's  reach  when  a  vicarious  sacrifice  was  to  be  made. 
Sir  Francis  Walsingham  was  not  a  man  to  be  brow-beaten  or 
hood-winked,  but  Heneage  was  doomed  to  absorb  a  fearful 
amount  of  royal  wrath. 

"  What  phlegmatical  reasons  soever  were  made  you,"  wrote 
the  Queen,  who  but  three  weeks  before  had  been  so  gentle 
and  affectionate  to  her  ambassador,  "  how  happeneth  it  that 
you  will  not  remember,  that  when  a  man  hath  faulted  and 
committed  by  abettors  thereto,  neither  the  one  nor  the  other 
will  willingly  make  their  own  retreat.  Jesus  !  what  availeth 
wit,  when  it  fails  the  owner  at  greatest  need  .^  Do  that  you 
are  bidden,  and  leave  your  considerations  for  your  own  aifairs. 
For  in  some  things  you  had  clear  commandment,  which  you 
did  not,  and  in  others  none,  and  did.  We  princes  be  wary 
enough  of  our  bargains.  Think  you  I  will  be  bound  by  your 
own  speech  to  make  no  peace  for  mine  own  matters  loithout 
•  their  consent  ?  It  is  enough  that  I  injure  not  their  country  nor 
themselves  in  making  peace  for  them  ivithout  their  consent.  I 
am  assured  of  your  dutiful  thoughts,  but  I  am  utterly  at 
squares  with  this  childish  dealing."  ^ 

Blasted  by  this  thunderbolt  falling  upon  his  head  out  of 
serenest  sky,  the  sad  Sir  Thomas  remained,  for  a  time,  in 
a  state  of  political  annihilation.  '  Sweet  Robin'  meanwhile, 
though  stunned,  was  unscathed — thanks  to  the  convenient 
conductor  at  his  side.  For,  in  Elizabeth's  court,  mediocrity 
was  not  always  golden,  nor  was  it  usually  the  loftiest  moun- 
tains that  the  lightnings  smote.  The  Earl  was  deceived  by 
his  royal  mistress,  kept  in  the  dark  as  to  important  trans- 

»  Queen  to   Heneage,   '^^^,  1586.    I    ^''''f   (?:    ^^S),    from   a   copy   in   the 
°        6  May  handwnting   of   Heneage   in  the  JBnt 

(S.    P.    Office   MS.)      Printed    also   in  )    Mus.) 


1586. 


HER   INJUSTICE   TO  HENEAGE. 


471 


actions,  left  to  provide  for  his  famishing  soldiers  as  he  Lest 
might ;  but  the  Queen  at  that  moment,  though  angry,  was 
not  disposed  to  trample  upon  him.  Now  that  his  heart  was 
known  to  be  broken,  and  his  sole  object  in  life  to  be  retire- 
ment to  remote  regions — India  ^  or  elsewhere — there  to  lan- 
guish out  the  brief  remainder  of  his  days  in  prayers  for 
Elizabeth's  happiness,  Elizabeth  was  not  inclined  very  bitterly 
to  upbraid  him.  She  had  too  recently  been  employing  herself 
in  binding  up  his  broken  heart,  and  pouring  balm  into  the 
*''  scorpion's  sting,"  to  be  willing  so  soon  to  deprive  him  of 
those  alleviations. 

Her  tone  was  however  no  longer  benignant,  and  her  direc- 
tions were  extremely  peremptory.  On  the  1st  of  April  she 
had  congratulated  Leicester,  Heneage,  the  States,  and  all  the 
world,  that  her  secret  commands  had  been  staid,  and  that  the 
ruin  which  would  have  followed,  had  those  decrees  been 
executed  according  to  her  first  violent  wish,  was  fortunately 
averted.  Heneage  was  even  censured,  not  by  herself,  but  by 
courtiers  in  her  confidence,  and  with  her  concurrence,  for 
being  over  hasty  in  going  before  the  state-council,  as  he  had 
done,  with  her  messages  and  commands.  On  the  26th  of 
April  she  ex2)ressed  astonishment  that  Heneage  had  dared  to 
be  so  dilatory,  and  that  the  title  of  governor  had  not  been 
laid  down  by  Leicester  "out  of  Jiand."^  She  marvelled 
greatly,  and  found  it  very  strange  that  "  ministers  in  matters 
of  moment  should  presume  to  do  things  of  their  own  head 
without  direction."^  She  accordingly  gave  orders  that  there 
should  be  no  more  dallying,  but  that  the  Earl  should  imme- 
diately hold  a  conference  with  the  state-council  in  order  to 
arrange  a  modification  in  his  commission.  It  was  her  pleasure 
that  he  should  retain  all  the  authority  granted  to  him  by  the 
States,  but  as  already  intimated  by  her,  that  he  should 
abandon  the  title  of  "  absolute  governor/'  and  retain  only  that 
of  her  lieutenant-general.* 


'  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  p.  217. 


26  April 

'  Qneeii   to  Leicester,   ■ , 

6  May 

(3.  P.  Office  MS.) 


l.'j.S(J. 


3  Ibid. 

^  Ibid.  See  also  Queen  to  Heneage, 
•same  date.  (S.  P.  Office  MS. ;  and 
printed  iu  Bruce,  p.  242.) 


472  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  TiX 

Was  it  strange  that  Heneage,  placed  in  so  responsible  a 
situation,  and  with  the  fate  of  England,  of  Holland,  and 
ptjrhaps  of  all  Christendom,  hanging  in  great  measure  upon 
this  delicate  negotiation,  should  be  amazed  at  such  contra- 
dictory orders,  and  grieved  by  such  inconsistent  censures  ? 

"  To  tell  you  my  griefs  and  my  lacks,"  said  he  to  Wal- 
singham,  "  would  little  please  you  or  help  me.  Therefore  I 
will  say  nothing,  but  think  there  was  never  man  in  so  great 
a  service  received  so  little  comfort  and  so  contrarious  direc- 
tions. But  Dominus  est  adjutor  in  tribulationibus.  If  it  be 
possible,  let  me  receive  some  certain  direction,  in  following 
which  I  shall  not  offend  her  Majesty,  what  good  or  hurt  soever 
I  do  besides," ' 

This  certainly  seemed  a  loyal  and  reasonable  request,  yet 
it  was  not  one  likely  to  be  granted.  Sir  Thomas,  perplexed, 
puzzled,  blindfolded,  and  brow-beaten,  always  endeavoring 
to  obey  orders,  when  he  could  comprehend  them,  and  always 
hectored  and  lectured  whether  he  obeyed  them  or  not — ruined 
in  purse  by  the  expenses  of  a  mission  on  which  he  had  been 
sent  without  adequate  salary — appalled  at  the  disaffection 
waxing  more  formidable  every  hour  in  Provinces  which  were 
recently  so  loyal  to  her  Majesty,  but  which  were  now  pervaded 
by  a  suspicion  that  there  was  double-dealing  upon  her  part — 
became  quite  sick  of  his  life.  He  fell  seriously  ill,  and  was 
disappointed,  when,  after  a  time,  the  physicians  declared  him 
convalescent.  For  when  he  rose  from  his  sick-bed,  it  was 
only  to  plunge  once  more,  without  a  clue,  into  the  labyrinth 
where  he  seemed  to  be  losing  his  reason. 

"  It  is  not  long,"  said  he  to  Walsingham,  "  since  I  looked 
to  have  written  you  no  more  letters,  my  extremity  was  so 

great But  God's  will  is  best,  otherwise  I  could 

have  liked  better  to  have  cumbered  the  earth  no  longer, 
where  I  find  myself  contemned,  and  which  I  find  no  reason 
to  see  will  be  the  better  in  the  wearing.  ...  It  were 
better   for  her   Majesty's   service   that   the   directions   which 

*  Heneage  to  Walsingham,  -  May,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1586. 


HIS    PERPLEXITY   AND   DISTRESS. 


473 


come  were  not  contrarious  one  to  another,  and  that  those  you 
would  have  serve  might  know  what  is  meant,  else  they 
cannot  but  much  deceive  you,  as  well  as  displease -you."' 

Public  opinion  concerning  the  political  morality  of  the 
English  court  was  not  gratifying,  nor  was  it  rendered  more 
favourable  by  these  recent  transactions.  "I  fear,"  said 
Heneage,  "  that  the  world  will  judge  what  Champagny  wrote 
in  one  of  his  letters  out  of  England  (which  I  have  lately  seen) 
to  be  over  true.  His  words  be  these,  'Et  de  vray,  c'est  le 
plus  fascheux  et  le  plus  incertain  negocier  de  ceste  court,  que 
je  pense  soit  au  monde.'  "-  And  so  "hasting,"  as  he  said, 
"  witli  a  weak  body  and  a  willing  mind,  to  do,  he  feared,  no 
good  work,"  he  set  forth  from  Middelburgh  to  rejoin  Leicester 
at  Arnheim,  in  order  to  obey,  as  well  as  he  could,  the  Queen's 
latest  directions.^ 

Biit  before  he  could  set  to  work  there  came  more  "con- 
trarious" orders.  The  last  instructions,  both  to  Leicester  and 
himself,  were  that  the  Earl  should  resign  the  post  of  governor 
absolute  "  out  of  hand,"  and  the  Queen  had  been  vehement  in 
denouncing  any  delay  on  such  an  occasion.  He  was  now 
informed,  that,  after  consulting  with  Leicester  and  with  the 
state-council,  he  was  to  return  to  England  with  the  result  of 
such  deliberations.  It  could  afterwards  be  decided  how  the 
Earl  could  retain  all  the  authority  of  governor  absolute,  while 
bearing  only  the  title  of  the  Queen's  lieutenant  general.* 
"  For  her  meaning  is  not,"  said  Walsingham,  "  that  his  Lord_ 
ship  should  presently  give  it  over,  for  she  foreseeth  in  her 
princely  judgment  that  his  giving  over  the  government  upon 
a  sudden,  and   leaving   those   countries    without   a   head   or 


'  Heneage  to  Walsingham,  _  May, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  " 

»  Ibid. 

'  Heneage  to  Burghley,  same  date. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.)  "  For  her  Majesty's 
services,"  said  he  to  the  Lord  Trea- 
surer, as  he  had  said  to  the  Secretary 
of  State,  "  it  were  very  oonvenient, 
that  such  as  you  would  have  serve 
j-ou  here  might  know  truly  what  you 


mean,  and  might  accordingly  have 
certain  directions  what  to  do.  And 
surely  hitherto,  so  have  not  I  had, 
which  is  the  only  cause  why  I  cannot 
in  this  service  please  you  there,  which 
God  knoweth  I  most  care  for,  if  I 
could  tell  how." 

*  Walsingham  to  Heneage,  _  Maj, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  " 


474 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VIL 


director,  cannot  but  breed  a  most  dangerous  alteration  there." ' 
The  secretary  therefore  stated  the  royal  wish  at  present  to  be 
that  the  "renunciation  of  the  title"  should  be  delayed  till 
Heneage  could  visit  England,  and  subsequently  return  to 
Holland  with  her  Majesty's  further  directions.  Even  the 
astute  Walsingham  was  himself  puzzled,  however,  while  con- 
veying these  ambiguous  orders  ;  and  he  confessed  that  he  was 
doubtful  whether  he  had  rightly  comprehended  the  Queen's 
intentions.  Burghley,  however,  was  better  at  guessing  riddles 
than  he  was,  and  so  Heneage  was  advised  to  rely  chiefly  upon 
Burghley.^ 

But  Heneage  had  now  ceased  to  be  interested  in  any 
enigmas  that  might  be  propounded  by  the  English  court, 
nor  could  he  find  comfort,  as  Walsingham  had  recommended 
he  should  do,  in  railing.  "  I  wish  I  could  follow  your  counsel," 
he  said,  "  but  sure  the  uttering  of  my  choler  doth  little  ease 
my  grief  or  help  my  case."^ 

He  rebuked,  however,  the  inconsistency  and  the  tergiversa- 
tions of  the  government  with  a  good  deal  of  dignity.  "  This 
certainly  shall  I  tell  her  Majesty,"  he  said,  "  if  I  live  to  see 
her,  that  except  a  more  constant  course  be  taken  with  this 
inconstant  people,  it  is  not  the  blaming  of  her  ministers  will 
advance  her  Highness's  service,  or  better  the  state  of  things. 
And  shall  I  tell  you  what  they  now  say  here  of  us — I  fear 
not  without  some  cause — even  as  Lipsius  wrote  of  the  French, 
'  De  Gallis  quidem  enigmata  veniunt,  non  veniunt,  volunt, 
nolunt,  audent,  timent,  omnia,  ancipiti  metu,  suspensa  et 
suspecta.'    God  grant  better,  and  ever  keep  you  and  help  me."^ 

He  announced  to  Burghley  that  he  was  about  to  attend  a 
meeting  of  the  state-council  the  next  day,  for  the  purpose  of 
a  conference  on  these  matters  at  Arnheim,  and  that  he  would 


1  Same  to  same.     Same  date. 

2  Ibid.  "This  I  take  to  be  the 
Bubstance  of  her  Majesty's  pleasure," 
said  Sir  Francis,  "  which  she  willed 
both  the  Lord  Treasurer  and  Mr. 
Vice-Chamberlain,  together  witli  my- 
self, to  sis^nify  unto  you,  praying  you, 
for    that    I    think    my  Lord   Treasurer 


hath  best  conceived  her  Majesty's 
meaning,  that  you  will  chiefly  rely 
upon  such  direction  as  you  shall  re- 
ceive from  him."     (MS.  last  cited.) 

'  Heneage  to  "Walsingham,  -  ^i 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  °" 

♦   Ibid. 


1586.  HUMILIATING   POSITION    OF   LEICESTER.  475 

then  set  forth  for  Enghmd  to  report  proceedings  to  her 
Majesty.  He  suj^posed,  on  the  whole,  that  this  was  what  was 
expected  of  him,  but  acknowledged  it  hopeless  to  fathom  the 
royal  intentions.  Yet  if  he  went  wrong,  he  was  always  sure 
to  make  mischief,  and  though  innocent,  to  be  held  accountable 
for  others'  mistakes.  "Every  prick  I  make,"  said  he,  "  is  made 
a  gash  ;  and  to  follow  the  words  of  my  directions  from  Eng- 
land is  not  enough,  except  I  likewise  see  into  your  minds. 
And  surely  mine  eyesight  is  not  so  good.  But  I  will  pray  to 
God  for  his  help  herein.  With  all  the  wit  I  have,  I  will  use 
all  the  care  I  can — first,  to  satisfy  her  Majesty,  as  God 
knoweth  I  have  ever  most  desired  ;  then,  not  to  hurt  this 
cause,  but  that  I  despair  of."^  Leicester,  as  may  be  supposed, 
had  been  much  discomfited  and  perplexed  during  the  course 
of  these  contradictory  and  perverse  directions.  There  is  no 
doubt  whatever  that  his  position  had  been  made  discreditable 
and  almost  ridiculous,  while  he  was  really  doing  his  best,  and 
spending  large  sums  out  of  his  private  fortune  to  advance  the 
true  interests  of  the  Queen.  He  had  become  a  suspected 
man  in  the  Netherlands,  having  been,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
year,  almost  adored  as  a  Messiah.  He  had  submitted  to  the 
humiliation  which  had  been  imposed  upon  him,  of  being 
himself  the  medium  to  convey  to  the  council  the  severe 
expressions  of  the  Queen's  displeasure  at  the  joint  action  of  the 
States-General  and  himself  He  had  been  comforted  by  the 
aifectionate  expressions  with  which  that  explosion  of  feminine 
and  royal  wrath  had  been  succeeded.  He  was  now  again 
distressed  by  the  peremptoiy  command  to  do  what  was  a 
disgrace  to  him,  and  an  irreparable  detriment  to  the  cause, 
yet  he  was  humble  and  submissive,  and  only  begged  to  be 
allowed,  as  a  remedy  for  all  his  anguish,  to  return  to  the 
sunlight  of  Elizabeth's  presence.  He  felt  that  her  course, 
if  persisted  in,  would  lead  to  the  destruction  of  the  Netherland 
commonwealth,  and  eventually  to  the  downfall  of  England  ; 
and  that  the  Provinces,  believing  themselves  deceived  by  the 

'  Heneage  to  Burghley,  "^  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


476  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIL 

Queen,  were  ready  to  revolt  against  an  authority  to  which, 
but  a  short  time  before,  they  were  so  devotedly  loyal. 
Nevertheless,  he  only  wished  to  know  what  his  sovereign's 
commands  distinctly  were,  in  order  to  set  himself  to  their 
fulfilment.  He  had  come  from  the  camp  before  Nymegen 
in  order  to  attend  the  conference  with  the  state-council  at 
A.rnheim,  and  he  would  then  be  ready  and  anxious  to  despatch 
Heneage  to  England,  to  learn  her  Majesty's  final  determi- 
nation. 

He  protested  to  the  Queen  that  he  had  come  upon  this 
arduous  and  perilous  service  only  because  he  considered  her 
throne  in  danger,  and  that  this  was  the  only  means  of  pre- 
serving it  ;  that,  in  accepting  the  absolute  government,  he 
had  been  free  from  all  ambitious  motives,  but  deeply  im- 
pressed with  the  idea  that  only  by  so  doing  could  he  conduct 
the  enterprise  entrusted  to  him  to  the  desired  consummation  ; 
and  he  declared  with  great  fervour  that  no  advancement  to 
high  office  could  compensate  him  for  this  enforced  absence 
from  her.  To  be  sent  back  even  in  disgrace  would  still  be  a 
boon  to  him,  for  he  should  cease  to  be  an  exile  from  her  sight. 
He  knew  that  his  enemies  had  been  busy  in  defaming  him, 
while  he  had  been  no  longer  there  to  defend  himself,  but  his 
conscience  acquitted  him  of  any  thought  which  was  not  for 
her  happiness  and  glory,  "  Yet  grievous  it  is  to  me,"  said  he 
in  a  tone  of  tender  reproach,  "  that  having  left  all — yea,  all 
that  may  be  imagined — for  you,  you  have  left  me  for  very 
little,  even  to  the  uttermost  of  all  hard  fortune.  For  what 
have  I,  unhappy  man,  to  do  here  either  with  cause  or  country 
but  for  you  ?''  ^ 

He  stated  boldly  that  his  services  had  not  been  ineffective, 
that  the  enemy  had  never  been  in  worse  plight  than  now, 
that  he  had  lost  at  least  five  thousand  men  in  divers  over- 
throws, and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  the  people  and  towns  of 
the  Seven  Provinces  had  been  safely  preserved.  "  Since  my 
arrival,"  he  said,  "  God  hath  blessed  the  action  which  you 

'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  "^^  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1586  HIS   MELANCHOLY   LETTERS   TO   THE    QUEEN.  477 

have  taken  in  hand,  and  committed  to  the  charge  of  me  your 
poor  unhappy  servant.  I  have  good  cause  to  say  somewhat 
for  myself,  for  that  I  think  I  have  as  few  friends  to  speak  for 
me  as  any  man."  ' 

Nevertheless — as  he  warmly  protested — his  only  wish  was 
to  return  ;  for  the  country  in  which  he  had  lost  her  favour, 
which  was  more  precious  than  life,  had  become  odious  to  him. 
The  most  lowly  office  in  her  presence  was  more  to  be  coveted 
than  the  possession  of  unlimited  power  away  from  her.  It 
was  by  these  tender  and  soft  insinuations,  as  the  Earl  knew 
full  well,  that  he  was  sure  to  obtain  what  he  really  coveted — 
her  sanction  for  retaining  the  absolute  government  in  the 
Provinces.     And  most  artfully  did  he  strike  the  key. 

"  Most  dear  and  gracious  Lady,"  he  cried,  "  my  care  and 
service  here  do  breed  me  nothing  but  grief  and  unhappiness. 
I  have  never  had  your  Majesty's  good  favour  since  I  came 
into  this  charge — a  matter  that  from  my  first  beholding  your 
eyes  hath  been  most  dear  unto  me  above  all  earthly  treasures. 
Never  shall  I  love  that  place  or  like  that  soil  which  shall 
cause  the  lack  of  it.  Most  gracious  Lady,  consider  my  long, 
true,  and  faithful  heart  toward  you.  Let  not  this  unfortunate 
place  here  bereave  me  of  that  which,  above  all  the  world,  I 
esteem  there,  which  is  your  favour  and  your  presence.  I  see 
my  service  is  not  acceptable,  but  rather  more  and  more  dis- 
liketh  you.  Here  I  can  do  your  Majesty  no  service  ;  there 
I  can  do  you  some,  at  the  least  rub  your  horse's  heels — a 
service  which  shall  be  much  more  welcome  to  me  than  this, 
with  all  that  these  men  may  give  me.  I  do,  humbly  and 
from  my  heart,  prostrate  at  your  feet,  beg  this  grace  at  your 
sacred  hands,  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  let  me  return  to  my 
home-service,  with  your  favour,  let  the  revocation  be  used  in 
what  sort  shall  please  and  like  you.  But  if  ever  spark  of 
favour  was  in  your  Majesty  toward  your  old  servant,  let  me 
obtain  this  my  humble  suit ;  protesting  before  the  Majesty  of 
all  Majesties,  that  there  was  no  cause  under  Heaven  but  his 
and  yours,  even  for  your  own  special  and  particular  cause, 

*  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  MS.  just  cited. 


478 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VII 


I  say,  could  have  made  me  take  this  absent  journey  from  you 
in  hand.  If  your  Majesty  shall  refuse  me  this,  I  shall  think 
all  grace  clean  gone  from  me,  and  I  know  my  days  will  not 
be  long." ' 

She  must  melt  at  this,  thought  'sweet  Robin'  to  himself; 
and  meantime^  accompanied  by  Heneage,  he  proceeded  with 
the  conferences  in  the  state-council-chamber,  touching  the 
modification  of  the  title  and  the  confirmation  of  his  authority. 
Til  is,  so  far  as  Walsingham  could  divine,  and  Burghley 
fathom,  was  the  present  intention  of  the  Queen.  He  averred 
that  he  had  ever  sought  most  painfully  to  conform  his  conduct 
to  her  instructions  as  fast  as  they  were  received,  and  that  he 
should  continue  so  to  do.  On  the  whole,  it  was  decided  by 
the  conference  to  let  matters  stand  as  they  were  for  a  little 
longer,  and  until  after  Heneage  should  have  time  once  more 
to  go  and  come.  "  The  same  manner  of  proceeding  that  was 
is  now,"  said  Leicester.  "  Your  pleasure  is  declared  to  the 
council  here  as  you  have  willed  it.  How  it  will  fall  out  again 
in  your  Majesty's  construction,  the  Lord  knoweth."  ^ 

Leicester  might  be  forgiven  for  referring  to  higher  powers 
for  any  possible  interpretation  of  her  Majesty's  changing 
humour  ;  but  meantime,  w^hile  Sir  Thomas  was  getting  ready 
for  his  expedition  to  England,  the  Earl's  heart  was  somewhat 
gladdened  by  more  gracious  messages  from  the  Queen.  The 
alternation  of  emotions  would  however  prove  too  much  for 
him,  he  feared,  and  he  was  reluctant  to  open  his  heart  to  so 
unwonted  a  tenant  as  joy. 

"  But  that  my  fear  is  such,  most  dear  and  gracious  Lady," 
he  said,  "  as  my  unfortunate  destiny  will  hardly  permit,  whilst 
I  remain  here,  any  good  acceptation  of  so  simple  a  service  as 
mine,  I  should  greatly  rejoice  and  comfort  myself  with  the 
hope  of  your  Majesty's  most  prayed-for  favour.  But  of  late, 
being  by  your  own  sacred  hand  lifted  even  up  into  Heaven 
with  joy  of  your  favour,  I  was  bye  and  bye,  without  any  new 


23  May 


*  Leicester     to     the    Queen, 

^        ^     2  June 

1686,  MS.  last  cited. 


2  Same  to  same, ,  1586. 

6  June 

Office  MS.) 


(S.P. 


1586. 


HE  RECEIVES  A   LITTLE   CONSOLATION. 


479 


desert  or  offence  at  all,  cast  down  and  down  again  into  the 
depth  of  all  grief.  God  doth  know,  my  dear  and  dread  Sove- 
reign, that  after  I  first  received  your  resolute  pleasure  by  Sir 
Thomas  Heneagc,  I  made  neither  stop  nor  stay,  nor  any 
excuse  to  be  rid  of  this  place,  and  to  satisfy  your  command. 
.  .  .  .  So  much  I  mislike  this  place  and  fortune  of  mine, 
as  I  desire  nothing  in  the  world  so  much  as  to  be  delivered, 
with  your  favour,  from  all  charge  here,  fearing  still  some  new 
cross  of  your  displeasure  to  fall  upon  me,  trembling  con- 
tinually with  the  fear  thereof,  in  such  sort  as  till  I  may  be 
fully  confirmed  in  my  new  regeneration  of  your  wonted  favour 
I  cannot  receive  that  true  comfort  which  doth  appertain  to  so 
great  a  hope.  Yet  I  will  not  only  acknowledge  with  all  hum- 
bleness and  dutiful  thanks  the  exceeding  joy  these  last  blessed 
lines  brought  to  my  long-wearied  heart,  but  will,  with  all  true 
loyal  affection,  attend  that  further  joy  from  your  sweet  self 
which  may  utterly  extinguish  all  consuming  fear  away."^ 

Poor  Heneage — who  likewise  received  a  kind  word  or  two 
after  having  been  so  capriciously  and  petulantly  dealt  with — ■ 
was  less  extravagant  in  his  expressions  of  gratitude.  "  The 
Queen  hath  sent  me  a  paper-plaister,  which  must  please  for 
a  time,"  he  said.  "  God  Almighty  bless  her  Majesty  ever, 
and  best  direct  her."^  He  was  on  the  point  of  starting  for 
England,  the  bearer  of  the  States'  urgent  entreaties  that 
Leicester  might  retain  the  government,  and  of  despatches 
announcing  the  recent  success  of  the  allies  before  Grave. 
"  God  prospereth  the  action  in  these  countries  beyond  all 
expectation,"  he  said,  "  which  all  amongst  you  will  not 
be    over   glad   of,  for   somewhat   I   know."^      The   intrigues 


'  Leicester    to     the     Queen, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
"  Heneage    to    Walsingham, 


27  May 

6  June 

28  May 

7  June 


1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Ibid.  Just  before  the  envoy  had 
signified  to  the  States  the  last  change 
in  the  royal  humour,'  the  Netherland 
council  of  state  had  addressed  a  let- 
ter  to  the   Queen.     In  this  document 


they  had  excused  the  celerity  with 
■which,  moved  by  the  necessity  of  the 
case,  they  had  conferred  the  absolute 
government  upon  the  Earl.  This 
measure,  they  said,  passed  by  the 
unanimous  vote  of  the  Provinces,  had 
wonderfully  elevated  the  collapsed 
minds  of  the  patriots,  and  filled  tho 
enemy  with  extreme  consteruation. 
The  renewal  of  a  general  autliority 
had   laid  an   excellent  foundation   for 


4S<3 


THE  UI^ITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VII 


of  Grafigni,  Champagny,  and  Bodman,  with  Croft,  Burgh- 
ley,  and  the  others,  were  not  so  profound  a  secret  as  they 
could  wish. 

The  tone  adopted  by  Leicester  has  been  made  manifest  in 


completely  restoring  the  republic,  had 
curbed  the  ferocious  hearts  of  the 
enemy,  had  restrained  the  progress  of 
a  hostile  army  exulting  in  a  career  of 
extraordinary  victories,  and,  with  the 
blessing  of  God,  had  changed  the  for- 
tunes of  the  war.  The  prosperity  of 
the  United  Provinces  had  been  re- 
stored by  the  dignity,  virtue,  and  assi- 
duous solicitude  of  the  illustrious  Earl, 
and  was  daily  on  the  increase.  They 
had  therefore  thanked  her  Majesty 
for  accepting  so  benignantly  their  ex- 
cuses for  the  authority  conferred,  and 
for  no  longer  requiring  its  diminution. 
They  expressed  the  opinion  that  it 
would  be  perilous — in  the  fragile  con- 
dition of  the  repubhc — to  change  the 
word  (vocabulum)  absolute  govern- 
ment, wliich  could  only  be  done  at  a 
special  session  of  the  States,  called  for 
that  purpose.  They  feared  that,  by 
such  a  step,  at  the  very  moment  of 
restored  authority,  they  should  throw 
prostrate  all  authority,  and  overwhelm 
the  commonwealth  with  confusion. 
They  declared  their  determination  to 
cherish  the  dignity  and  honour  of 
Leicester  as  being,  under  God  and 
her  Majesty,  the  foundation  of  their 
existence  and  their  felicity.  The 
States  of  the  Provinces,  and  all  indi- 
viduals, were  agreed  in  admiring  and 
venerating  his  extraordinary  prudence 
and  assiduity.  They  acknowledged 
that  tlie  safet}'  of  the  whole  republic 
depended  upon  the  care  of  the  gover- 
nor, who,  moved  by  his  zeal  for  the 
true  religion,  and  his  pity  for  their 
afflicted  fortunes,  had  abandoned  his 
private  interests,  his  country,  and  the 
presence  of  his  sovereign,  to  encounter 
all  the  adverse  chances  of  their  per- 
turbed republic.  (Bruce,  469-471, 
1  May,  1586.) 

Six  weeks  later  (June  11,  1586, 
N.S.),  after  receiving  the  last  commu- 
nications of  the  Queen,  the  council 
again  addressed  her  in  similar  strain, 
entrusting  their  despatches  to  Heneage, 
who  was  setting  forth  according  to 
her  commands.     They  expressed  their 


deep  afBiction  that  she  should  again 
so  urgently  demand  the  abrogation  of 
the  government-general.  Not  to  com- 
ply with  a  requisition  so  seriously  and 
repeatedly  made,  was,  as  they  acknow- 
ledged, a  grave  offence.  To  comply 
with  it,  however,  without  manifest 
peril  to  the  republic,  was  impossible. 
For  the  whole  conservation  of  au- 
tliority  depended  upon  the  title  and 
ofBce  of  governor.  If  that  should 
shake  and  vacillate,  they  feared  that 
in  this  very  l^eginning  of  their  pros- 
perity, which  was,  through  Divine  Pro- 
vidence, every  day  augmenting,  all 
things  would  fall  headlong  into  utter 
ruin,  to  the  joy  of  the  common  enemy, 
to  whom  the  authority  conferred  upon 
the  Earl  was  most  formidable.  For 
the  lieutenancy  of  the  Queen,  however 
great  in  itself,  could  never  suffice  to 
the  administration  of  political  affairs, 
without  the  government-general,  wliich 
could  not  be  adjoined  to  the  lieuten- 
ancy, but  must  proceed  from  the  su- 
perior power  residing  in  the  States- 
General.  Again,  therefore,  they  most 
earnestly  besought  her  Majesty  to  par- 
don the  error  which  they  had  com- 
mitted, through  immoderate  devotion 
to  herself,  and  through  the  necessity 
of  the  times.  Her  sacred  breast  would, 
it  was  hoped,  be  moved  to  pretermit 
the  proposed  revocation,  which  could 
only  be  accomplished  by  solemn  con- 
vocation of  the  orders,  and  by  exposing 
the  whole  affair  to  the  world,  a  step 
which,  on  account  of  tlio  fluctuation 
of  men's  minds,  and  the  insidious  sug- 
gestions of  the  enemy,  would  be  at° 
tended  with  infinite  peril.  They  there- 
fore most  urgently  demanded  that  the 
execution  of  her  demand  should  be 
deferred,  at  least  to  a  more  conve- 
nient sea-son.  For  the  rest  they  re- 
ferred the  whole  matter  to  the  report 
of  Heneage,  who  was  about  to  return 
to  England,  fully  instructed  as  to  the 
views  and  wishes  of  the  States.  Bruce's 
'  Levc.  Corresp.'  472,  June  11,  1586, 
N.  S. 


168G.  AND   WRITES   MORE   CHEERFULLY.  481 

his  letters  to  the  Queen.  He  had  held  the  same  language 
of  weariness  and  dissatisfaction  in  his  communications  to  his 
friends.  lie  would  not  keep  the  office,  he  avowed,  if  they 
should  give  him  "  all  Holland  and  Zeeland,  with  all  their 
appurtenances,"  and  he  was  ready  to  resign  at  any  moment. 
He  was  not  "  ceremonious  for  reputation,"  he  said,  but  he 
gave  warning  that  the  Netherlanders  would  grow  desperate  if 
they  found  her  Majesty  dealing  weakly  or  carelessly  with 
them.  As  for  himself  he  had  already  had  enough  of 
government.  "  I  am  weary,  Mr.  Secretary,"  he  plaintively 
exclaimed,  "  indeed  I  am  weary  ;  but  neither  of  pains  nor 
travail.  My  ill  haj)  that  I  can  please  her  Majesty  no  better 
hath  quite  discouraged  me." ' 

He  had  recently,  however — as  we  have  seen — received 
some  comfort,  and  he  was  still  further  encouraged,  upon  the 
eve  of  Heneage's  departure,  by  receiving  another  affectionate 
epistle  from  the  Queen.  Amends  seemed  at  last  to  be 
offered  for  her  long  and  angry  silence,  and  the  Earl  was 
deeply  grateful. 

"  If  it  hath  not  been,  my  most  dear  and  gracious  Lady," 
said  he  in  reply,  "no  small  comfort  to  your  poor  old  servant 
to  receive  but  one  line  of  your  blessed  hand-writing  in  many 
months,  for  the  relief  of  a  most  grieved,  wounded  heart,  how 
far  more  exceeding  joy  must  it  be,  in  the  midst  of  all  sorrow, 
to  receive  from  the  same  sacred  hand  so  many  comfortable 
lines  as  my  good  friend  Mr.  George  hath  at  once  brought 
me.  Pardon  me,  my  sweet  Lady,  if  they  cause  me  to  forget 
myself.  Only  this  I  do  say,  with  most  humble  dutiful  thanks, 
that  the  scope  of  all  my  service  hath  ever  been  to  content 
and  please  you  ;  and  if  I  may  do  that,  then  is  all  sacrifice, 
either  of  life  or  whatsoever,  well  offered  for  you."- 

The  matter  of  the  government  absolute  having  been  so 
fully  discussed  during  the  preceding  four  months,  and  the 
last   opinions   of    the   state-council   having    been   so   lucidly 

1  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  pp.  262,  263,  -  May,  1586. 

'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  -  June,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

VOL.  I.— 2  G 


482  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  VII. 

expounded  in  the  despatches  to  be  carried  by  Heneage  to 
England,  the  matter  might  be  considered  as  exhausted. 
Leicester  contented  himself,  therefore,  with  once  more  calling 
her  Majesty's  attention  to  the  fact  that  if  he  had  not  himself 
accepted  the  office  thus  conferred  upon  him  by  the  States, 
it  would  have  been  bestowed  upon  some  other  personage.  It 
would  hardly  have  comported  with  her  dignity,  if  Count 
Maurice  of  Nassau,  or  Count  William,  or  Count  Moeurs,  had 
been  appointed  governor  absolute,  for  in  that  case  the  Earl, 
as  general  of  the  auxiliary  English  force,  would  have  been 
subject  to  the  authority  of  the  chieftain  thus  selected.  It 
was  impossible,  as  the  state-council  had  very  plainly  shown, 
for  Leicester  to  exercise  supreme  authority,  while  merely 
holding  the  military  office  of  her  Majesty's  lieutenant-gene- 
ral. The  authority  of  governor  or  stadholder  could  only  be 
derived  from  the  supreme  power  of  the  country.  If  her 
Majesty  had  chosen  to  accept  the  sovereignty,  as  the  States 
had  ever  desired,  the  requisite  authority  could  then  have 
been  derived  from  her,  as  from  the  original  fountain.  As 
she  had  resolutely  refused  that  offer  however,  his  authority 
was  -necessarily  to  be  drawn  from  the  States-General,  or 
else  the  Queen  must  content  herself  with  seeing  him  serve 
as  an  English  military  officer,  only  subject  to  the  orders  of 
the  supreme  power,  wherever  that  power  might  reside.  In 
short,  Elizabeth's  wish  that  her  general  might  be  clothed 
with  the  privileges  of  her  viceroy,  while  she  declined  herself 
to  be  the  sovereign,  was  illogical,  and  could  not  be  complied 
with.  1 

Very  soon  after  inditing  these  last  epistles  to  the  Provinces, 
the  Queen  became  more  reasonable  on  the  subject ;  and  an 
elaborate  communication  was  soon  received  by  the  state- 
council,  in  which  the  royal  acquiescence  was  signified  to  the 
latest  propositions  of  the  States.  The  various  topics,  suggested 
in  previous  despatches  from  Leicester  and  from  the  council, 
were  reviewed,  and  the  whole  subject  was  suddenly  placed  in 
a  somewhat  different  light  from  that  in  which  it  seemed  to 

'  Leicester  to  the  Queen.     MS.  last  cited. 


1586. 


THE    QUEEN   IS   MORE   BENIGNANT. 


483 


have  been  previously  regarded  by  ber  Majesty.  Sh(;  alluded 
to  the  excuse,  offered  by  the  state-council,  which  had  been 
drawn  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  from  their  "  great 
liking  for  her  cousin  of  Leicester,"  although  in  violation  of 
the  original  contract.  "  As  you  acknowledge,  however,"  she 
said,  "  that  therein  you  were  justly  to  be  blamed,  and  do 
crave  pardon  for  the  same,  we  cannot,  upon  this  acknowledg- 
ment of  your  feult,  but  remove  our  former  dislike.  ^ 

Nevertheless  it  would  now  seem  that  her  "  mistake"  liad 
proceeded,  not  from  the  excess,  but  from  the  insufficiency  of 
the  powers  conferred  upon  the  Earl,  and  she  complained, 
accordingly,  that  they  had  given  him  shadow  rather  than 
substance.^ 

Simultaneously  with  this  royal  communication,  came  a 
joint  letter  to  Leicester,  from  Burghley,  Walsingham,  and 
Hatton,  depicting  the  long  and  strenuous  conflict  which 
they  had  maintained  in  his  behalf  with  the  rapidly  varying 
inclinations  of  the  Queen.  They  expressed  a  warm  sym- 
pathy with  the  difficulties  of  his  position,  and  spoke  in 
strong  terms  of  the  necessity  that  the  Netherlands  and 
England  should  work  heartily  together.  For  otherwise,  they 
said,  "  the  cause  will  fall,  the  enemy  will  rise,  and  we  must 
stagger."  Notwithstanding  the  secret  negociations  with  the 
enemy,    which    Leicester    and    Walsingham    suspected,    and 


'  Queen  to  Council  of  State,  -  June, 

'26 

1586.     (S.   P.  Office  MS.);   much  cor- 
rected in  Burghley's  handwriting. 

2  Ibid.  "  Yet  when  we  look,"  she 
proceeded,  "into  the  little  profit  that 
the  common  cause  hath  received 
hitherto  by  the  yielding  unto  him 
rather  in  words  and  writings  a  title  of 
a  kind  of  absolute  government,  than 
any  effect  of  the  authority  signified  by 
the  words  of  the  grant ;  for  that  by 
virtue  thereof  we  understand  that  he 
can  neither  be  made  thoroughly  ac- 
quainted with  the  true  state  of  your 
affairs  there,  requisite  for  such  an 
office  as  you  have  given  him  in  name, 
nor  yet  receive  the  due  performance  of 
such  contributions  of  money  and  other 
necessaries,  as  were  specially  promised 


unto  him,  before  the  acceptation  of  the 
government ;  inasmuch  as  for  the  lack 
of  due  satisfaction  of  the  things  pro- 
mised, he  hath  been  enforced  to  em- 
ploy part  of  our  trciisure — sent  over 
for  the  payment  of  such  of  our  people 
as  by  the  contract  we  promised  to 
maintain — to  pay  and  relieve  such 
other  forces  as  were  entertained  by  the 

States besides    many   other  like 

burdens  laid  upon  our  cousin,  con- 
trary to  our  expectation ;  all  this  doth 
give  us  cause  to  misUke  not  so  much 
the  title  itself,  as  the  lack  of  perform- 
ance which  the  title  carries  show  ol^ — 
a  matter,  yea,  of  things  most  necessary 
for  your  own  defence ;  a  matter  that, 
without  speedy  redress,  cannot  but 
bree  1  both  imminent  peril  to  those 
countries  and  dishonour  to  us." 


484 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap  "VH 


which  will  be  more  fully  examined  in  a  subsequent  chapter, 
they  held  a  language  on  that  subject,  which  in  the  Secretary's 
mouth  at  least  was  sincere.  "  Whatsoever  speeches  be  blown 
abroad  of  parleys  of  peace/'  they  said,  "  all  will  be  but  smoke, 
yea  fire  will  follow."^ 

They  excused  themselves  for  their  previous  and  enforced 
silence  by  the  fact  that  they  had  been  unable  to  communicate 
any  tidings  but  messages  of  distress,  but  they  now  con- 
gratulated the  Earl  that  her  Majesty,  as  he  would  see  by 
her  letter  to  the  council,  was  firmly  resolved,  not  only  to 
countenance  his  governorship,  but  to  sustain  him  in  the  most 
thorough  manner.  It  would  be  therefore  quite  out  of  the  ques- 
tion/or them  to  listen  to  his  earnest  propositions  to  he  recalled.^ 

Moreover,  the  Lord  Treasurer  had  already  apprized  Leicester 
that  Honeage  had  safely  arrived  in  England,  that  he  had 
made  his  report  to  the  Queen,  and  that  her  Majesty  waa 
"  very  well  contented  with  him  and  his  mission."'' 

It  may  be  easily  believed  that  the  Earl  would  feel  3 
sensation  of  relief,  if  not  of  triumph,  at  this  termination  to 
the  embarrassments  under  which  he  had  been  labouring  ever 
since  he  listened  to  the  oration  of  the  wise  Leoninus  upon 
New  Years'  Day,  At  last  the  Queen  had  formally  acquiesced 
in  the  action  of  the  States,  and  in  his  acceptance  of  their 
offer.  He  now  saw  himself  undisputed  "  governor  absolute," 
having  been  six  months  long  a  suspected,  discredited,  almost 
disgraced  man.  It  was  natural  that  he  should  express 
himself  cheerfully. 

"  My  great  comfort  received,  oh  my  most  gracious  Lady," 
he  said,  "by  your  most  favourable  lines  written  by  your  own 
sacred  hand,  I  did  most  humbly  acknowledge  by  my  former 
letter  ;   albeit  I  can  no  way  make  testimony  oft  enough  of 


'   Burghley,    Hatton,    and   Walsing- 

ham,  to  Leicester,  —  June,  1586.    (S.  P. 

27  ^ 

Office  MS.) 

*  Ibid.  "  Her  Majesty  is  not  only 
minded,"  Ibey  said,  ''  but,  as  we  per- 
ceive, resolutely  determined, — ^yea,  par- 
suaded  fully — that  it  is  necessary  for 
your  Lordship    ruot  only  to  continue  in 


the  government,  but  to  liave  it  more 
amply  established  and  perfected  to  all 
purposes  for  your  credit  and  strength, 
and  especially  with  money  and  mei^  for 
maintenance  of  those  countries  against 
the  enemy.  "We  should  greatly  err, 
therefore,  if  we  should  at  this  time 
move  her  Majesty  to  recal  you." 
*  Bruce,  307. 


1586.  THE  STATES  LESS  CONTENTED  THAN  THE  EARL.  485 

the  great  joy  I  took  thereby.  And  seeing  my  wounded  heart 
is  by  this  means  almost  rnade  ivhole,  I  do  pray  unto  Grod  that 
either  I  may  never  feel  the  like  again  from  you,  or  not  be 
suffered  to  live,  rather  than  I  should  fall  again  into  those 
torments  of  your  displeasure.  Most  gracious  Queen,  I  be- 
seech you,  therefore,  make  perfect  that  which  you  have  begun. 
Let  not  the  common  danger,  nor  any  ill,  incident  to  the  place 
I  serve  you  in,  be  accompanied  with  greater  troubles  and 
fears  indeed  than  all  the  horrors  of  death  can  bring  me.  My 
strong  hope  doth  now  so  assure  me,  as  I  have  almost  won  the 
battle  against  despair,  and  I  do  arm  myself  with  as  many  of 
those  wonted  comfortable  conceits  as  may  confirm  my  new 
revived  spirits,  reposing  myself  evermore  under  the  shadow 
of  those  blessed  beams  that  must  yield  the  only  nourishment  to 
this  disease."  * 

But  however  nourishing  the  shade  of  those  blessed  beams 
might  prove  to  Leicester's  disease,  it  was  not  so  easy  to  bring 
about  a  very  sunny  condition  in  the  Provinces.  It  was  easier 
for  Elizabeth  to  mend  the  broken  heart  of  the  governor 
than  to  repair  the  damage  which  had  been  caused  to  the 
commonwealth  by  her  caprice  and  her  deceit.  The  dispute 
concerning  the  goverument  absolute  had  died  away,  but  the 
authority  of  the  Earl  had  got  a  "  crack  in  it "  which  never 
could  be  handsomely  made  whole.^  The  States,  during  the 
long  period  of  Leicester's  discredit — feeling  more  and  more 
doubtful  as  to  the  secret  intentions  of  Elizabeth — 'disappointed 
in  the  condition  of  the  auxiliary  troops  and  in  the  amount  of 
supplies  furnished  from  England,  and,  above  all,  having  had 
time  to  regret  their  delegation  of  a  power  which  they  begaa 
to  find  agreeable  to  exercise  with  their  own  hands,  became 
indisposed  to  entrust  the  Earl  with  the  administration 
and  full  inspection  of  their  resources.  To  the  enthusiasm 
which  had  greeted  the  first  arrival  of  Elizabeth's  representative 


1  Leicester   to  the    Queen,  —  June, 

30 

1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

^  "  My  credit  liatli  been  cracked  ever 
since    her     Majesty   sent   Sir   Tlionuus 


Heneage    hither,    as   all  men  can  tell 
you."    Bruce's   *Leyc.  Corresp.'     424, 

Oct.  -,  1586. 


486 


TEE   UNITED   NETHERLANDa 


Chap.  Vll 


had  succeeded  a  jealous,  carping,  suspicious  sentiment.  The 
two  liundred  thousand  florins  monthly  were  paid,  according 
to  the  original  agreement,  but  the  four  hundred  thousand 
of  extra  service-money  subsequently  voted  were  withheld,  and 
withheld  expressly  on  account  of  Heneage's  original  mission 
to  disgrace  the  governor." ' 

"  The  late  return  of  Sir  Thomas  Heneage,"  said  Lord  North, 
'^  hath  put  such  busses  in  their  heads,  as  they  march  forward 
with  leaden  heels  and  doubtful  hearts."  ^ 

In  truth,  through  the  discredit  cast  by  the  Queen  upon 
the  Earl  in  this  important  affair,  the  supreme  authority  was 
forced  back  into  the  hands  of  the  States,  at  the  very  moment 
when  they  had  most  freely  divested  themselves  of  power. 
After  the  Queen  had  become  more  reasonable,  it  was  too  late 
to  induce  them  to  part,  a  second  time,  so  freely  with  the  im- 
mediate control  of  their  own  affairs.  Leicester  had  become, 
to  a  certain  extent,  disgraced  and  disliked  by  the  Estates. 
He  thought  himself,  by  the  necessity  of  the  case,  forced  to 
appeal  to  the  people  against  their  legal  representatives,  and 
thus  the  foundation  of  a  nominally  democratic  party,  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  municipal  one,  was  already  laid.  Nothing  could 
be  more  unfortunate  at  that  juncture  ;  for  we  shall,  in  future, 
find  the  Earl  in  perpetual  opposition  to  the  most  distinguished 
statesmen  in  the  Provinces  ;  to  the  very  men  indeed  who 
had  been  most  influential  in  offering  the  sovereignty  to 
England,  and  in  placing  him  in  the  position  which  he  had 
so   much   coveted.      No  sooner  therefore   had   he   been  con- 


' "as  to  tlio  not  paying  by  the 

States  of  the  200,000  florins  a-month, 
agreed  upon,"  said  Leicester  to  the 
Queen,  "I  must  needs  say  that  they 
have  paid  that  200,000,  but  that  I 
stand  upon  of  late  with  them  is 
200,000  more,  which  they  long  since 
agreed  upon,  and  I  sent  word  to  your 
Majesty.  And  herein,  indeed,  they 
have  been  very  slack ;  but  if  your 
Majesty  will  pardon  me  to  speak  the 
truth  of  that  stay,  it  grew  only  upon 
Sir  Thomas  Heneage^s  coming  with  the 
message   of  your  displeasure ;  for  from 


that  time  till  this  tliey  have  not  only 
sought  to  hinder  the  agreement,  but  to 
intermeddle  wholly  again  with  all  things 
which  did  appertain  to  my  office.  To 
withstand  them — to  be  plain — I  durst 
not,  and  they  have  applied  it  dili- 
gently since  to  work  that  conceit  into 
every  man's  head,"  &c.  &c.     Leicester 

to  the  Queen,   -  June,    1586,    (S.    P. 

Office  MS.) 

29  Mar 
2  North    to    Burghley, 158a 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1586.  HIS  QUARRELS  WITH  THEM  BEGIN.  487 

firmed  by  Elizabeth  in  that  high  office  than  his  arrogance 
broke  forth,  and  the  quarrels  between  himself  and  the  repre- 
sentative body  became  incessant, 

"  I  stand  now  in  somewhat  better  terms  than  I  did,"  said 
he  ;  "I  was  not  in  case  till  of  late  to  deal  roundly  with  them 
as  I  have  now  done.  I  have  established  a  chamber  of 
finances,  against  some  of  their  wills,  whereby  I  doubt  not  to 
procure  great  benefit  to  increase  our  ability  for  payments 
hereafter.  The  people  I  find  still  best  devoted  to  her  Majesty, 
though  of  late  many  lewd  practices  have  been  used  to  with- 
draw their  good  wills.  But  it  will  not  be  ;  they  still  pray 
God  that  her  Majesty  may  be  their  sovereign.  She  should 
then  see  what  a  contribution  they  will  all  bring  forth.  But 
to  the  States  they  ivill  never  return,  which  will  breed  some 
great  mischief,  there  is  such  misUlce  of  the  States  universally. 
I  would  your  Lordship  had  seen  the  case  I  had  lived  in  among 
them  these  four  months,  especially  after  her  Majesty's  mislike 
was  found.  You  would  then  marvel  to  see  how  I  have  waded, 
as  I  have  done,  through  no  small  obstacles,  without  help, 
counsel,  or  assistance."  ^ 

Thus  the  part  which  he  felt  at  last  called  upon  to  enact 
was  that  of  arf  aristocratic  demagogue,  in  perpetual  conflict 
with  the  burgher-representative  body. 

It  is  now  necessary  to  lift  a  corner  of  the  curtain,  by  which 
some  international — or  rather  interpalatial — intrigues  were 
concealed,  as  much  as  possible,  even  from  the  piercing  eyes 
of  Walsingham.  The  Secretary  was,  however,  quite  aware — 
despite  the  pains  taken  to  deceive  him — of  the  nature  of  the 
plots  and  of  the  somewhat  ignoble  character  of  the  actorg 
concerned  in  them. 

18 

*  Leicester  to  Burghley,  -  June,  1586.    (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


488  fUfi  UNITED  NETHERLAIfDS.  Chai>.  ViH- 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

Forlorn  Condition  of  Flanders  —  Parma's  secret  Negotiations  with  the  Queen 
—  Grafigni  and  Bodman  —  Their  Dealings  with  English  Counsellors  — 
Duplicity  of  Farnese — Secret  Offers  of  the  English  Peace-Party — Letters 
and  Intrigues  of  De  Loo  —  Drake's  Victories  and  their  Effect  —  Parma's 
Perplexity  and  Anxiety  —  He  is  relieved  by  the  News  from  England  — 
Queen's  secret  Letters  to  Parma  —  His  Letters  and  Instructions  to  Bod- 
man —  Bodraan's  secret  Transactions  at  Greenwich  —  Walsiugham  detects 
and  exposes  the  Plot  —  The  Intriguers  baffled  —  Queen's  Letter  to  Parma 
and  his  to  the  King  —  Unlucky  Results  of  the  Peace- Intrigues  —  Unhand- 
some Treatment  of  Leicester — Indignation  of  the  Earl  and  Walsingham  — 
Secret  Letter  of  Parma  to  Philip  —  Invasion  of  England  recommended  — 
Details  of  the  Project. 

Alexander  Farnese  and  his  heroic  Httle  army  had  been 
left  by  their  sovereign  in  as  destitute  a  condition  as  that  in 
which  Lord  Leicester  and  his  unfortunate  "  paddy  persons " 
had  found  themselves  since  their  arrival  in  the  Netherlands. 
These  mortal  men  were  but  the  weapons  to  be  used  and 
broken  in  the  hands  of  the  two  great  sovereigns,  already 
pitted  against  each  other  in  mortal  combat.  That  the  distant 
invisible  potentate,  the  work  of  whose  life  was  to  do  his  best 
to  destroy  all  European  nationality,  all  civil  and  religious 
freedom,  should  be  careless  of  the  instruments  by  which  his 
purpose  was  to  be  effected,  was  but  natural.  It  is  painful  to 
reflect  that  the  great  champion  of  liberty  and  of  Protestantism 
was  almost  equally  indifferent  to  the  welfare  of  the  human 
creatures  enlisted  in  her  cause.  Spaniards  and  Italians, 
English  and  Irish,  went  half  naked  and  half  starving  through 
the  whole  inclement  winter,  and  perished  of  pestilence  in 
droves,  after  confronting  the  less  formidable  dangers  of  battle- 
field and  leaguer.  Manfully  and  sympathetically  did  the 
Earl  of  Leicester — while  whining  in  absurd  hyperbole  over 
the  angry  demeanour  of  his  sovereign  towards  himself — re- 
present the  imperative  duty  of  an  English  government  to 
Buccour  English  troops. 


1586.  FORLORN  CONDITION  OF  FLANDfiR&  489 

Alexander  Farnese  was  equally  plain-spoken  to  a  sovereign 
with  whom  plain-speaking  was  a  crime.  In  bold,  almost 
scornful  language,  the  Prince  represented  to  Philip  the  suflfer- 
ings  and  destitution  of  the  little  band  of  heroes,  by  whom 
that  magnificent  military  enterprise,  the  conquest  of  Antwerp, 
had  just  been  eifected.  "God  will  be  weary  of  working 
miracles  for  us,"  he  cried,  "  and  nothing  but  miracles  can  save 
the  troops  from  starving."  There  was  no  question  of  paying 
them  their  wages,  there  was  no  pretence  at  keeping  them 
reasonably  provided  with  lodging  and  clothing,  but  he 
asserted  the  undeniable  proposition  that  they  "could  not 
pass  their  lives  without  eating,"^  and  he  implored  his 
sovereign  to  send  at  least  money  enough  to  buy  the  soldiers 
shoes.  To  go  foodless  and  barefoot  without  complaining, 
on  the  frozen  swamps  of  Flanders,  in  January,  was  more  than 
was  to  be  expected  from  Spaniards  and  Italians.  The  country 
itself  was  eaten  bare.  The  obedient  Provinces  had  reaped 
absolute  ruin  as  the  reward  of  their  obedience.  Bruges, 
Ghent,  and  the  other  cities  of  Brabant  and  Flanders,  once  so 
opulent  and  powerful,  had  become  mere  dens  of  thieves  and 
paupers.  Agriculture,  commerce,  manufactures — all  were 
dead.  The  condition  of  Antwerp  was  most  tragical.  The 
city,  which  had  been  so  recently  the  commercial  centre  of  the 
earth,  was  reduced  to  absolute  beggary.  Its  world-wide  traffic 
was  abruptly  terminated,  for  the  mouth  of  its  great  river  was 
controlled  by  Flushing,  and  Flushing  was  in  the  firm  grasp 
of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  as  governor  for  the  English  Queen. 
Merchants  and  bankers,  who  had  lately  been  possessed  of 
enormous  resources,  were  stripped  of  all.  Such  of  the  in- 
dustrial classes  as  could  leave  the  place  had  wandered  away 
to  Holland  and  England.  There  was  no  industry  possible, 
for  there  was  no  market  for  the  products  of  industry.  Antwerp 
was  hemmed  in  by  the  enemy  on  every  side,  surrounded  by 
royal  troops  in  a  condition  of  open  mutiny,  cut  off  from  the 
ocean,  deprived  of  daily  bread,  and  yet  obliged  to  contribute 
out  of  its  poverty  to  the  maintenance  of  the  Spanish  soldiers, 

'  "No    se  puede  pasar  la  vida  sin   comer."      Parma    to    Philip   II.    28  Febi 
1586.      ( A  rt'liivo  de  Siinancas,  MS.) 
VOL.    I. — 17 


490 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VIII. 


who  were  there  for  its  destruction.  Its  burghers,  compelled 
to  furnish  four  hundred  thousand  florins,  as  the  price  of  their 
capitulation,  and  at  least  six  hundred  thousand  more^  for 
the  repairs  of  the  dykes,  the  destruction  of  which,  too  long 
deferred,  had  only  spread  desolation  over  the  country  without 
saving  the  city,  and  over  and  above  all  forced  to  rebuild,  at 
their  own  expense,  that  fatal  citadel,  by  which  their  liberty 
and  lives  were  to  be  perpetually  endangered,  might  now 
regret  at  leisure  that  they  had  not  been  as  stedfast  during 
their  siege  as  had  been  the  heroic  inhabitants  of  Leyden  in 
their  time  of  trial,  twelve  years  before.  Obedient  Antwerp 
was,  in  truth,  most  forlorn.  But  there  was  one  consolation 
for  her  and  for  Philip,  one  bright  spot  in  the  else  universal 
gloom.  The  ecclesiastics  assured  Parma,  that,  notwithstanding 
the  frightful  diminution  in  the  population  of  the  city,  they 
had  confessed  and  absolved  more  persons  that  Easter  than 
they  had  ever  done  since  the  commencement  of  the  revolt. 
Great  was  Philip's  joy  in  consequence.^  "You  cannot 
imagine  my  satisfaction,"  he  wrote,  "at  the  news  you  give 
me  concerning  last  Easter."  ^ 

With  a  ruined  country,  starving  and  mutinous  troops,  a 
bankrupt  exchequer,  and  a  desperate  and  pauper  population, 
Alexander  Farnese  was  not  unwilling  to  gain  time  by  simu- 
lated negociations  for  peace.  It  was  strange,  however,  that 
so  sagacious  a  monarch  as  the  Queen  of  England  should  sup- 
pose it  for  her  interest  to  grant  at  that  moment  the  very 
delay  which  was  deemed  most  desirable  by  her  antagonist. 

Yet  it  was  not  wounded  affection  alone,  nor  insulted  pride, 
nor  startled  parsimony,  that  had  carried  the  fury  of  the  Queen 


'  Parma  to  Philip  II.   19  April,  1586. 

(Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

The  contemporary  historians  of  the 
country  do  not  paint  more  frightful 
pictures  of  the  desolation  of  Antwerp, 
and  of  the  obedient  Provinces  gene- 
rally, than  those  furnished  by  the 
Prince  of  Parma  in  his  secret  letters 
to  his  sovereign.  Compare  Bor,  II. 
984;  Meteren,  xiii.  253"" ;  Hoofd,  Ver- 
volgh,  251,  et  mult.  al. 

"Grandissima  laslima,"  said  Farnese 


of  Antwerp,  "ver  perdida  tan  princi- 
pal villa,  y  la  navigacion  de  ribera  tan 
linda  y  provechosa  no  solo  para  el  pais 
mas  para  todo  el  mundo."  MS.  before 
cited. 

*  Letter  to  PhUip  II.  just  cited. 

'  "  No  podreys  pensar  el  contento 
que  me  ha  dado  el  aviso  de  la  frequen- 
cia  que  huvo  a  los  sacramentos  la 
pasqua  pasada,"  &c.  Philip  II.  to 
Parma,  5  Jul}',  1586.  (-Arch,  de  Sim. 
MS.) 


1586.  PARMA'S   NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   THE  QUEEN.  491 

to  such  a  height  on  the  occasion  of  Leicester's  elevation  to 
absolute  government.  It  was  stiU  more,  because  the  step  was 
thought  likely  to  interfere  with  the  progress  of  those  negocia- 
tions  into  which  the  Queen  had  allowed  herself  to  be  drawn, 

A  certain  Grafigni — a  Genoese  merchant  residing  much  in 
London  and  in  Antwerp,  a  meddling,  intrusive,  and  irrespon-^ 
sible  kind  of  individual,  whose  occupation  was  gone  with  the 
cessation  of  Flemish  trade — had  recently  made  his  appearance 
as  a  volunteer  diplomatist.  The  principal  reason  for  accepting 
or  rather  for  winking  at  his  services,  seemed  to  be  the  possi- 
bility of  disavowing  him,  on  both  sides,  whenever  it  should 
be  thought  advisable.  He  had  a  partner  or  colleague,  too, 
named  Bodman,  who  seemed  a  not  much  more  creditable 
negociator  than  himself.  The  chief  director  of  the  intrigue 
was,  however,  Champagny,  brother  of  Cardinal  Granvelle, 
restored  to  the  King's  favour  and  disposed  to  atone  by  his 
exuberant  loyalty  for  his  heroic  patriotism  on  a  former  and 
most  memorable  occasion.^  Andrea  de  Loo,  another  subor- 
dinate politician,  was  likewise  employed  at  various  stages  of 
the  negociation. 

It  will  soon  be  perceived  that  the  part  enacted  by  Burghley, 
Hatton,  Croft,  and  other  counsellors,  and  even  by  the  Queen 
herself,  was  not  a  model  of  ingenuousness  towards  the  absent 
Leicester  and  the  States-General.  The  gentlemen  sent  at 
various  times  to  and  from  the  Earl  and  her  Majesty's  govern- 
ment,— Davison,  Shirley,  Vavasor,  Heneage,  and  the  rest, — 
had  all  expressed  themselves  in  the  strongest  language  con- 
cerning the  good  faith  and  the  friendliness  of  the  Lord- 
Treasurer  and  the  Vice-Chamberlain,^  but  they  were  not  so 
well  informed  as  they  would  have  been,  had  they  seen  the 
private  letters  of  Parma  to  Philip  II. 

Walsingham,  although  kept  in  the  dark  as  much  as  it  was 
possible,  discovered  from  time  to  time  the  mysterious  practices 
of  his  political   antagonists,  and  warned    the    Queen  of  the 


*  In  the  memorable  Antwerp  fury. 
See  '  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Repubhc, ' 
vol.  iii.  chap. 

*  Bruoe's  'heyc,  Oorresp.'  pp.   112, 


124,  143,  161,  176,  231.  Leicester  to 
Burghley,  18  March,  1586.  (S.  f,  Offic© 
MS.) 


492 


THE  UlTITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VIII. 


danger  and  dishonour  she  was  bringing  upon  herself.^  Eliza- 
beth, when  thus  boldly  charged,  equivocated  and  stormed 
alternately.  She  authorized  Walsingham  to  communicate 
the  secrets — which  he  had  thus  surprised — to  the  States- 
General,  and  then  denied  having  given  any  such  orders.^ 

In  truth,  Walsingham  was  only  entrusted  with  such  portions 
of  the  negotiations  as  he  had  been  able,  by  his  own  astuteness, 
to  divine  ;  and  as  he  was  very  much  a  friend  to  the  Provinces 
and  to  Leicester,  he  never  failed  to  keep  them  instructed,  to 
the  best  of  his  ability.  It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that 
the  shuffling  and  paltering  among  great  men  and  little  men, 
at  that  period,  forms  a  somewhat  painful  subject  of  contempla- 
tion at  the  present  day. 

Grafigni  having  some  merchandise  to  convey  from  Antwerp 
to  London,  went  early  in  the  year  to  the  Prince  of  Parma, 
at  Brussels,  in  order  to  procure  a  passport.^  They  entered 
into  some  conversation  upon  the  misery  of  the  country,  and 
particularly  concerning  the  troubles  to  which  the  unfortunate 
merchants  had  been  exposed.  Alexander  expressed  much 
sympathy  with  the  commercial  community,  and  a  strong 
desire  that  the  ancient  friendship  between  his  master  and  the 
Queen  of  England  niight  be  restored.  Grafigni  assured  the 
Prince — as  the  result  of  his  own  observation  in  England — that 
the  Queen  participated  in  those  pacific  sentiments.  "  You 
are  going  to  England,''  replied  the  Prince,  "and  you  may  say 
to  the  ministers  of  her  Majesty,  that,  after  my  allegiance  to 
my  King,  I  am  most  favourably  and  afiectionately  inclined 
towards  her.  If  it  pleases  them  that  I,  as  Alexander'  Farnese, 
should  attempt  to  bring  about  an  accord,  and  if  our  commis- 
sioners could  be  assured  of  a  hearing  in  England,  I  would  take 
care  that  everything  should  be  conducted  with  due  regard  to 
the  honour  and  reputation  of  her  Majesty."  * 


*  Bruce'a  'Leyc.       Corresp.'      231 

21  April  20 

'  1586;  272,  -May,  1586. 

1  May                 '  '30            ' 

■■' Brace's  'Leyc.      Corresp.'      240, 

26  April  ^       20 

— — '1586.  Ibid.    272,  -  May,  1586. 

6  May  '  30 

*  Copia  del   Papel  de  Agostino  Gra- 


figaa,  anno  1586.  (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 
*  Ibid.  "  Che  io,  como  Alessandro 
Farnese,  praticasai  a  pico  d'  accordo 
con  mio  Re,  y  che  li  nostri  commessi 
fussino  sentiti  in  Ingleterra,  tenirei 
modo  die  le  cose  passeriano  con  ogni 
honore  A  rcputazione  di  S.  M*.,"  &c. 


1586. 


GRAPIGNI  AND  BODMAN. 


493 


Grrafigni  then  asked  for  a  written  letter  of  credence.  "  That 
cannot  be,"  repKed  Alexander  ;  "  but  if  you  return  to  me 
I  shall  believe  your  report,  and  then  a  proper  person  can 
be  sent,  with  authority  from  the  King  to  treat  with  her 
Majesty."^ 

Grafigni  proceeded  to  England,  and  had  an  interview  with 
Lord  Cobhani.  A  few  days  later  that  nobleman  gave  the 
merchant  a  general  assurance  that  the  Queen  had  always  felt 
a  strong  inclination  to  maintain  firm  friendship  with  the  House 
of  Burgundy.  Nevertheless,  as  he  proceeded  to  state,  the  bad 
policy  of  the  King's  ministers,  and  the  enterprises  against  her 
Majesty,  had  compelled  her  to  provide  for  her  own  security 
and  that  of  her  realm  by  remedies  differing  in  spirit  from  that 
good  inclination.  Being  however  a  Christian  princess,  willing 
to  leave  vengeance  to  the  Lord  and  disposed  to  avoid  blood- 
shed, she  was  ready  to  lend  her  ear  to  a  negotiation  for  peace, 
if  it  were  likely  to  be  a  sincere  and  secure  one.  Especially 
she  was  pleased  that  his  Highness  of  Parma  should  act  as 
mediator  of  such  a  treaty,  as  she  considered  him  a  most  just 
and  honourable  prince  in  all  his  promises  and  actions.  Her 
Majesty  would  accordingly  hold  herself  in  readiness  to  receive 
the  honourable  commissioners  alluded  to,  feeling  sure  that 
every  step  taken  by  his  Highness  would  comport  with  her 
honour  and  safety.^ 

At  about  the  same  time  the  other  partner  in  this  diplomatic 
enterprise,  William  Bodman,  communicated  to  Alexander  the 
result  of  his  observations  in  England.  He  stated  that  Lords 
Burghley,  Buckhurst,  and  Cobham,  Sir  Christopher  Hatton, 
and  Comptroller  Croft,  were  secretly  desirous  of  peace  with 
Spain,  and  that  they  had  seized  the  recent  opportunity  of  her 
pique  against  the  Earl  of  Leicester^  to  urge  forward  these 
underhand  negotiations.  Some  progress  had  been  made  ;  but 
as   no   accredited   commissioner   arrived   from  the  Prince  of 


'  Copia  del  Papel  de  Agostino  Gra- 
flgua,  MS.  just  cited. 

'  Papel  de  Grafigna,  MS.  before 
cited. 

3  "Algun  disgusto  contra  el   Conde 


de  Lester,"  Ac,  from  a  document  en- 
titled 'Lo  que  en  particular  siente 
Guillemo  Bodeman  de  las  intenciones 
de  Inglaterra,  anno  1586.'  (Archivo 
de  Simancas,  MS.) 


404  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIII 

Parma,  and  as  Leicester  was  continually  writing  earnest 
letters  agjainst  peace,  the  efforts  of  these  counsellors  had 
slackened.  Bodman  found  them  all,  on  his  arrival,  anxious 
as  he  said,  "  to  get  their  necks  out  of  the  matter  ;  "^  declaring 
everything  which  had  heen  done  to  he  pure  matter  of  acci- 
dent, entirely  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Queen,  and 
each  seeking  to  outrival  the  other  in  the  good  graces  of  her 
Majesty.^  Grafigni  informed  Bodman,  however,  that  Lord 
Cobham  was  quite  to  be  depended  upon  in  the  aifair,  and 
would  deal  with  him  privately,  while  Lord  Burghley  would 
correspond  with  Andrea  de  Loo  at  Antwerp.  Moreover,  the 
servant  of  Comptroller  Croft  would  direct  Bodman  as  to  his 
course,  and  would  give  him  daily  instructions.^ 

Now  it  so  happened  that  this  servant  of  Croft,  Norris  by 
name,  was  a  Papist,  a  man  of  bad  character,  and  formerly  a  spy 
of  the  Duke  of  Anjou.*  "  If  your  Lordship  or  myself  should 
use  such  instruments  as  this,"  wrote  Walsingham  to  Leicester, 
"  I  know  we  should  bear  no  small  reproach  ;  but  it  is  the  good 
hap  of  hollow  and  doubtful  men  to  be  best  thought  of '"*  Bod- 
man thought  the  lords  of  the  peace-faction  and  their  adherents 
not  sufficiently  strong  to  oppose  the  other  party  with  success 
He  assured  Farnese  that  almost  all  the  gentlemen  and  the 
common  people  of  England  stood  ready  to  risk  their  fortunes 
and  to  go  in  person  to  the  field  to  maintain  the  cause  of  the 
Queen  and  religious  liberty  ;  and  that  the  chance  of  peace 
was  desperate  unless  something  should  turn  the  tide,  such 
as,  for  example,  the  defeat  of  Drake,  or  an  invasion  by  Philip 
of  Ireland  or  Scotland.* 

As  it  so  happened  that  Drake  was  just  then  engaged  in  a 
magnificent  career  of  victory,  sweeping  the  Spanish  Main 
and  startling  the  nearest  and  the  most  remote  possessions  of 
the  King  with  English  prowess,  his  defeat  was  not  one  of  the 
cards  to  be  relied  on  by  the  peace-party  in  the  somewhat 
deceptive  game  which  they  had  commenced.     Yet,  strange  to 

'  "  Sacar  el  cuello  y  salirse  a  fuera."       21  April 

•  ■  V  •'  ,  1686.  s  Ibid, 


(Ibid.) 

'  Ibid.  » Ibid. 

*  Bruce 's     '  Leyc     Corresp.'       231, 


1  May 

^  "Lo  que   en    particular    siente   Gr, 
Bodeman,  &c.     MS.  last  cited. 


1580.  '^TiEIR  DEALINGS  WITH  ENGLISH  COUNSELLORS.  495 

say,  they  used,  or  attempted  to  use,  those  splendid  triumphs 
as  if  they  had  beea  disasters. 

Meantime  there  was  an  active  but  very  secret  correspond- 
ence between  Lord  Cobham,  Lord  Burghley,  Sir  James  Croft, 
and  various  subordinate  personages  in  England,  on  the  one 
side,  and  Champagny,  President  Richardot,  La  Motte,  governor 
of  Gravelines,  Andrea  de  Loo,  Grafigni,  and  other  men  in 
the  obedient  Provinces,  more  or  less  in  Alexander's  confidence, 
on  the  other  side.  Each  party  was  desirous  of  forcing  or 
wheedling  the  antagonist  to  show  his  hand.  "You  were 
employed  to  take  soundings  ofi"  the  English  coast  in  the  Duke 
of  Norfolk's  time,"  said  Cobham  to  La  Motte :  "  you  remember 
the  Duke's  fate.  Nevertheless,  her  Majesty  hates  war,  and 
it  only  depends  on  the  King  to  have  a  firm  and  lasting 
peace."  ^ 

"  You  must  tell  Lord  Cobham,"  said  Richardot  to  La  Motte, 
"  that  you  are  not  at  liberty  to  go  into  a  correspondence,  until 
assured  of  the  intentions  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  Her  Majesty 
ought  to  speak  first,  in  order  to  make  her  good- will  manifest,"  ^ 
and  80  on. 

"  The  ^friend '  can  confer  with  you,"  said  Richardot  to 
Champagny  ;  "  but  his  Highness  is  not  to  appear  to  know 
anything  at  all  about  it.  The  Queen  must  signify  her 
intentions."^ 

"  You  answered  Champagny  correctly,"  said  Burghley  to 
De  Loo,  "  as  to  what  I  said  last  winter  concerning  her  Majesty's 
wishes  in  regard  to  a  pacification.  The  Netherlands  must  he 
compelled  to  7'eturn  to  obedience  to  the  King ;  but  their  ancient 
privileges  are  to  be  maintained.  You  omitted,  however,  to 
say  a  word  about  toleration,  in  the  Provinces,  of  the  reformed 
religion.  But  I  said  then,  as  I  say  now,  that  this  is  a  condition" 
indispensable  to  peace."  * 

This  was  a  somewhat  important  omission  on  the  part  of  De 

'  Lord  Cobham  to  Sigr.  de  la  Motte,  I  *  '  Lettera    del    Sr.  Gran    Thesoriero 

2  March,  1586.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.")  d'  Ingleterra  a  Andrea  de  Loo,  verba- 

'  Richardot  to  La  Motte.  23   March,  |  tim    translatata   dalla    sua     lingua    in 

1586.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.)  I  qucstra,  G  Marte,  1586.     (Arch,  de  Sim 

3  Richardot      to      Champagnj-,       24  MS.) 

Marcli,  1586.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.)  | 


496  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  YlZl. 

Loo,  and  gives  the  measure  of  his  conscientiousness  or  his 
capacity  as  a  negotiator.  Certainly  for  the  Lord-Treasurer  of 
England  to  offer,  on  the  part  of  her  Majesty,  to  bring  about 
the  reduction  of  her  allies  under  the  yoke  which  they  had 
thrown  off  without  her  assistance,  and  this  without  leave 
asked  of  them,  and  with  no  provision  for  the  great  principle  of 
religious  liberty,  which  was  the  cause  of  the  revolt,  was  a  most 
flagitious  trifling  with  the  honour  of  Elizabeth  and  of  England. 
Certainly  the  more  this  mysterious  correspondence  is  exa- 
mined, the  more  conclusive  is  the  justification  of  the  vague 
and  instinctive  jealousy  felt  by  Leicester  and  the  States- 
General  as  to  English  diplomacy  during  the  winter  and  spring 
uf  1586. 

Burghley  summoned  De  Loo,  accordingly,  to  recall  to  his 
memory  all  that  had  been  privately  said  to  him  on  the  neces- 
sity of  protecting  the  reformed  religion  in  the  Provinces.  If 
a  peace  were  to  be  perpetual,  toleration  was  indispensable,  he 
observed,  and  her  Majesty  was  said  to  desire  this  condition 
most  earnestly.^ 

The  Lord-Treasurer  also  made  the  not  unreasonable  sugges- 
tion, that,  in  case  of  a  pacification,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
provide  that  English  subjects — peaceful  traders,  mariners,  and 
the  like — should  no  longer  be  shut  up  in  the  Inquisition- 
prisons  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  there  starved  to  death,  as, 
with  great  multitudes,  had  already  been  the  case.^ 

Meantime  Alexander,  while  encouraging  and  directing  all 
these  underhand  measures,  was  carefully  impressing  upon  his 
master  that  he  was  not,  in  the  least  degree,  bound  by  any  such 
negotiations.  "  Queen  Elizabeth,"  he  correctly  observed  to 
Philip,  "  is  a  woman  :  she  is  also  by  no  means  fond  of  expense. 
The  kingdom,  accustomed  to  repose,  is  already  weary  of  war  : 
therefore,  they  are  all  pacifically  inclined,"^  "It  has  been 
intimated  to  me,"  he  said,  "  that  if  I  would  send  a  properly 
qualified  person,  who  should  declare  that  your   Majesty  had 

'  'Lettera,  &c.,  just  cited.  I  cansarse  aquel  Reyno  acostumbrado  a 

»  Ibid.  I  sn   reposo,"  &c.      Parma  to  Philip  II. 

'  '•  La  reyna,  por  ser  muger,  y  sentir  30  Mar.  1586,     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

el  gasto  que    1ft    corobjeue    bacer,   y  | 


1586.  DUPLICITY   OF  FARNESE.  497 

not  absolutely  forbidden  the  coming  of  Lord  Leicester,  such 
an  agent  would  be  well  received,  and  perhaps  the  Earl  would 
he  recalled."^  Alexander  then  proceeded,  with  the  coolness 
befitting  a  trusted  governor  of  Philip  II.,  to  comment  upon 
the  course  which  he  was  pursuing.  He  could  at  any  time 
denounce  the  negotiations  which  he  was  secretly  prompting. 
Meantime  immense  advantages  could  be  obtained  by  the 
deception  practised  upon  an  enemy  whose  own  object  was  to 
deceive. 

The  deliberate  treachery  of  the  scheme  was  cynically  en- 
larged upon,  and  its  possible  results  mathematically  calculated. 
Philip  was  to  proceed  with  the  invasion  while  Alexander  was 
going  on  with  the  negotiation.  If,  meanwhile,  they  could 
receive  back  Holland  and  Zeeland  from  the  hands  of  England, 
that  would  be  an  immense  success.^  The  Prince  intimated  a 
doubt,  however,  as  to  so  fortunate  a  result,  because,  in  dealing 
with  heretics  and  persons  of  similar  quality,  nothing  but 
trickery  was  to  be  expected.  The  chief  good  to  be  hoped  for 
was  to  "  chill  the  Queen  in  her  plots,  leagues,  and  alliances, 
and  during  the  chill,  to  carry  forward  their  own  great  design."'' 
To  slacken  not  a  whit  in  their  preparations,  to  "  put  the  Queen 
to  sleep,"*  and,  above  all,  not  to  leave  the  French  for  a  moment 
unoccupied  with  internal  dissensions  and  civil  war  ;  such  was 
the  game  of  the  King  and  the  governor,  as  expounded  between 
themselves.^ 

President  Richardot,  at  the  same  time,  stated  to  Cardinal 
Granvelle  that  the  English  desire  for  peace  was  considered 
certain  at  Brussels.  Grafigni  had  informed  the  Prince  of 
Parma  and  his  counsellors  that  the  Queen  was  most  amicably 
disposed,  and  that  there  would  be  no  trouble  on  the  point  of 
religion,  her  Majesty  not  wishing  to  obtain  more  than  she 
would  herself  be  willing  to  grant.  "  In  this,"  said  Richardot, 
"  there  is  both  hard  and  soft ;"  ^  for  knowing  that  the  Spanish 


'  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  MS.  last  cited. 

'  Ibid. 

^  ''  Que  haya  de  serbir  mas  para 
enfriarla  en  sus  tramas,  ligas,  y  adhe- 
rencias,"  <Sc.     (Ibid.) 

VOL.  I.— 2  H 


*  "Para  adormecerla."     (Ibid.) 

5  Ibid. 

"  "En  cecy  il  y  a  du  dur  &  du  moL" 
Richardot  to  Granvelle,  30  Mara.  1586. 
(Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 


498 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chai-.  Tm. 


game  was  deception,  pure  and  simple,  the  excellent  President 
could  not  bring  himself  to  suspect  a  possible  grain  of  good 
faith  in  the  English  intentions.  Much  anxiety  was  perpetually 
felt  in  the  French  quarter,  her  Majesty's  government  being 
supposed  to  be  secretly  preparing  an  invasion  of  the  obedient 
Netherlands  across  the  French  frontier,  in  combination,  not 
with  the  Boarnese,  but  with  Henry  III.  So  much  in  the  dark 
were  even  the  most  astute  politicians.  "  I  can't  feel  satisfied 
in  this  French  matter,"  said  the  President :  "  we  mustn't 
tickle  ourselves  to  make  ourselves  laugh."'  Moreover,  there 
was  no  self-deception  nor  self-tickling  possible  as  to  the  un- 
mitigated misery  of  the  obedient  Netherlands.  Famine  was 
a  more  formidable  foe  than  Frenchmen,  Hollanders,  and 
Englishmen  combined  ;  so  that  Richardot  avowed  that  the 
"negotiation  would  be  indeed  holy,"  if  it  would  restore 
Holland  and  Zeeland  to  the  King  without  fighting.  The 
prospect  seemed  on  the  whole  rather  dismal  to  loyal  Nether- 
landers  like  the  old  leaguing,  intriguing,  Hispaniolized  pre- 
sident of  the  privy  council.  "  I  confess,"  said  he  plaintively, 
"  that  England  needs  chastisement ;  but  I  don't  see  how  we 
are  to  give  it  to  her.  Only  let  us  secure  Holland  and  Zeeland, 
and  then  we  shall  always  find  a  stick  whenever  we  like  to 
beat  the  dog."^ 

Meantime  Andrea  de  Loo  had  been  bustling:  and  buzzing^ 
about  the  ears  of  the  chief  counsellors  at  the  English  court 
during  all  the  early  spring.  Most  busily  he  had  been  endea- 
vouring to  efface  the  prevalent  suspicion  that  Philip  and 
Alexander  were  only  trifling  by  these  informal  negotiations. 
We  have  just  seen  whether  or  not  there  was  ground  for  that 
suspicion.  De  Loo,  being  importunate,  however — "as  he 
usually  was,"  according  to  his  own  statement — obtained  in 
Burghley's  hand  a  confirmation,  by  order  of  the  Queen,  of  De 
Loo's  letter  of  the  26th  December.     The  matter  of  religion 


1  II  ne  faut  pas  que  nous  nous 
chatouillons  pour  nous  faire  rire."  (lb.) 
Neither  Richardot  nor  Parma  himself 
could  then  foresee  that  within  two 
mouths  Henry  III.  would  be  proposing 


to  Philip  II.  a  joint  invasion  of  Eng- 
land! 

2  "  Et  nous  sera  ayse  de  trouver  le 
baston  quand  nous  voulons  battre  le 
ehien."     (Ibid.) 


1586.  SECRET  OFFERS  OF  THE  ENGLISH  PEACE-PARTY.  499 

gave  the  worthy  merchant  much  difficulty,  and  he  begged  Lord 
Buckhurst,  the  Lord  Treasurer,  and  many  other  counsellors, 
not  to  allow  this  point  of  toleration  to  ruin  the  whole  affair  ; 
"for,"  said  be,  "his  Majesty  will  never  pennit  any  exercise  of 
the  reformed  religion/'  ^ 

At  last  Buckhurst  sent  for  him,  and  in  presence  of  Comp- 
troller Croft,  gave  him  information  that  he  had  brought  the 
Queen  to  this  conclusion  :  firstly,  that  she  would  be  satisfied 
with  as  great  a  proportion  of  religious  toleration  for  Holland, 
Zeeland,  and  the  other  United  Provinces,  as  his  Majesty  could 
concede  with  safety  to  his  conscience  and  his  honour  ;  ^  se- 
ondly,  that  she  required  an  act  of  amnesty  ;  thirdly,  that  she 
claimed  reimbursement  by  Philip  for  the  money  advanced  by 
her  to  the  States.^ 

Certainly  a  more  wonderful  claim  was  never  made  than 
this — a  demand  upon  an  absolute  monarch  for  indemnity  for 
expenses  incurred  in  fomenting  a  rebellion  of  his  own  subjects. 
The  measure  of  toleration  proposed  for  the  Provinces — the 
conscience,  namely,  of  the  greatest  bigot  ever  born  into  the 
world — was  likely  to  prove  as  satisfactory  as  the  claim  for 
damages  propounded  by  the  most  parsimonious  sovereign  in 
Christendom.  It  was,  however,  stipulated  that  the  non-con- 
formists of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  who  should  be  forced  into 
exile,  were  to  have  their  j^roperty  administered  by  papist 
trustees  ;  and  further,  that  the  Spanish  inquisition  was  not  to 
be  established  in  the  Netherlands.  Philip  could  hardly  de- 
mand better  terms  than  these  last,  after  a  career  of  victory. 
That  they  should  be  ofiered  now  by  Elizabeth  was  hardly 
compatible  with  good  faith  to  the  States. 

On  account  of  Lord  Burghley's  gout,  it  was  suggested  that 
the  negotiators  had  better  meet  in  England,  as  it  would  be 
necessary  for  him  to  take  the  lead  in  the  matter,  and  as  he 
was  but  an  indifferent  traveller.      Thus,  according  to  De  Loo, 


1  Memorial  d'  Andrea  de  Loo  del 
negotiate  alia  corte  d'  Inglaterra  nel 
mese  di  Febraio  e  Marzo,  1586.  (Archi- 
TO  de  Siniancas,  MS.) 

-  "Imprimis,  che  S.  M**  si  contenta 
di  noa  estar  altriioenti  sul  puutu  della. 


religion©  clie  d'  ottenere  dal  Re  quella 
tanta  tolerantia  per  la  HoUanJa  y  la 
Zelanda  ecu  le  altre  provincie  unite, 
che  potra  concedere  con  sua  salva 
conscienza  et  honore."  (Ibid.) 
3  IbiO.  4  Ibid, 


500 


THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VIIl. 


the  Queen  was  willing  to  hand  over  the  United  Provinces  to 
Philip,  and  to  toss  religious  toleration  to  the  winds,  if  she 
could  only  get  back  the  seventy  thousand  pounds — more  or 
less — which  she  had  invested  in  an  unpromising  speculation. 
A  few  weeks  later,  and  at  almost  the  very  moment  when 
Elizabeth  had  so  suddenly  overturned  her  last  vial  of  wrath 
upon  the  discomfited  Heneage  for  having  communicated — 
according  to  her  express  command — the  fact  of  the  pending 
negotiations  to  the  Netherland  States  ;  at  that  very  instant 
Parma  was  writing  secretly,  and  in  cipher,  to  Philip.  His 
communication — could  Sir  Thomas  have  read  it — might  have 
partly  explained  her  Majesty's  rage. 

Parma  had  heard,  he  said,  through  Bodman,  from  Comp- 
troller Croft,  that  the  Queen  would  willingly  receive  a  proper 
envoy.  It  was  very  easy  to  see,  he  observed,  that  the  English 
counsellors  were  seeking  every  means  of  entering  into  com- 
munication with  Spain,  and  that  they  were  doing  so  with  the 
participation  of  the  Queen.^  Lord-Treasurer  Burghley  and 
Comptroller  Croft  had  expressed  surprise  that  the  Prince  had 
not  yet  sent  a  secret  agent  to  her  Majesty,  under  pretext  of 
demanding  explanations  concerning  Lord  Leicester's  presence 
in  the  Provinces,  but  in  reality  to  treat  for  peace.  Such  an 
agent,  it  had  been  intimated,  would  be  well  received.^  The 
Lord-Treasurer  and  the  Comptroller  would  do  all  in  their 
power  to  advance  the  negotiation,  so  that,  with  their  aid  and 
with  the  pacific  inclination  of  the  Queen,  the  measures  pro- 
posed in  favour  of  Leicester  would  be  suspended,  and  perhaps 
the  Earl  himself  and  all  the  English  would  be  recalled.^ 

The  Queen  was  further  represented  as  taking  great  pains  to 
excuse  both  the  expedition  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  to  the  Indies, 
and  the  mission  of  Leicester  to  the  Provinces.  She  was  said 
to  throw  the  whole  blame  of  these  enterprises  upon  Walsing- 


1  "  Bien  claro  echa  de  ver  que  van 
buscando  todos  los  que  les  parecen  a 
proposito  para  entrar  en  comunicacion, 
y  que  lo  hazen  con  la  participacion 
de  la  Reyna."  Parma  to  Philip  II. 
19  April,   1586.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

2  Ibid. 


"  3  Y  con  esto  y  la  inclinacion  que 
tiene  la  Reyna  a  la  paz,  se  suspende- 
rian  las  proposiciones  que  se  hazen  en 
favor  del  Conde  de  Lestre,  y  quiza 
seria  revocado  el  con  todos  los  In- 
gleses."     (Ibid.) 


1586. 


LETTERS  AND   INTRIGUES   OP   DE   LOO. 


501 


ham  and  other  ill-intentioned  personages,  and  to  avow  that 
she  now  understood  matters  better  ;  so  that,  if  Parma  would 
at  once  send  an  envoy,  peace  would,  without  question,  soon 
be  made.  ^ 

Parma  had  expressed  his  gratification  at  these  hopeful  dis- 
positions on  the  part  of  Burghley  and  Croft,  and  held  out 
hopes  of  sending  an  agent  to  treat  with  them,  if  not  directly 
with  her  Majesty.  For  some  time  past — according  to  the 
Prince — the  English  government  had  not  seemed  to  be 
honestly  seconding  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  nor  to  correspond 
with  his  desires.  "  This  makes  me  think,"  he  said,  "  that  the 
counsellors  before-mentioned,  being  his  rivals,  are  trying  to 
trip  him  up."^ 

In  such  a  caballing,  prevaricating  age,  it  is  difficult  to 
know  which  of  all  the  plotters  and  counterplotters  engaged  in 
these  intrigues  could  accomplish  the  greatest  amount  of  what 
— for  the  sake  of  diluting  in  nine  syllables  that  which  could  be 
more  forcibly  expressed  in  one — was  then  called  diplomatic 
dissimulation.  It  is  to  be  feared,  notwithstanding  her  fre- 
quent and  vociferous  denials,  that  the  robes  of  the  "  imperial 
votaress"  were  not  so  unsullied  as  could  be  wished.  We  know 
how  loudly  Leicester  had  complained — we  have  seen  how 
clearly  Walsingham  could  convict  ;  but  Elizabeth,  though 
convicted,  could  always  confute  :  for  an  absolute  sovereign, 
even  without  resorting  to  Philip's  syllogisms  of  axe  and  faggot, 
was  apt  in  the  sixteenth  century  to  have  the  best  of  an  argu- 
ment with  private  individuals. 

The  secret  statements  of  Parma — made,  not  for  public  efiect, 
but  for  the  purpose  of  furnishing  his  master  with  the  most 
accurate  information  he  could  gather  as  to  English  policy — • 
are  certainly  entitled  to  consideration.  They  were  doubtless 
founded  upon  the  statements  of  individuals  rejoicing  in  no 
very  elevated  character ;  but  those  individuals  had  no  motive 


'  "  Esmerando  se  mucho  en  excusar 
la  Reyna  assi  de  la  yda  de  Drake  a 
las  Indias  cotno  de  la  venida  de  Leces- 
ter,  echando  la  culpa  a  "Walsingham  y 
a  otros  mal  intencionados,  y  que  ya  la 


Reyna    comenzava    a    conocerlo,"    &c. 
(Ibid.) 

'  "  Que   estos,  como  sus  contrarios, 
deven  de  yrle  a  la  mano,"  &c.     (Ibid.) 


502 


niK  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.   VIIL 


to  deceive  their  patron.  If  they  clashed  with  the  vehement 
declarations  of  very  eminent  personages,  it  must  be  admitted, 
on  the  other  hand,  that  they  were  singularly  in  accordance 
with  the  silent  eloquence  of  important  and  mysterious  events. 

As  to  Alexander  Farnese — without  deciding  the  question 
whether  Elizabeth  and  Burghley  were  deceiving  Walsingham 
and  Leicester,  or  only  trying  to  delude  Philip  and  himself — 
he  had  no  hesitation,  of  course,  on  his  part,  in  recommending 
to  Philip  the  employment  of  unlimited  dissimulation.  Nothing 
could  be  more  ingenuous  than  the  intercourse  between  the 
King  and  his  confidential  advisers.  It  was  perfectly  under- 
stood among  them  that  they  were  always  to  deceive  every 
one,  upon  every  occasion.  Only  let  them  be  false,  and  it  was 
impossible  to  be  wholly  wrong ;  but  grave  mistakes  might 
occur  from  occasional  deviations  into  sincerity.  It  was  no 
question  at  all,  therefore,  that  it  was  Parma's  duty  to  delude 
Elizabeth  and  Burghley.  Alexander's  course  was  plain.  He 
informed  his  master  that  he  would  keep  these  difficulties  alive 
as  much  as  it  was  possible.  In  order  to  "  put  them  all  to 
sleep  with  regard  to  the  great  enterprise  of  the  invasion,"' 
he  would  send  back  Bodman  to  Burghley  and  Croft,  and  thus 
keep  this  unofficial  negotiation  upon  its  legs.  The  King  was 
quite  uncommitted,  and  could  always  disavow  what  had  been 
done.  Meanwhile  he  was  gaining,  and  his  adversaries  losing, 
much  precious  time.  "  If  by  this  course,"  said  Parma,  "  we 
can  induce  the  English  to  hand  over  to  us  the  j^laces  which 
they  hold  in  Holland  and  Zeeland,  that  will  be  a  great 
triumph."  Accordingly  he  urged  the  King  not  to  slacken, 
in  the  least,  his  preparations  for  invasion,  and,  above  all, 
to  have  a  care  that  the  French  were  kept  entangled  and 
embarrassed  among  themselves,  which  was  a  most  substantial 
point.^ 

Meantime  Europe  was  ringing  with  the  American  successes 
of  the  bold  corsair  Drake.     San  Domingo,  Porto  Rico,  San- 


'  "  Per    endormecerlos    por    lo   que 
toca  al  negocio  principal."     (Ibid.) 
»   "  Que  los  franceses  se  entrotengan 


embaragados    entre   se,    que   es   punto 
sustancialissimo."     (Ibid.) 


1586. 


DRAKE'S   VICTORIES   AND   THEIR   EFFECT. 


503 


tiago,  Carthagena,  Florida,  were  sacked  and  destroyed,  and 
the  sujjplies  drawn  so  steadily  from  the  oppression  of  the 
Western  World  to  maintain  Spanish  tyranny  in  Europe,  were 
for  a  time  extinguished.  Parma  was  appalled  at  these  tri- 
umphs of  the  Sea-King — "  a  fearful  man  to  the  King  of 
Spain"' — as  Lord  Burghley  well  observed.  The  Spanish 
troops  were  starving  in  Flanders,  all  Flanders  itself  was 
starving,  and  Philip,  as  usual,  had  sent  but  insignificant  re- 
mittances to  save  his  perishing  soldiers.  Parma  had  already  ex- 
hausted his  credit.  Money  was  most  difficult  to  obtain  in  such  a 
forlorn  country  ;  and  now  the  few  rich  merchants  and  bankers 
of  Antwerp  that  were  left  looked  very  black  at  these  crushing 
news  from  America.  "  They  are  drawing  their  purse-strings 
very  tight,"  said  Alexander,  "  and  will  make  no  accommoda- 
tion. The  most  contemplative  of  them  ponder  much  over 
this  success  of  Drake,  and  think  that  your  Majesty  will  forget 
our  matters  here  altogether."^  For  this  reason  he  informed 
the  King  that  it  would  be  advisable  to  drop  all  further  nego- 
tiation with  England  for  the  time,  as  it  was  hardly  probable 
that,  with  such  advantages  gained  by  the  Queen,  she  would 
be  inclined  to  proceed  in  the  path  which  had  been  just 
secretly  opened.-^  Moreover,  the  Prince  was  in  a  state  of 
alarm  as  to  the  intentions  of  France.  Mendoza  and  Tassis 
had  given  him  to  understand  that  a  very  good  feeling  pre- 
vailed between  the  court  of  Henry  and  of  Elizabeth,  and  that 
the  French  were  likely  to  come  to  a  pacification  among  them- 
selves.^ In  this  the  Spanish  envoys  were  hardly  anticipating 
so  great  an  effect  as  we  have  seen  that  they  had  the  right  to 
do  from  their  own  indefatigable  exertions ;  for,  thanks  to  their 
zeal,  backed  by  the  moderate  subsidies  furnished  by  their 
master,  the  civil  war  in  France  already  seemed  likely  to  be 
as  enduring  as  that  of  the  Netherlands.  But  Parma — still 
quite  in  the  dark  as  to  French  jiolitics — was  haunted  by  the 
vision  of  seventy  thousand  foot  and  six  thousand  horse  ^  ready 


*    Bruce's     '  Leyc.     Corresp.'     190. 

31  March 

— ,  1586. 

10  April 


2   Parma   to  riiilip   IT.   9  May,  1586. 
(Art'h.  de  Sim.  MS.)  3  Ibid. 

^  Ibid.  5  Ibid. 


504  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIII. 

to  be  let  slip  upon  him  at  any  moment,  out  of  a  pacified  and 
harmonious  France  ;  while  he  had  nothing  but  a  few  starving 
and  crippled  regiments  to  withstand  such  an  invasion.  When 
all  these  events  should  have  taken  place,  and  France,  in  alli- 
ance with  England,  should  have  formally  declared  war  against 
Spain,  Alexander  protested  that  he  should  have  learned 
nothing  new\' 

The  Prince  was  somewhat  mistaken  as  to  political  affairs  ; 
but  his  doubts  concerning  his  neighbours,  blended  with  the 
forlorn  condition  of  himself  and  army,  about  which  there  was 
no  doubt  at  all,  showed  the  exigencies  of  his  situation.  In 
the  midst  of  such  embarrassments  it  is  impossible  not  to  ad- 
mire his  heroism  as  a  military  chieftain,  and  his  singular 
adroitness  as  a  diplomatist.  He  had  painted  for  his  sovereign 
a  most  faithful  and  horrible  portrait  of  the  obedient  Provinces. 
The  soil  was  untilled  ;  the  manufactories  had  all  stopped  ; 
trade  had  ceased  to  exist.  It  was  a  pity  only  to  look  upon 
the  raggedness  of  his  soldiers.  No  language  could  describe 
the  misery  of  the  reconciled  Provinces — Artois,  Hainault, 
Flanders.  The  condition  of  Bruges  would  melt  the  hardest 
heart ;  other  cities  were  no  better ;  Antwerp  was  utterly 
ruined ;  its  inhabitants  were  all  starving.  The  famine  through- 
out the  obedient  Netherlands  was  such  as  had  not  been  known 
for  a  century.  The  whole  country  had  been  picked  bare  by 
the  troops,  and  the  plough  was  not  put  into  the  ground. 
Deputations  were  constantly  with  him  from  Bruges,  Dender- 
monde,  Bois-le-Duc,  Brussels,  Antwerp,  Nymegen,  proving  to 
him  by  the  most  palpable  evidence  that  the  whole  population 
of  those  cities  had  almost  literally  nothing  to  eat.  He  had 
nothing,  however,  but  exhortations  to  patience  to  feed  them 
withal.  He  was  left  without  a  groat  even  to  save  his  soldiers 
from  starving,  and  he  wildly  and  bitterly,  day  after  day,  im- 
plored his  sovereign  for  aid.^  These  pictures  are  not  the 
sketches  of  a  historian  striving  for  effect,  but  literal  trans- 
cripts from  the  most  secret  revelations  of  the  Prince  himself 

>  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  MS.  just  cited.    I   April,   158G;    9  May,    1586;    27    Mav. 
«  Letters  of  Parma  to  Philip  II.  19    |    1586,  et  al.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MSS.) 


1586. 


PARMA'S  PERPLEXITY  AND  ANXIETY. 


505 


to  his  sovereign.  On  the  other  hand,  although  Leicester's 
complaints  of  the  destitution  of  the  English  troops  in  the 
republic  were  almost  as  bitter,  yet  the  condition  of  the 
United  Provinces  was  comparatively  healthy.  Trade,  ex- 
ternal and  internal,  was  increasing  daily.  Distant  com- 
jnercial  and  military  expeditions  were  fitted  out,  manufactures 
were  prosperous,  and  the  war  of  independence  was  gradually 
becoming — strange  to  say — a  source  of  prosperity  to  the  new 
commonwealth. 

Philip — being  now  less  alarmed  than  his  nephew  concern- 
ing French  affiiirs,  and  not  feeling  so  keenly  the  misery  of 
the  obedient  Provinces,  or  the  wants  of  the  Spanish  army — 
sent  to  Alexander  six  hundred  thousand  ducats  by  way  of 
Genoa.  In  the  letter  submitted  by  his  secretary  recording 
this  remittance,  the  King  made,  however,  a  characteristic 
marginal  note  : — "  See  if  it  will  not  be  as  well  to  tell  him 
something  concerning  the  two  hundred  thousand  ducats  to  be 
deducted  for  Mucio,  for  fear  of  more  mischief,  if  the  Prince 
should  expect  the  whole  six  hundred  thousand."  ^ 

Accordingly  Mucio  got  the  two  hundred  thousand.  One- 
third  of  the  meagre  supply  destined  for  the  relief  of  the 
King's  starving  and  valiant  little  army  in  the  Netherlands 
was  cut  off  to  go  into  the  pockets  of  the  intriguing  Duke  of 
Guise.  "  We  must  keep  the  French,"  said  Philip,  "  in  a 
state  of  confusion  at  home,  and  feed  their  civil  war.  We 
must  not  allow  them  to  come  to  a  general  peace,  which  would 
be  destruction  for  the  Catholics.  I  know  you  will  put  a  good 
face  on  the  matter  ;  and,  after  all,  'tis  in  the  interest  of  the 
Netherlands.  Moreover,  the  money  shall  be  immediately 
refunded."^ 

Alexander  was  more  likely  to  make  a  wry  face,  notwith- 
standing his  views  of  the  necessity  of  fomenting  the  rebellion 


•  "  Mirad  si  es  bien  decirle  algo  de 
los  200™  ducados  para  Mucio,  en  caso 
que  sean  menester — porque  despues  no 
se  haga  mas  de  mal,  esperando  todos 
600™."  Philip  II.  to  Parma,  14  May, 
1586.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 


*  "  Sustentando  los  (franceses)  el 
ruido  en  su  casa,  y  no  les  dejando  con- 
seguir  la  paz  general,  que  no  ha  de  ser 
sino  destruccion  de  los  Catholicos, "  &c 
(Ibid.) 


506  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIII. 

against  the  House  of  Valois.  Certainly  if  a  monarch  intended 
to  conquer  such  countries  as  France,  England,  and  Holland, 
without  stirring  from  his  easy  chair  in  the  Escorial,  it  would 
have  been  at  least  as  well — so  Alexander  thought — to  invest 
a  little  more  capital  in  the  speculation.  No  monarch  ever 
dreamed  of  arriving  at  universal  empire  with  less  personal 
fiitigue  or  exposure,  or  at  a  cheaper  rate,  than  did  Philip  II, 
His  only  fatigue  was  at  his  writing-table.  But  even  here  his 
merit  was  of  a  subordinate  description.  He  sat  a  great  while 
at  a  time.  He  had  a  genius  for  sitting  ;  but  he  now  wrote 
few  letters  himself.  A  dozen  words  or  so,  scrawled  in  hiero- 
glyphics at  the  top,  bottom,  or  along  the  margin  of  the 
interminable  despatches  of  his  secretaries,  contained  the  sug- 
gestions, more  or  less  luminous,  which  arose  in  his  mind  con- 
cerning public  affairs.  But  he  held  firmly  to  his  purpose. 
He  had  devoted  his  life  to  the  extermination  of  Protestantism, 
to  the  conquest  of  France  and  England,  to  the  subjugation  of 
Holland.  These  were  vast  schemes.  A  King  who  should 
succeed  in  such  enterprises,  by  his  personal  courage  and  genius, 
at  the  head  of  his  armies,  or  by  consummate  diplomacy,  or  by 
a  masterly  system  of  finance — husbanding  and  concentrating 
the  resources  of  his  almost  boundless  realms — might  be  in 
truth  commended  for  capacity.  Hitherto  however  Philip's 
triumph  had  seemed  problematical  ;  and  perhaps  something 
more  would  be  necessary  than  letters  to  Parma,  and  paltry 
remittances  to  Mucio,  notwithstanding  Alexander's  splendid 
but  local  victories  in  Flanders, 

Parma,  although  in  reality  almost  at  bay,  concealed  his 
despair,  and  accomplished  wonders  in  the  field.  The  military 
events  during  the  spring  and  summer  of  1586  will  be  sketched 
in  a  subsequent  chapter.  For  the  present  it  is  necessary  to 
combine  into  a  complete  whole  the  subterranean  negotiations 
between  Brussels  and  England. 

Much  to  his  surprise  and  gratification,  Parma  found  that 
the  peace-party  were  not  inclined  to  change  their  views  in 
consequence  of  the  triumphs  of  Drake.  He  soon  informed 
the  King  that — according  to  Champagny  and  Bodman — the 


1586. 


HE  IS  RELIEVED  BY  THE  NEWS  FROM  ENGLAND. 


507 


Lord  Treasurer,  the  Comptroller,  Lord  CoLliam,  and  Sir 
Ohristoplier  Hatton,  were  more  pacific  than  they  had  ever 
been.  These  four  were  represented  by  Grafigni  as  secretly 
in  league  against  Leicester  and  Walsingham,  and  very  anxious 
to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  between  the  crowns  of  England 
and  Spain.^  The  merchant-diplomatist,  according  to  his  own 
statement,  was  expressly  sent  by  Queen  Elizabeth  to  the 
prince  of  Parma,  although  without  letter  of  credence  or 
signed  instructions,  but  with  the  full  knowledge  and  approba- 
tion of  the  four  counsellors  just  mentioned.  He  assured 
Alexander  that  the  Queen  and  the  majority  of  her  council 
felt  a  strong  desire  for  peace,  and  had  manifested  much  repew^- 
ancefor  luhat  had  been  done.^  They  had  explained  their  pro- 
ceedings  by  the  necessity  of  self-defence.  They  had  avowed — • 
in  case  they  should  be  made  sure  of  peace — that  they  should, 
not  with  reluctance  and  against  their  will,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, with  the  utmost  alacrity  and  at  once,  surrender  to  the 
King  of  Spain  the  territory  which  they  possessed  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  especially  the  fortified  towns  in  Holland 
and  Zeeland  y'  for  the  English  object  had  never  been  con- 
quest. Parma  had  also  been  informed  of  the  Queen's  strong 
desire  that  he  should  be  employed  as  negotiator,  on  account 
of  her  great  confidence  in  his  sincerity.  They  had  expressed 
much  satisfaction  on  hearing  that  he  was  about  to  send  an 
agent  to  England,  and  had  protested  themselves  rejoiced  at 
Drake's  triumphs,  only  because  of  their  hope  that  a  peace 
with  Spain  would  thus  be  rendered  the  easier  of  accomplish- 
ment. They  were  much  afraid,  according  to  Grafigni,  of 
Philip's  power,  and  dreaded  a  Spanish  invasion  of  their  coun- 
try, in  conjunction  with  the  Pope.  They  were  now  extremely 
anxious  that  Parma — as  he  himself  informed  the  King — should 
send  an  agent  of  good  capacity,  in  great  secrecy,  to  England. 


1  Parma  to  Philip  IL,  11  June,  1586. 
(Arcii.  de  Sim.  MS.) 

■■'  "  La  iucliiiacion  y  deseo  que  tiene 
la  Reyna  y  la  mayor  parte  de  su  con- 
sejo  de  la  paz,  y  de  acomodarse  cou 
V.  M.,  y  del    arreptniimento  que  muts- 


tran  de  lo  fiecho."     (Ibid.) 

•*  "  Autes  se  aUanaran  en  volver  y 
entregar  a  V.  M'^.  lo  que  ocupan  y 
poseen  y  en  particular  las  fuerzaa  de 
Ilolanda  y  Zeelanda,"  &c.     (Ibid.) 


508  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Vlll 

The  Comptroller  had  said  that  he  had  pledged  himself  to  such 
a  result,  and  if  it  failed,  that  they  would  probably  cut  off  his 
head.'  The  four  counsellors  were  excessively  solicitous  for 
the  negotiation,  and .  each  of  them  was  expecting  to  gain 
favour  by  advancing  it  to  the  best  of  his  ability. 

Parma  hinted  at  the  possibility  that  all  these  professions 
were  false,  and  that  the  English  were  only  intending  to  keep 
the  King  from  the  contemplated  invasion.  At  the  same  time  he 
drew  Philip's  attention  to  the  fact  that  Burghley  and  his  party 
had  most  evidently  been  doing  everything  in  their  power  to  obstruct 
Leicester' s progress inthe  Netherlands  and  to  keep  back  the  rein- 
forcements of  troops  and  money  which  he  so  much  required.^ 

No  doubt  these  communications  of  Parma  to  the  King  were 
made  upon  the  faith  of  an  agent  not  over-scrupulous,  and  of 
no  elevated  or  recognised  rank  in  diplomacy.  It  must  be 
borne  in  mind,  however,  that  he  had  been  made  use  of  by 
both  parties  ;  perhaps  because  it  would  be  easy  to  throw 
off,  and  discredit,  him  whenever  such  a  step  should  be  con- 
venient ;  and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  coming  fresh  from 
Burghley  and  the  rest  into  the  presence  of  the  keen-eyed 
Farnese,  he  would  hardly  invent  for  his  employer  a  budget  of 
falsehoods.  That  man  must  have  been  a  subtle  negotiator  who 
could  outwit  such  a  statesman  as  Burghley  and  the  other  coun- 
sellors of  Elizabeth,  and  a  bold  one  who  could  dare  to  trifle 
on  a  momentous  occasion  with  Alexander  of  Parma. 

Leicester  thought  Burghley  very  much  his  friend,  and  so 
thought  Davison  and  Heneage  ;  and  the  Lord-Treasurer  had, 
in  truth,  stood  stoutly  by  the  Earl  in  the  affair  of  the  absolute 
governorship  ; — "a  matter  more  severe  and  cumbersome  to 
him  and  others,"  said  Burghley,  "  than  any  whatsoever  since 
he  was  a  counsellor."^  But  there  is  no  doubt  that  these 
negotiations  were  going  forward  all  the  spring  and  summer, 
that  they  were  most  detrimental  to  Leicester's  success,  and 
that  they  were  kept — so  far   as  it  was  possible — a  profound 

*  "  Que  le  corten  la  cabeza."     Parma  to  Philip  II.,  MS.  just  cited.  *  Ibid. 

3  '  Leyc.  Corresp.,  268,  -May,  1586. 


1586.  QUEEN'S  SECRET  LETTERS  TO  PARMA.  509 

secret  from  him,  from  Walsingham,  and  from  the  States- 
General.  Nothing  was  told  them  except  what  their  own 
astuteness  had  discovered  beforehand  ;  and  the  game  of  the 
counsellors — so  far  as  their  attitude  towards  Leicester  and 
Walsingham  was  concerned — seems  both  disingenuous  and 
impolitic. 

Parma,  it  was  to  be  feared,  was  more  than  a  match  for  the 
English  governor-general  in  the  field  ;  and  it  was  certainly 
hopeless  for  poor  old  Comptroller  Croft,  even  though  backed 
by  the  sagacious  Burghley,  to  accomplish  so  great  an  amount 
of  dissimulation  in  a  year  as  the  Spanish  cabinet,  without 
efibrt,  could  compass  in  a  week.  Nor  were  they  attempting 
to  do  so.  It  is  probable  that  England  was  acting  towards 
Philip  in  much  better  faith  than  he  deserved,  or  than  Parma 
believed  ;  but  it  is  hardly  to  be  wondered  at  that  Leicester 
should  think  himself  injured  by  being  kept  perpetually  in  the 
dark. 

Elizabeth  was  very  impatient  at  not  receiving  direct  letters 
from  Parma,  and  her  anxiety  on  the  subject  explains  much 
of  her  caprice  during  the  quarrel  about  the  governor-general- 
ship. Many  persons  in  the  Netherlands  thought  those  violent 
scenes  a  farce,  and  a  farce  that  had  been  arranged  with 
Leicester  beforehand.  In  this  they  were  mistaken  ;  for  an 
examination  of  the  secret  correspondence  of  the  period  reveals 
the  motives — which  to  contemporaries  were  hidden — of  many 
strange  transactions.  The  Queen  was,  no  doubt,  extremely 
anxious,  and  with  cause,  at  the  tempest  slowly  gathering  over 
her  head  ;  but  the  more  the  dangers  thickened,  the  more  was 
her  own  official  language  to  those  in  high  places  befitting  the 
sovereign  of  England.  i 

She  expressed  her  surprise  to  Farnese  that  he  had  not 
written  to  her  on  the  subject  of  the  Grafigni  and  Bodman 
afiair.  The  first,  she  said,  was  justified  in  all  which  he  had 
narrated,  save  in  his  assertion  that  she  had  sent  him.  The 
other  had  not  obtained  audience,  because  he  had  not  come 
provided  with  any  credentials,  direct  or  indirect.  Having  now 
understood  from  Andrea  de  Loo  and  the  Seigneur  de  Cham- 


510  THE  UNITED  NETilEilLANDS.  Chap.  VIU 

pagny  that  Parma  liad  the  power  to  conclude  a  peace,  which 
he  seemed  very  much  to  desu'e,  she  observed  that  it  was  not 
necessaiy  for  him  to  be  so  chary  in  explaining  the  basis  of 
the  proposed  negotiations.  It  was  better  to  enter  into  a 
straightforward  jjath,  than  by  ambiguous  words  to  spin  out  to 
great  length  matters  which  princes  should  at  once  conclude.' 

"  Do  not  suppose,"  said  the  Queen,  "  that  I  am  seeking 
what  belongs  to  others.  God  forbid.  I  seek  only  that  which 
is  mine  own.  But  be  sure  that  I  will  take  good  heed  of  the 
sword  which  threatens  me  with  destruction,  nor  think  that  I 
am  so  craven-spirited  as  to  endure  a  wrong,  or  to  place  my- 
self at  the  mercy  of  my  enemy.  Every  week  I  see  advertise- 
ments and  letters  from  Spain  that  this  year  shall  witness  the 
downfall  of  England  ;  for  the  Spaniards — like  the  hunter  who 
divided,  with  great  liberality,  among  his  friends  the  body  and 
limbs  of  the  wolf,  before  it  had  been  killed — have  partitioned 
this  kingdom  and  that  of  Ireland  before  the  conquest  has 
been  effected.  But  my  royal  heart  is  no  whit  appalled  by 
such  threats.^  I  trust,  with  the  help  of  the  Divine  hand — 
which  has  thus  far  miraculously  preserved  me — to  smite  all 
these  braggart  powers  into  the  dust,  and  to  preserve  my 
honour,  and  the  kingdoms  which  He  has  given  me  for  my 
heritage. 

"  Nevertheless,  if  you  have  authority  to  enter  upon  and  to 
conclude  this  negotiation,  you  will  find  my  ears  open  to  hear 
your  propositions  ;  and  I  tell  you  further,  if  a  peace  is  to  be 
made,  that  I  wish  you  to  be  the  mediator  thereof  Such  is 
the  affection  I  bear  you,  notwithstanding  that  some  letters, 
written  by  your  own  hand,  might  easily  have  effaced  such 
sentiments  from  my  mind."  ^ 

Soon  afterwards,  Bodman  was  again  despatched  to  England, 
Grafigni  being  already  there.  He  was  provided  with  un- 
signed instructions,  according  to  which  he  was  to  say  that  the 
Prince,  having  heard   of  the   Queen's  good   intentions,  had 

'  Queen  Elizabeth  to  Prince  of  1  *  "  Non  resta  che'l  mi  curore  regale 
Parma,  without  date.  (Arch,  de  Sim.  I  sia  punto  sbigottito  do  queste  minac- 
MS,)  1  cie,"  &c.    (Ibid.)  *  Ibid. 


1586.  HIS  LETTliRS  AND  IJ^STRUCTIONS  TO  BODMAN.  511 

despatched  him  and  Grafigni  to  her  court.  They  were  to 
listen  to  any  suggestions  made  by  the  Queen  to  her  minis- 
ters ;  but  they  were  to  do  nothing  but  listen.  If  the  coun- 
sellors should  enter  into  their  grievances  against  his  Majesty, 
and  ask  for  explanations,  the  agents  were  to  say  that  they 
had  no  authority  or  instructions  to  speak  for  so  great  and 
Christian  a  monarch.  Thus  they  were  to  cut  the  thread  of 
any  such  discourse,  or  any  other  observations  not  to  the 
purpose.^ 

Silence,  in  short,  was  recommended,  first  and  last,  as  the 
one  great  business  of  their  mission  ;  and  it  was  unlucky  that 
men  whose  talent  for  taciturnity  was  thus  signally  relied 
upon  should  be  somewhat  remarkable  for  loquacity.  Gra- 
figni was  also  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from  Alexander  to  the 
Queen — of  which  Bodman  received  a  copy — 'but  it  was  strictly 
enjoined  upon  them  to  keep  the  letter,  their  instructions,  and 
the  objects  of  their  journey,  a  secret  from  all  the  world." 

The  letter  of  the  Prince  consisted  mainly  of  complimentary 
flourishes.  He  had  heard,  he  said,  all  that  Agostino  Grafigni 
had  communicated,  and  he  now  begged  her  Majesty  to  let 
him  understand  the  course  which  it  was  proper  to  take  ; 
assuring  her  of  his  gratitude  for  her  good  opinion  touching 
his  sincerity,  and  his  desire  to  save  the  eff'usion  of  blood,  and 
80  on  ;  concluding  of  course  with  expressions  of  most  profound 
consideration  and  devotion.^ 

Early  in  July  Bodman  arrived  in  London.  He  found 
Grafigni  in  very  low  spirits.  He  had  been  with  Lord  Cobham, 
and  was  much  disappointed  with  his  reception,  for  Cobham — 
angry  that  Grafigni  had  brought  no  commission  from  the  King 
— had  refused  to  receive  Parma's  letter  to  the  Queen,  and 
had  expressed  annoyance  that  Bodman  should  be  employed 
on  this  mission,  having  heard  that  he  was  very  ill-tempered 
and  passionate.     The  same  evening,  he  had  been  sent  for  by 


1  Instruzione   embiada    d    Gulielmo  1  que  no  hacen  a  proposito,"  &c. 

Bodeman,    20    June,    1586.     (Arch,  do  |  '•'  Ibid. 

Sim.  MS.)     "  Gortando  el  hilo  a  la  plu-  '  Parma    to    Queen    Elizabeth,    20 

tica  y  discui'sos  coiuo  a  todos  los  demas  |  June,  1 586.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 


512  THE   UNITED  NETHI5RLANDS.  Chap.  VIIL 

Lord  Burgliley — who  had  accepted  the  letter  for  her  Majesty 
without  saying  a  word — and  on  the  following  morning,  he  had 
been  taken  to  task  by  several  counsellors,  on  the  ground  that 
the  Prince,  in  that  communication,  had  stated  that  the  Queen 
had  expressed  a  desire  for  peace.' 

It  has  just  been  shown  that  there  was  no  such  intimation 
at  all  in  the  letter  ;  but  as  neither  Grafigni  nor  Bodman  had 
read  the  epistle  itself,  but  only  the  copy  furnished  them,  they 
could  merely  say  that  such  an  assertion,  if  made  by  the  Prince, 
had  been  founded  on  no  statement  of  theirs.  Bodman  con- 
soled his  colleague,  as  well  as  he  could,  by  assurances  that 
when  the  letter  was  fairly  produced,  their  vindication  would 
be  complete,  and  Grafigni,  upon  that  point,  was  comforted. 
He  was,  however,  very  doleful  in  general,  and  complained 
bitterly  of  Burghley  and  the  other  English  counsellors.  He 
said  that  they  had  forced  him,  against  his  will,  to  make  this 
journey  to  Brussels,  that  they  had  offered  him  presents,  that 
they  would  leave  him  no  rest  in  his  own  house,  but  had  made 
him  neglect  all  his  private  business,  and  caused  him  a  great 
loss  of  time  and  money,  in  order  that  he  might  serve  them. 
They  had  manifested  the  strongest  desire  that  Parma  should 
open  this  communication,  and  had  led  him  to  expect  a  very 
large  recompense  for  his  share  in  the  transaction.  "And 
now,"  said  Grafigni  to  his  colleague,  with  great  bitterness,  "  I 
find  no  faith  nor  honour  in  them  at  all.  They  don't  keep 
their  word,  and  every  one  of  them  is  trying  to  slide  out  of  the 
very  business,  in  which  each  was,  but  the  other  day,  striving 
to  outrival  the  other,  in  order  that  it  might  be  brought  to  a 
satisfactory  conclusion."^ 

After  exploding  in  this  way  to  Bodman,  he  went  back  to 
Cobham,  and  protested,  with  angry  vehemence,  that  Parma 
had  never  written  such  a  word  to  the  Queen,  and  that  so  it 
would  prove,  if  the  letter  were  produced. 


'  '  Relacion  de  lo  sucedido  en  Ingla- 
terra  a  G.  Bodeman  con  los  seiiores  de 
aquel  coasejo,'  &c.,  30  July,  1586. 


Ibid.     "  No  hallaba  fe,  palabra,  ni    j   (Ibid.) 


honra  entre  ellos,  porque  cada  uno 
queria  salirse  atuera  que  de  autes  estri- 
baban  quien  primero  lo  podria  acabar," 


1586.  BODMAN'S   TRANSACTIONS   AT   GREENWICH.  513 

Next  day,  Bodman  was  sent  for  to  Greenwich,  where  her 
Majesty  was,  as  usual,  residing.  A  secret  pavilion  was  indi- 
cated to  him,  where  he  was  to  stay  until  sunset.  When  that 
time  arrived.  Lord  Cobham's  secretary  came  with  great 
mystery,  and  begged  the  emissary  to  follow  him,  but  at 
a  considerable  distance,  towards  the  apartments  of  Lord 
Burghley  in  the  palace.  Arriving  there,  they  found  the  Lord- 
Treasurer  accompanied  by  Cobham  and  Croft.  Burghley 
instantly  opened  the  interview  by  a  defence  of  the  Queen's 
policy  in  sending  troops  to  the  Netherlands,  and  in  espousing 
their  cause,  and  then  the  conversation  proceeded  to  the  im- 
mediate matter  in  hand.^ 

Bodman  (after  listening  respectfully  to  the  Lord-Treasurer'a 
observations).  "  His  Highness  has,  however,  been  extremely 
surprised  that  my  Lord  Leicester  should  take  an  oath,  as 
governor-general  of  the  King's  Provinces.  He  is  shocked 
likewise  by  the  great  demonstrations  of  hostility  on  the  part 
of  her  Majesty." 

Burghley. — "  The  oath  was  indispensable.  The  Queen  W£c 
obliged  to  tolerate  the  step  on  account  of  the  great  urgency 
of  the  States  to  have  a  head.  But  her  Majesty  has  com- 
manded us  to  meet  you  on  this  occasion,  in  order  to  hear 
what  you  have  to  communicate  on  the  part  of  the  Prince  of 
Parma." 

Bodman  (after  a  profusion  of  complimentary  phrases).  "  I 
have  no  commission  to  say  anything.  I  am  only  instructed 
to  listen  to  anything  that  may  be  said  to  me,  and  that  her 
Majesty  may  be  pleased  to  command." 

Burghley. — "  'Tis  very  discreet  to  begin  thus.  But  time  is 
pressing,  and  it  is  necessary  to  be  brief.  We  beg  you 
therefore  to  communicate,  without  further  preface,  that  which 
you  have  been  charged  to  say." 

Bodman. — "  I  can  only  repeat  to  your  Lordship,  that  I  have 
been  charged  to  say  nothing." 

After  this  Barmecide  feast  of  diplomacy,  to  partake  of 
which  it  seemed  hardly  necessary  that  the  guests  should  have 

'   '  Relacion  de  lo  sucedido,'  kc.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.  last  cited.) 

VOL.  I.— 2 1 


514  THE   UNITED    NETHERLANDS.  •  Cuap.  VIIL 

previously  attired  themselves  in  such  garments  of  mystery,  the 
parties  separated  for  the  night.' 

In  spite  of  their  care,  it  would  seem  that  the  Argus- 
eyed  Walsingham  had  been  able  to  see  after  sunset ;  for, 
the  next  evening — after  Bodman  had  been  introduced  with 
the  same  precautions  to  the  same  company,  in  the  same  place 
— Burghley,  before  a  word  had  been  spoken,  sent  for  Sir 
Francis.^ 

Bodman  was  profoundly  astonished,  for  he  had  been 
expressly  informed  that  Walsingham  was  to  know  nothing 
of  the  transaction.^  The  Secretary  of  State  could  not  so 
easily  be  outwitted,  however,  and  he  was  soon  seated  at 
the  table,  surveying  the  scene,  with  his  grave  melancholy 
eyes,  which  had  looked  quite  through  the  whole  paltry 
intrigue. 

Burghley. — "  Her  Majesty  has  commanded  us  to  assemble 
together,  in  order  that,  in  my  presence,  it  may  be  made  clear 
that  she  did  not  commence  this  negotiation.  Let  Grafigni  be 
summoned." 

Grafigni  immediately  made  his  appearance. 

Burghley. — "  You  will  please  to  explain  how  you  came  to 
enter  into  this  business." 

Grafigni. — "  The  first  time  I  went  to  the  States,  it  was  on 
my  private  afiairs  ;  I  had  no  order  from  any  one  to  treat  with 
the  Prince  of  Parma.  His  Highness,  having  accidentally 
heard,  however,  that  I  resided  in  England,  expressed  a  wish 
to  see  me.  I  had  an  interview  with  the  Prince,  I  told  him, 
out  of  my  own  head,  that  the  Queen  had  a  strong  inclination 
to  hear  propositions  of  peace,  and  that — as  some  of  her  coun- 
sellors were  of  the  same  opinion — I  believed  that  if  his 
Highness  should  send  a  negotiator,  some  good  would  be 
effected.  The  Prince  replied  that  he  felt  by  no  means  sure 
of  such  a  result ;  but  that,  if  I  should  come  back  from 
England,  sent  by  the  Queen  or  her  council,  he  would  then 
despatch  a  person  with  a  commission  to  treat  of  peace.  This 
statement,    together   with   other    matters    that    had    passed 

»  'Relacion  de  lo  sucedido,'  &c.  MS.  lust  cited.  ^  Ibid.  '  Ibid. 


1586.         WALSINGIIAM  DETECTS  AND  EXPOSES  THE  PLOT.         515 

between  us,  was  afterwards  drawn  up  in  writing  by  command 
of  his  Highness." 

Burghley. — "  Who  bade  you  say,  after  your  second  return 
to  Brussels,  that  you  came  on  the  part  of  the  Queen  ?  For 
you  well  know  that  her  Majesty  did  not  send  you." 

Grafigni. — "I  never  said  so.  I  stated  that  my  Lord  Cobham 
had  set  down  in  writing  what  I  was  to  say  to  the  Prince  of 
Parma.  It  will  never  appear  that  I  represented  the  Queen 
as  desiring  peace.  I  said  that  her  Majesty  would  lend  Iter 
ea7's  to  peace.  Bodman  knows  this  too  ;  and  he  has  a  co^jy 
of  the  letter  of  his  Highness." 

Walsingham  to  Bodman. — "  Have  you  the  cojjy  still  ?" 

Bodman. — "  Yes,  Mr.  Secretary." 

Walsingham. — "  Please  to  produce  it,  in  order  that  this 
matter  may  be  sifted  to  the  bottom." 

Bodman. — "  I  supplicate  your  Lorships  to  pardon  me,  but 
indeed  that  cannot  be.  My  instructions  forbid  my  showing 
the  letter." 

Walsingham  (rising).  "  I  will  forthwith  go  to  her  Majesty, 
and  fetch  the  original."  A  pause.  Mr.  Secretary  returns  in 
a  few  minutes,  having  obtained  the  document,  which  the 
Queen,  up  to  that  time,  had  kept  by  her,  without  showing  it  to 
any  one.^ 

Walsingham  (after  reading  the  letter  attentively,  and 
aloud).  "  There  is  not  such  a  word,  as  that  her  Majesty  is 
desirous  of  peace,  in  the  whole  paper."  - 

Burghley  (taking  the  letter,  and  slowly  construing  it  out  of 
Italian  into  English).  "  It  would  seem  that  his  Highness  hath 
written  this,  assuming  that  the  Signer  Grafigni  came  from  the 
Queen,  although  he  had  received  his  instructions  from  my 
Lord  Cobham.  It  is  plain,  however,  that  the  negotiation  was 
commenced  accidentally. 

Comptroller  Croft  (nervously,  and  with  the  air  of  a  man 
fearful  of  getting  into  trouble).  "  You  know  very  well,  Mr. 
Bodman,  that  my  servant  came  to  Dunkirk  only  to  buy  and 

'  'Relacioa  de  lo  sucedido,' &c.  MS.  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  321,  EiiH^,  1586; 
before  cited.  ^^^   no  june   j^gg       *  ^""^ 

"  'Relacion,'  &c.     Compare  Brace's  [  ^^    "'"  '  lojuiy' 


516  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIU 

truck  away  horses  ;  and  that  you  then,  by  chance,  entered 
into  talk  with  him,  about  the  best  means  of  procuring  a  peace 
between  the  two  kingdoms.  My  servant  told  you  of  the  good 
feeling  that  prevailed  in  England.  You  promised  to  write  on 
the  subject  to  the  Prince,  and  I  immediately  informed  the 
Lord-Treasurer  of  the  whole  transaction."  * 

Burghley. — "  That  is  quite  true." 

Croft. — "  My  servant  subsequently  returned  to  the  Pro- 
vinces in  order  to  learn  what  the  Prince  might  have  said  on 
the  subject." 

Bodman  (with  immense  politeness,^  but  very  decidedly). 
"  Pardon  me,  Mr.  Comptroller  ;  but,  in  this  matter,  I  must 
speak  the  truth,  even  if  the  honour  and  life  of  my  father  were 
on  the  issue.  I  declare  that  your  servant  Norris  came  to  me, 
directly  commissioned  for  that  purpose  by  yourself,  and  in- 
formed me  from  you,  and  upon  your  authority,  that  if  I  would 
solicit  the  Prince  of  Parma  to  send  a  secret  agent  to  England, 
a  peace  would  be  at  once  negotiated.  Your  servant  entreated 
me  to  go  to  his  Highness  at  Brussels.  I  refused,  but  agreed 
to  consider  the  proposition.  After  the  lapse  of  several  days, 
the  servant  returned  to  make  further  enquiries.  I  told  him 
that  the  Prince  had  come  to  no  decision.  Norris  continued 
to  press  the  matter.  I  excused  myself  He  then  solicited 
and  obtained  from  me  a  letter  of  introduction  to  De  Loo,  the 
secretary  of  his  Highness.  Armed  with  this,  he  went  to 
Brussels  and  had  an  interview — as  I  found,  four  days  later — ■ 
with  the  Prince.  In  consequence  of  the  representations  of 
Norris,  those  of  Signor  Grafigni,  and  those  by  way  of  Antwerp, 
his  Highness  determined  to  send  me  to  England." 

Burghley  to  Croft. — ■"  Bid  you  order  your  servant  to  speak 
with  Andrea  de  Loo  ?" 

Croft. — "  I  cannot  deny  it." 

Burghley. — "  The  fellow^  seems  to  have  travelled  a  good 
way  out  of  his  commission.  His  master  sends  him  to  buy  horses, 
and  he  commences  a  peace-negotiation  between  two  kingdoms. 
It  would  be  well  he  were  chastised.     As  regards  the  Antwerp 

*  'Relacion,' &c.  MS.  '  "Con  buena  crianza,"  &c.     'Relacion,' &c.  MS. 

'  "Mozo."     (Ibid.) 


1686.  THE   INTRIGUERS   BAFFLED.  517 

matter,  too,  we  have  had  many  letters,  and  I  have  seen  one 
from  the  Seigneur  de  Champagny,  to  the  same  effect  as  that 
of  all  the  rest. 

Walsingham. — "I  see  not  to  what  end  his  Highness  of 
Parma  has  sent  Mr.  Bodman  hither.  The  Prince  avows  that 
he  hath  no  commission  from  Spain." 

Bodman. — "  His  Highness  was  anxious  to  know  what  was  her 
Majesty's  pleasure.  So  soon  as  that  should  be  known,  the 
Prince  could  obtain  ample  authority.  He  would  never  have 
proceeded  so  far  without  meaning  a  good  end." 

Walsingham. — ''  Very  like.  I  dare  say  that  his  Highness 
will  obtain  the  commission.  Meantime,  as  Prince  of  Parma, 
he  writes  these  letters,  and  assists  his  sovereign  perhaps  more 
than  he  doth  ourselves.^" 

Here  the  interview  terminated.  A  few  days  later,  Bodman 
had  another  conversation  with  Burghley  and  Cobham.  Re- 
luctantly, at  their  urgent  request,  he  set  down  in  i4th  July, 
writing  all  that  he  had  said  concerning  his  mission.  1586. 
The  Lord  Treasurer  said  that  the  Queen  and  her  counsellors 
were  "  ready  to  embrace  peace  when  it  was  treated  of  sin- 
cerely." Meantime  the  Queen  had  learned  that  the  Prince  had 
been  sending  letters  to  the  cautionary  towns  in  Holland  and 
Zeeland,  stating  that  her  Majesty  was  about  to  surrender 
them  to  the  King  of  Spain.  These  were  tricks  to  make 
mischief,  and  were  very  detrimental  to  the  Queen. 

Bodman  replied  that  these  were  merely  the  idle  stories  of 
quidnuncs  ;  and  that  the  Prince  and  all  his  counsellors  weae 
dealing  with  the  utmost  sincerity. 

Burghley  answered  that  he  had  intercepted  the  very  letters, 
and  bad  them  in  his  possession. 

A  week  afterwards,  Bodman  saw  Walsingham  alone,  and  was 
informed  by  him  that  the  Queen  had  written  an  an-  20th  July, 
swer  to  Parma's  letter,  and  that  negotiations  for  the  1^86. 
future  were  to  be  carried  on  in  the  usual  form,  or  not  at  all, 
Walsingham,  having  thus  got  the  better  of  his  rivals,  and  delved 
below  their  mines,  dismissed  the  agent  with  brief  courtesy.  Af- 
terwards the  discomfited  Mr.  Comptroller  wished  a  private  inter- 

■  "Relacion,  &c.  MS. 


518 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VTIL 


view  with  Bodman.  Bodman  refused  to  speak  with  him 
except  in  presence  of  Lord  Cobham.  This  Croft  refused.  In 
the  same  way  Bodman  contrived  to  get  rid,  as  he  said,  of  Lord 
Burghley  and  Lord  Cobham,  declining  to  speak  with  either 
of  them  alone.    Soon  afterwards  he  returned  to  the  Provinces.' 

The  Queen's  letter  to  Parma  was  somewhat  caustic.  It  was 
obviously  composed  through  the  inspiration  of  Walsingham 
rather  than  that  of  Burghley.  The  letter,  brought  by  a  cer- 
tain Grafigni  and  a  certain  Bodman,  she  said,  was  a  very 
strange  one,  and  written  under  a  delusion.  It  was  a  very 
grave  error,  that,  in  her  name,  without  her  knowledge,  contrary 
to  her  disposition,  and  to  the  prejudice  of  her  honour,  such  a 
person  as  this  Grafigni,  or  any  one  like  him,  should  have  the 
audacity  to  commence  such  a  business,  as  if  she  had,  by  mes- 
sages to  the  Prince,  sought  a  treaty  with  his  King,  who  had  so 
often  returned  evil  for  her  good.  Grafigni,  after  representing 
the  contrary  to  his  Highness,  had  now  denied  in  presence  of 
her  counsellors  having  received  any  commission  from  the 
Queen.  She  also  briefly  gave  the  result  of  Bodman's  inter- 
views with  Burghley  and  the  others,  just  narrated.  That 
agent  had  intimated  that  Parma  would  procure  authority  to 
treat  for  jDcace,  if  assured  that  the  Queen  would  lend  her  ear 
to  any  propositions. 

She  replied  by  referring  to  her  published  declarations,  as 
showing  her  powerful  motives  for  interfering  in  these  affairs. 
It  was  her  purpose  to  save  her  own  realm  and  to  rescue  her 
ancient  neighbours  from  misery  and  from  slavery.  To  this 
end  she  should  still  direct  her  actions,  notwithstanding  the 
sinister  rumours  which  had  been  spread  that  she  was  inclined 
to  peace  before  providing  for  the  security  and  liberty  of  her 
allies.  She  was  determined  never  to  separate  their  cause 
from  her  own.  Propositions  tending  to  the  security  of  herself 
and  of  her  neighbours  would  always  be  favourably  received.^ 


*  'Relacion  de  lo  sucedido,'  &c.  MS. 
A  similar  accouut,  with  less  dctnil, 
of  these  secret  proceedings  is  in  the 
State  Paper  Office,  in  the  Holland 
Correspondence,  entitled  '  A  declara- 
tion of  the  manner  of  treating  of  peace 
tmderband  to  the  £arl  of  Jjeicester.' 


MS.  A"  1586. 

'  '  Carta  descifrada  de  la  Reyna  de 
Inglaterra  a  Principe  de  Parma,  8 
July,  1586.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

A  copy  is  also — written  in  the 
Italian  language — in  the  S.  P.  OflBce^ 
I'Jaoders  Correspondence,  MS. 


1586.  QUEEN'S  LETTER  TO  PARMA— HIS  TO  THE  KING.  519 

Parma,  on  his  part,  informed  his  master  that  there  could  be 
no  doubt  that  the  Queen  and  the  majority  of  her  council  ab- 
horred the  war,  and  that  already  much  had  been  gained  by  tlie 
fictitious  negotiation.  Lord-Treasurer  Burghley  had  been  inter- 
2)0sing  endless  delays  and  difficulties  in  the  way  of  every  measure 
proposed  for  the  relief  of  Lord  Leicester,  and  the  assistance 
rendered  him  had  been  most  lukewarm.  Meantime  the  Prince 
had  been  able,  he  said,  to  achieve  much  success  in  the  field, 
and  the  English  had  done  nothing  to  prevent  it.  Since  the 
return  of  Grafigni  and  Bodman,  however,  it  was  obvious  that 
the  English  government  had  disowned  these  non-commissioned 
diplomatists.  The  whole  negotiation  and  all  the  nego-  4  Aug. 
tiators  were  now  discredited,  but  there  was  no  doubt  ^^^^" 
that  there  had  been  a  strong  desire  to  treat,  and  great  disappoint- 
ment at  the  result.  Grafigni  and  Andrea  de  Loo  had  been 
publishing  everywhere  in  Antwerp  that  England  would  con- 
sider the  peace  as  made,  so  soon  as  his  Majesty  should  be 
willing  to  accept  any  propositions.^ 

His  Majesty,  meanwhile,  sat  in  his  cabinet,  without  the 
slightest  intention  of  making  or  accepting  any  propositions 
save  those  that  were  impossible.  He  smiled  benignantly  at 
his  nephew's  dissimulation  and  at  the  good  results  which  it 
had  already  produced.  He  approved  of  gaining  time,  he 
said,  by  fictitious  negotiations  and  by  the  use  of  a  mercantile 
agent ;  for,  no  doubt,  such  a  course  would  prevent  the  proper 
succours  from  being  sent  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  If  the 
English  would  hand  over  to  him  the  cautionary  towns  held  by 
them  in  Holland  and  Zeeland,  promise  no  longer  to  infest  the 
seas,  the  Indies,  and  the  Isles,  with  their  corsairs,  and  guarantee 
the  complete  obedience  to  their  King  and  submission  to  the 
holy  Catholic  Church  of  the  rebellious  Provinces,  perhaps  some- 
thing might  be  done  with  them  ;  but,  on  the  whole,  he  was  in- 
clined to  think  that  they  had  been  influenced  by  knavish  and 
deceitful  motives  from  the  beginning.  He  enjoined  it  jg  gept. 
upon  Parma,  therefore,  to  proceed  with  equal  knavery  ^^^^- 
— taking  care,  however,  not  to  injure  his  reputation — and  to 
enter  into  neo-otiations  wherever  occasion  mis-ht  serve,  in  order 

1  Parma  to  Philip  II.  4  Aug.  1586.     (.Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 


520  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chak  VID. 

to  put  the  English  off  their  guard  and  to  keep  back  the  rein- 
forcements 80  imperatively  required  by  Leicester/ 

And  the  reinforcements  were  indeed  kept  back.  Had 
Burghley  and  Croft  been  in  the  pay  of  Philip  II.  they 
could  hardly  have  served  him  better  than  they  had  been  doing 
by  the  course  pursued.  Here  then  is  the  explanation  of  the 
shortcomings  of  the  English  government  towards  Leicester 
and  the  States  during  the  memorable  spring  and  summer 
of  1586.  No  money,  no  soldiers,  when  most  important  oper- 
ations in  the  field  were  required.  The  first  general  of  the 
age  was  to  be  opposed  by  a  man  who  had  certainly  never 
gained  many  laurels  as  a  military  chieftain,  but  who  was  brave 
and  confident,  and  who,  had  he  been  fiiithfully  supported  by 
the  government  which  sent  him  to  the  Netherlands,  would 
have  had  his  antagonist  at  a  great  disadvantage.  Alexander 
had  scarcely  eight  thousand  effective  men.  Famine,  pestilence, 
poverty,  mutiny,  beset  and  almost  paralyzed  him.  Language 
could  not  exaggerate  the  absolute  destitution  of  the  country. 
Only  miracles  could  save  the  King's  cause,  as  Farnese 
repeatedly  observed.  A  sharp  vigorous  campaign,  heartily 
carried  on  against  him  by  Leicester  and  Hohenlo,  with  plenty 
of  troops  and  money  at  command,  would  have  brought  the 
heroic  champion  of  Catholicism  to  the  ground.  He  was 
hemmed  in  upon  all  sides  ;  he  was  cut  off  from  the  sea  ;  he 
stood  as  it  were  in  a  narrowing  circle,  surrounded  by  increasing 
dangers.  His  own  veterans,  maddened  by  misery,  stung  by 
their  King's  ingTatitude,  naked,  starving,  ferocious,  were 
turning  against  him.  Mucio,  like  his  evil  genius,  was  spiriting 
away  his  supplies  just  as  they  were  reaching  his  hands  ;  a 
threatening  tempest  seemed  rolling  up  from  France  ;  the 
whole  population  of  the  Provinces  which  he  had  "  reconciled" 
— a  million  of  paupers — were  crying  to  him  for  bread ;  great 
commercial  cities,  suddenly  blasted  and  converted  into  dens 
of  thieves  and  beggars,  were  cursing  the  royal  author  of  their 
ruin,  and  uttering  wild  threats  against  his  vicegerent ;  there 
seemed,  in  truth,  nothing  left  for  Alexander  but  to  plunge 
headlong  into  destruction,  when,  lo  !  Mr.  Comptroller  Croft, 
'  Philip  IL  to  Parma,  18  July,  1586      (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 


1586.  UNLUCKY   tlESULTS  OP  I'HK  rEACE-lNTtllGUES.  521 

advancing  out  of  the  clouds,  like  a  propitious  divinity,  dis- 
guised in  the  garb  of  a  foe — and  the  scene  was  changed. 

The  feeble  old  man,  with  his  shuffling,  horse-trucking  ser- 
vant, ex-spy  of  Monsieur,  had  accomplished  more  work  for 
Philip  and  Alexander  than  many  regiments  of  Spaniards  and 
Walloons  could  have  done.  The  arm  of  Leicester  was  para- 
lyzed upon  the  very  thn  shold  of  success.  The  picture  of 
these  palace-intrigues  has  been  presented  with  minute  elabo- 
ration, because,  however  petty  and  barren  in  appearance,  they 
were  in  reality  prolific  of  grave  results.  A  series  of  victories 
by  Parma  was  substituted  for  the  possible  triumphs  of  Eliza- 
beth and  the  States. 

The  dissimulation  of  the  Spanish  court  was  fathomless. 
The  secret  correspondence  of  the  times  reveals  to  us  that  its 
only  purpose  was  to  deceive  the  Queen  and  her  counsellors, 
and  to  gain  time  to  prepare  the  grand  invasion  of  England 
and  subjugation  of  Holland — that  double  purpose  which 
Philip  could  only  abandon  with  life.  There  was  never  a 
thought,  on  his  part,  of  honest  negotiation.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Queen  was  sincere  ;  Burghley  and  Hatton  and 
Cobham  were  sincere  ;  Croft  was  sincere,  so  far  as  Spain  was 
concerned.  At  least  they  had  been  sincere.  In  the  private 
and  doleful  dialogues  between  Bodman  and  Grafigni  which 
we  have  just  been  overhearing,  these  intriguers  spoke  the 
truth,  for  they  could  have  no  wish  to  deceive  each  other,  and 
no  fear  of  eaves-droppers  not  to  be  born  till  centuries  after- 
wards. These  conversations  have  revealed  to  us  that  the  Lord 
Treasurer  and  three  of  his  colleagues  had  been  secretly  doing 
their  best  to  cripple  Leicester,  to  stop  the  supplies  for  the 
Netherlands,  and  to  patch  up  a  hurried  and  unsatisfactory,  if 
not  a  disgraceful  peace  ;  and  this,  with  the  concurrence  of 
her  Majesty.  After  their  plots  had  been  discovered  by  the 
vigilant  Secretary  of  State,  there  was  a  disposition  to  discredit 
the  humbler  instruments  in  the  cabal.  Elizabeth  was  not 
desirous  of  peace.  Far  from  it.  She  was  qualmish  at  the 
very  suggestion.  Dire  was  her  wrath  against  Bodman,  Dc  Loo, 
Grafigni,  and  the  rest,  at  their  misrepresentations  on  the  sub- 
ject.    But  she  would  "  lend  her  ear."     And  that  royal  ear  was 

VOL.    I. — 18 


522 


TllK  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VUi. 


lent,  and  almost  latal  was  the  distilraent  poured  into  its 
porches.  The  pith  and  marrow  of  the  great  Netherland 
enterprise  was  sapped  by  the  slow  poison  of  the  ill-timed 
negotiation.  The  fruit  of  Drake's  splendid  triumphs  in 
America  was  blighted  by  it.  The  stout  heart  of  the  vain- 
glorious but  courageous  Leicester  was  sickened  by  it,  while, 
meantime,  the  maturing  of  the  great  armada-scheme,  by 
which  the  destruction  of  England  was  to  be  accomplished, 
was  furthered,  through  the  unlimited  procrastination  so  pre- 
cious to  the  heart  of  Philip. 

Fortunately  the  subtle  Walsingham  was  there  upon  the 
watch  to  administer  the  remedy  before  it  was  quite  too  late ; 
and  to  him  England  and  the  Netherlands  were  under  lasting 
obligations.  While  Alexander  and  Philip  suspected  a  pur- 
pose on  the  part  of  the  English  government  to  deceive  them, 
they  could  not  help  observing  that  the  Earl  of  Leicester  was 
both  deserted  and  deceived.  Yet  it  had  been  impossible  for 
the  peace-party  in  the  government  wholly  to  conceal  their 
designs,  when  such  prating  fellows  as  Grafigni  and  De  Loo 
were  employed  in  what  was  intended  to  be  a  secret  negotia- 
tion. In  vain  did  the  friends  of  Leicester  in  the  Netherlands 
endeavour  to  account  for  the  neglect  with  which  he  was 
treated,  and  for  the  destitution  of  his  army.  Hopelessly  did 
they  attempt  to  countei'act  those  "  advertisements  of  most 
fearful  instance,"  as  Richard  Cavendish  expressed  himself, 
which  were  circulating  evervwhere.^ 

Thanks  to  the  babbling  of  the  very  men,  whose  chief  instruc- 
tions had  been  to  hold  their  tongues,  and  to  listen  with  all 
their  ears,  the  secret  negotiations  between  Parma  and  the 
English  counsellors  became  the  town-talk  at  Antwerp,  the 
Hague,  Amsterdam,  Brussels,  London.     It  is  true  that  it  was 


'  Cavendish  to  Burghley,  18  March, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"Champagny  doth  not  spare  most 
liberally  to  bruit  abroad,"  said  Caven- 
dish, "  that  ho  hath  in  his  hands  the 
conditions  of  peace  offered  by  her 
Majesty  unto  the  King  his  master,  and 
that  it  is  in  his  power  to  conclude  at 
pleasure,  wherein  he  affirmeth  that 
one  or  two  of  the  chiefest  counsellors 
about   her   are   to    handle    the   cause 


with  him.  This  fearful  and  mischie- 
vous plot  cannot  but  prove  the  root  of 
great  ruin ;  for  this  people,  beaten 
with  tedious,  long,  and  sharp  miseries, 
is  made  wonderful  provident  and  sus- 
picious: saying,  that,  if  they  would 
sniffer  the  Spanish  yoke  anew,  they 
need  no  mediator,  for  they  can  easily 
conclude  for  thorisehies,  how,  tviih 
least  mischief,  to  become  laiserabk 
aaain^ 


1586. 


UNHANDSOME  TREATMENT   OF  LEICESTER. 


523 


impossible  to  know  -what  was  actually  said  and  done ;  but 
that  there  was  something  doing  concerning  which  Leicester 
was  not  to  be  informed  was  certain.  Grafigni,  during  one  of 
his  visits  to  the  obedient  provinces,  brought  a  brace  of  grey- 
hounds and  a  couple  of  horses  from  England,  as  a  present  to 
Alexander, '  and  he  perpetually  went  about,  bragging  to  every 
one  of  important  negotiations  which  he  was  conducting,  and 
of  his  intimacy  with  great  personages  in  both  countries. 
Leicester,  on  the  other  hand,  was  kept  in  the  dark.  To  him 
Grafigni  made  no  communications,  but  he  once  sent  him  a 
dish  of  plums,  "which,"  said  the  Earl,  with  superfluous  energy, 
"  I  will  boldly  say  to  you,  by  the  living  God,  is  all  that  I  have 
ever  had  since  I  came  into  these  countries."^  When  it  is 
remembered  that  Leicester  had  spent  many  thousand  pounds 
in  the  Netherland  cause,^  that  he  had  deeply  mortgaged  his 
property  in  order  to  provide  more  funds,  that  he  had  never 
received  a  penny  of  salary  from  the  Queen,*  that  his  soldiers 

grew  had  openly  and  roundly  declared 
that  his  Excellency,  up  to  that  hour, 
had  never  received  cue  stiver  of  salary, 


'  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  289,  -June,  1586. 

28  April 

«  Ibid.  246, -,  1586. 

8  May 

'  "  I  myself  have  prested,"  wrote 
the  Earl  to  Burghley,  "  above  3000Z. 
among  our  men  here  since  I  came,  and 
yet  what  need  they  be  in,  even  when 
there  is  most  need  of  service,  all  the 
world  here  doth  see.  Here  hath  been 
as  lewd  and  dangerous  mutinies  as  I 
cannot  but  grieve  to  think  on  it,"  &c. 
March  29,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  On  the  14  May,  1686,  the  States 
General  resolved,  in  consequence  of 
repeated  applications  on  behalf  of  Lei- 
cester, for  money  for  his  own  personal 
expciifles  by  way  of  salary,  that 
although  the  Queen  had  expressly 
agreed,  by  the  contract  with  tlie  States, 
to  pay  tlie  salary  of  the  governor- 
general  and  other  military  chiefs,  they 
would  themselves  very  willingly  pro- 
vide for  his  salary  and  maintenance, 
according  to  his  petition.  They  pre- 
viously requested  Mr.  Killigrew,  how- 
ever, to  furnish  them  information  as 
to  how  much  monthly  allowance  her 
Majesty  was  then  paying  the  lieutenant- 
general. 

On  the  16  May,  1586,  the  committee 
of  the  States  appointed  to  confer  witli 
Mr.  Killigrew  concerning  the  amount 
of  monthly  allowance  paid  to  the  Enrl 
of  Leicester,  reported  that  liv-  Killi- 


and  that  his  Excellency  had  told  him 
so,  on  the  word  of  a  prince.  "  De 
zelve  Heere  Killigrew  hen  opentlyk 
ende  rondelyk  heeft  vercleert  dat  Zyne 
Ex'^e  tot  op  deze  ure  toe  nyet  eeuen 
styver  voer  tractoment  hadde  ont- 
fangen  van  heere  Ma*.,  ende  dat  dezelve 
Zyne  Ex<^6  hem  hadde  geseyt  en  parole 
de  prince,  dat  van  zyn  tractement  by 
heere  Ma',  nyet  een  woort  was  ge- 
sproken."  Resolutien  van  de  Staten- 
general,  a"  1586.     Hague  Archives  MS. 

It  was  subsequently  voted  by  the 
States  General  (4  July,  1586)  that  the 
Earl  should  receive  a  salary  of  GO, 000 
florins  yearly  to  be  drawn  from  the 
general  duties  upon  cloth ;  and  that 
in  case  her  Majesty  should  continue  in 
her  refusal  to  contribute  to  his  salary, 
the  annual  allowance  furnished  by  the 
States  should  be  increased  to  100,000 
florins. 

Ten  thousand  pounds  sterling  a  year 
in  the  sixteenth  century  was  certainly 
a  princely  salary,  and  it  was  hardly 
becoming  in  the  Queen,  who  refused 
to  pay  her  own  favourite  "  a  stiver,"  to 
censure  any  sliortcominga  of  the  States, 
wlio  proved  themselves  so  much  more 
liberal  than  berseli;  'Resolutien,'  &c 
ubi  sup. 


524  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS,  Chap.  VIIL 

were  "ragged  and  torn  like  rogues — pity  to  see  them/' *  and 
were  left  without  the  means  of  supporting  life  ;  that  he  had 
been  neglected,  deceived,  humiliated,  until  he  was  forced  to 
describe  himself  as  a  "forlorn  man  set  upon  a  forlorn  hope,"* 
it  must  be  conceded  that  Grafigni's  present  of  a  dish  of  plums 
could  hardly  be  sufficient  to  make  him  very  happy. 

From  time  to  time  he  was  enlightened  by  Sir  Francis,  who 
occasionally  forced  his  adversaries'  hands,  and  who  always 
foithfully  informed  the  Earl  of  everything  he  could  discover. 
"  We  are  so  greedy  of  a  peace,  in  respect  of  the  charges  of 
the  wars,"  he  wrote  in  April,  "as  in  the  procuring  thereof 
we  weigh  neither  honour  nor  safety.  Somewhat  here  is  a- 
dealing  underhand,  wherein  there  is  great  care  taken  that  I 
should  not  be  made  acquainted  withal."^  But  with  all  their 
great  care,  the  conspirators,  as  it  has  been  seen,  were  some- 
times outwitted  by  the  Secretary,  and,  when  put  to  the  blush, 
were  forced  to  take  him  into  half-confidence.  "  Your  Lord- 
ship may  see,"  he  wrote,  after  getting  possession  of  Parma's 
letter  to  the  Queen,  and  unravelling  Croft's  intrigues,  "  what 
effects  are  wrought  by  such  weak  ministers.  They  that  have 
been  the  employers  of  them  are  ashamed  of  the  matter."  ^ 

Unutterable  was  the  amazement,  as  we  have  seen,  of  Bod- 
man  and  Grafigni  when  they  had  suddenly  found  themselves 
confronted  in  Burghley's  private  apartments  in  Greenwich 
Palace,  whither  they  had  been  conducted  so  mysteriously 
after  dark  from  the  secret  pavilion — by  the  grave  Secretary 
of  State,  whom  they  had  been  so  anxious  to  deceive  ;  and 
great  was  the  embarrassment  of  Croft  and  Cobham,  and  even 
of  the  imperturbable  Burghley. 

And  thus  patiently  did  Walsingham  pick  his  course, 
plummet  in  hand,  through  the  mists  and  along  the  quick- 
sands, and  faithfully  did  he  hold  out  signals  to  his  comrade 
embarked  on  the  same  dangerous  voyage.  As  for  the  Earl 
himself,  he  was  shocked  at  the  short-sighted  policy  of  his 
mistress,  mortified  by  the  neglect  to  which  he  was  exposed, 
disappointed   in   his   ambitious   schemes.      Vehemently   and 

31  May  11 

*  Leyc.  Corresp.'  285, -,  158G.  '  Ibid.  223,  -  April,  1586. 

10  June  21 

» Ibid.  290,  -  June,  1586.  *  Ibid.  321,  — — ,  1586. 

16  .  Jujy 


158«.         INDIGNATION  OF  THE  EARL  AND  WALSINGHAM.         525 

judiciously  he  insisted  upon  the  necessity  of  vigorous  field- 
operations  throughout  the  spring  and  summer  thus  frittered 
away  in  frivolous  negotiations.  He  was  for  peace,  if  a  lasting 
and  honourable  peace  could  be  procured  ;  but  he  insisted  that 
the  only  road  to  such  a  result  was  through  a  "good  sharp 
war."  ^  His  troops  were  mutinous  for  want  of  pay,  so  that  he 
had  been  obliged  to  have  a  few  of  them  executed,  although 
he  protested  that  he  would  rather  have  "gone  a  thousand 
miles  a-foot"  ^  than  have  done  so  ;  and  he  was  crippled  by  his 
government  at  exactly  the  time  when  his  great  adversary's 
condition  was  most  forlorn.  Was  it  strange  that  the  proud 
Earl  should  be  fretting  his  heart  away  when  such  golden 
chances  were  eluding  his  grasp  ?  He  would  "  creep  upon  the 
ground,"  he  said,  "  as  far  as  his  hands  and  knees  would  carry 
him,  to  have  a  good  peace  for  her  Majesty,  but  his  care  was 
to  have  a  peace  indeed,  and  not  a  show  of  it."^  It  was  the 
cue  of  Holland  and  England  to  fight  before  they  could  expect 
to  deal  upon  favourable  terms  with  their  enemy.  He  was 
quick  enough  to  see  that  his  false  colleagues  at  home  were 
playing  into  the  enemy's  hands.  Victory  was  what  was 
wanted  ;  victory  the  Earl  pledged  himself,  if  properly  seconded, 
to  obtain  ;  and,  braggart  though  he  was,  it  is  by  no  means 
impossible  that  he  might  have  redeemed  his  pledge.  "If 
her  Majesty  will  use  her  advantage,"  he  said,  "  she  shall  bring 
the  King,  and  especially  this  Prince  of  Parma,  to  seek  peace 
in  other  sort  than  by  way  of  merchants."*  Of  courage  and 
confidence  the  governor  had  no  lack.  Whether  he  was  capa- 
ble of  outgeneralling  Alexander  Farnese  or  no,  will  be  better 
seen,  perhaps,  in  subsequent  chapters  ;  but  there  is  no  doubt 
that  he  was  reasonable  enough  in  thinking,  at  that  juncture, 
that  a  hard  campaign  rather  than  a  "merchant's  brokerage"® 
was  required  to  obtain  an  honourable  peace.  Lofty,  indeed, 
was  the  scorn  of  the  aristocratic  Leicester  that  "'merchants 
and  pedlars  should  be  paltering  in  so  weighty  a  cause,"  ^  and 


I  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  254,  !5j^,  1586. 

•'  '  '10  May 

'  Leicester  to  Burghley,   29  March, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
»  'Leyc,  Corresp.'  253,  '"M"^  1586. 

•'  ^  '  10  May ' 


Ibid.   251,  same  date. 

Ibid.  247,  f^',  1586. 

Ibid.  254,  ^^i^^,  1586 

'  10  May' 


526  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Vllt 

daring  to  send  him  a  dish  of  plums  when  he  was  hoping  half 
a  dozen  regiments  from  the  Queen  ;  and  a  sorry  business,  in 
truth,  the  pedlars  had  made  of  it. 

Never  liad  there  been  a  more  delusive  diplomacy,  and  it 
was  natural  that  the  lieutenant-general  abroad  and  the  states- 
man at  home  should  be  sad  and  indignant,  seeing  England 
drifting  to  utter  shipwreck  while  pursuing  that  phantom  of 
a  pacific  haven.  Had  Walsingham  and  himself  tarn  jeered 
With  the  enemy,  as  some  counsellors  he  could  name  had  done, 
Leicester  asserted  that  the  gallows  would  be  thought  too  good 
for  them  ;  ^  and  yet  he  hoped  he  might  be  hanged  if  the 
whole  Spanish  faction  in  England  could  procure  for  the  Queen 
a  peace  fit  for  her  to  accept." 

Certainly  it  was  quite  impossible  for  the  Spanish  faction  to 
bring  about  a  peace.  No  human  power  could  bring  it  about. 
Even  if  England  had  been  willing  and  able  to  surrender 
Holland,  bound  hand  and  foot,  to  Philip,  even  then  she  could 
only  have  obtained  a  hollow  armistice.  Philip  had  sworn  in 
his  inmost  soul  the  conquest  of  England  and  the  dethrone- 
ment of  Elizabeth.  His  heart  was  fixed.  It  was  only  by  the 
subjugation  of  England  that  he  hoped  to  recover  the  Nether- 
lands. England  was  to  be  his  stepping-stone  to  Holland. 
The  invasion  was  slowly  but  steadily  maturing,  and  nothing 
could  have  diverted  the  King  from  his  great  purpose.  In  the 
very  midst  of  all  these  plots  and  counterplots,  Bodmans  and 
Grafignis,  English  geldings  and  Irish  greyhounds,  dishes  of 
plums  and  autograph  letters  of  her  Majesty  and  his  Highness, 
the  Prince  was  deliberately  discussing  all  the  details  of  the 
invasion,  which,  as  it  was  then  hoped,  would  be  ready  by  the 
autumn  of  the  year  1586.  Although  he  had  sent  a  special  agent 
to  Philip,  who  was  to  state  by  word  of  mouth  that  which  it  was 
deemed  unsafe  to  write,^  yet  Alexander,  perpetually  urged  by 
his  master,  went  at  last  more  fully  into  jiarticulars  than  he 
had  ever  ventured  to  do  before  ;  and  this  too  at  the  very  mo- 
ment when  Elizabeth  was  most  seriously  "  lending  her  ear"  to 


1  '  Leyc.  Corresp.,'  254. 
9  Ibid. 

3  Parma    to    Philip    II.,    20    April, 
1586.     (Arch,    de    Sim.    MS.)     Also    a 


paper  epigraphed — 'Lo  que  dijo  J.  B. 
Plata  (the  agent  alluded  to  in  the 
text)  a  Don  Juan  de  Idiuquoz,  24 
June,  1586.'     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 


1586.  SECRET   LETTER   OF   PARMA   TO    PITTLIP.  527 

negotiation,  and  most  viihemently  expressing  her  wrath  at  Sir 
Thomas  Heneage  for  dealing  candidly  with  the  States-General.^ 

The  Prince  observed  that  when,  two  or  three  years  before, 
he  had  sent  his  master  an  account  of  the  coasts,  anchoring- 
places,  and  harbours  of  England,  he  had  then  expressed  the 
opinion  that  the  conquest  of  England  was  an  enterprise  worthy 
of  the  grandeur  and  Christianity  of  his  Majesty,  and  not  so 
difficult  as  to  be  considered  altogether  impossible.  To  make 
himself  absolutely  master  of  the  business,  however,  he  had 
then  tliought  that  the  King  should  have  no  associates  in  the 
scheme,  and  should  make  no  account  of  the  inhabitants  of 
England.^  Since  that  time  the  project  had  become  more 
difficult  of  accomplishment,  because  it  was  now  a  stale  and  com- 
mon topic  of  conversation  everywhere — in  Italy,  Germany,  and 
France — so  that  there  could  be  little  doubt  that  rumours  on 
the  subject  were  daily  reaching  the  ears  of  Queen  Elizabeth  and 
of  every  one  in  her  kingdom.  Hence  she  had  made  a  sti'ict 
alliance  with  Sweden,  Denmark,  the  Protestant  princes  of  Ger- 
many, and  even  with  the  Turks  and  the  French.  Nevertheless, 
in  spite  of  these  obstacles,  the  King,  placing  his  royal  hand  to 
the  work,  might  well  accomplish  the  task;  for  the  favour  of  the 
Lord,  whose  cause  it  was,  would  be  sure  to  give  him  success. 

Being  so  Christian  and  Catholic  a  king,  Philip  naturally 
desired  to  extend  the  area  of  the  holy  church,  and  to  come  to 
the  relief  of  so  many  poor  innocent  martyrs  in  England, 
crying  aloud  before  the  Lord  for  help.''  Moreover  Elizabeth 
had  fomented  rebellion  in  the  King's  Provinces  for  a  long 
time  secretly,  and  now,  since  the  fall  of  Antwerp,  and  just  as 
Holland  and  Zeeland  were  falling  into  his  grasp,  openly. 

Thus,  in  secret  and  in  public,  she  had  done  the  very  worst 
she  could  do  ;  and  it  was  very  clear  that  the  Lord,  for  her 
sins,  had  deprived  her  of  understanding,*  in  order  that  his 
Majesty  might  be  the  instrument  of  that  chastisement  which 
she  so  fully  deserved.  A  monarch  of  such  great  prudence, 
valour,  and  talent  as  Philip,  could  now  give  all  the  world  to 

tires  qui  sean  esclamando  delante  del 
divino  conspecto,"  &c.     (Ibid.) 

*  "  Que  nuestro   Seiior  por  sus  pe- 
cados  le  ha  quitado  de  todo  punto  el 


'  MS.  Letter  of  Parma  to  Philip, 
20  April,  1586,  before  cited. 

■■'  "  No  haciendo  caso  de  los  proprios 
del  pais."     (Ibid.) 


*  i 


'  Tantos  pobres  y  inocentes  V  mar-  i   entendimiento."     (Ibid.) 


628 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  VIIL 


understand  that  those  who  dared  to  lose  a  just  and  decorous 
respect  for  him,  as  this  good  lady  had  done,  would  receive  such 
chastisement  as  royal  power  guided  by  prudent  counsel  could 
inflict.^  Parma  assured  his  sovereign,  that,  if  the  conquest  of 
England  were  effected,  that  of  the  Netherlands  would  be  finished 
with  much  facility  and  brevity;  but  that  otherwise,  on  account 
of  the  situation,  strength  and  obstinacy  of  those  people,  it 
would  be  a  very  long,  perilous,  and  at  best  doubtful  business.'^ 

"  Three  points,"  he  said,  "  were  most  vital  to  the  invasion 
of  England — secrecy,  maintenance  of  the  civil  war  in  France, 
and  judicious  arrangement  of  matters  in  the  Provinces." 

The  French,  if  unoccupied  at  home,  would  be  sure  to  make 
the  enterprise  so  dangerous  as  to  become  almost  impossible  ; 
for  it  might  be  laid  down  as  a  general  maxim  that  that  nation, 
jealous  of  Philij/s  power,  had  always  done  and  would  always 
do  what  it  could  to  counteract  his  purposes. 

With  regard  to  the  Netherlands,  it  would  be  desirable  to 
leave  a  good  number  of  troops  in  those  countries — at  least  as 
many  as  were  then  stationed  there — besides  the  garrisons, 
and  also  to  hold  many  German  and  Swiss  mercenaries  in 
"wartgeld."  It  would  be  further  desirable  that  Alexander 
should  take  most  of  the  personages  of  quality  and  sufficiency 
in  the  Provinces  over  with  him  to  England,  in  order  that  they 
should  not  make  mischief  in  his  absence.'^ 

With  regard  to  the  point  of  secrecy,  that  was,  in  Parma's 
opinion,  the  most  important  of  all.  All  leagues  must  become 
more  or  less  public,  particularly  those  contrived  at  or  with 
Rome.  Such  being  the  case,  the  Queen  of  England  would 
be  well  aware  of  the  Spanish  projects,  and,  besides  her  mihtia 
at  home,  would  levy  German  infantry  and  cavalry,  and  pro- 
vide plenty  of  vessels,  relying  therein  upon  Holland  and 
Zeeland,  where  ships  and  sailors  were  in  such  abundance. 
Moreover,  the  English  and  the  Netherlanders  knew  the  coasts, 
currents,  tides,  shallows,  quicksands,  ports,  better  than  did 


1  "  Que  no  se  ban  a  perder  el  decoro 
y  respeto  a  V.  M.  oomo  lo  ha  hecho 
esta  buena  dnma,"  &c.     (Ibid.) 

^  "Se  acabira  con  harta  facilidad  y 
brevedad  lo  de  aca  (viz.  the  Nether- 
lands) que  de  otra  manera,  per  la  situ- 


acion,  fortaleza,  y  obstinacion  de  estaa 
gentes,  sera  nesjocio  largo,  peligroso, 
y  aun  dudoso."     (Ibid.) 

=  MS.    Letter  of  Parma  to  PbiliR 
last  cited. 


1586  INVASION   OF   ENGLAND   RECOMMENDED.  529 

tho  pilots  of  any  fleets  that  the  King  could  send  thither. 
Thus,  having  his  back  assured,  the  enemy  would  meet  them 
in  front  at  a  disadvantage.  Although,  notwithstanding  this 
inequality,  the  enemy  would  be  beaten,  yet  if  the  engagement 
should  be  warm,  the  Spaniards  would  receive  an  amount  of 
damage  which  could  not  fail  to  be  inconvenient,  particularly 
as  they  would  be  obliged  to  land  their  troops,  and  to  give 
battle  to  those  who  would  be  watching  their  landing.  More- 
over the  English  would  be  provided  with  cavaby,  of  which 
his  Majesty's  forces  would  have  very  little,  on  account  of  the 
difficulty  of  its  embarkation.^ 

The  obedient  Netherlands  would  be  the  proper  place  in 
which  to  organize  the  whole  expedition.  There  the  regiments 
could  be  filled  up,  provisions  collected,  the  best  way  of  eifect- 
ing  the  passage  ascertained,  and  the  force  largely  increased 
without  exciting  suspicion  ;  but  with  regard  to  the  fleet,  there 
were  no  ports  there  capacious  enough  for  large  vessels.  Ant- 
werp had  ceased  to  be  a  seaport ;  but  a  large  number  of  flat- 
bottomed  barges,  hoys,  and  other  barks,  more  suitable  for 
transporting  soldiers,  could  be  assembled  in  Dunkirk,  Grave 
lines,  and  Newport,  which,  with  some  five-and-twenty  larger 
vessels,  would  be  sufficient  to  accompany  the  fleet. 

The  Queen,  knowing  that  there  were  no  large  ships,  nor 
ports  to  hold  them  in  the  obedient  Provinces,  would  be  unsus- 
picious, if  no  greater  levies  seemed  to  be  making  than  the 
exigencies  of  the  Netherlands  might  apparently  require. 

The  flat-bottomed  boats,  drawing  two  or  three  feet  of  water, 
would  be  more  appropriate  than  ships  of  war  drawing  twenty 
feet.  The  passage  across,  in  favourable  weather,  might 
occupy  from  eight  to  twelve  hours. 

The  number  of  troops  for  the  invading  force  should  be 
thirty  thousand  infantry,  besides  five  hundred  light  troopers, 
with  saddles,  bridles,  and  lances,  but  without  horses,  because, 
in  Alexander's  opinion,  it  would  be  easier  to  mount  them  in 
England.  Of  these  thirty  thousand  there  should  be  six 
thousand  Spaniards,  six  thousand  Italians,  six  thousand  Wal- 
loons, nine  thousand  Germans,  and  three  thousand  Burgundians. 

■  MS.  Letter  of  Parma  to  Philip  II.  last  cited 

VOL.  I.— 2  K 


530 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  Vin. 


Much  money  would  be  required  ;  at  least  three  hundred 
thousand  dollars  the  month  for  the  new  force,  besides  the 
regular  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  for  the  ordinary  pro- 
vision in  the  Netherlands  ;  and  this  ordinary  provision  would 
be  more  necessary  than  ever,  because  a  mutiny  breaking  forth 
in  the  time  of  the  invasion  would  be  destruction  to  the 
Spaniards  both  in  England  and  in  the  Provinces. 

The  most  appropriate  part  of  the  coast  for  a  landing  would, 
in  Alexander's  opinion,  be  between  Dover  and  Margate, 
because  the  Spaniards,  having  no  footing  in  Holland  and 
Zeeland,  were  obliged  to  make  their  starting-point  in  Flanders. 
The  country  about  Dover  was  described  by  Parma  as  populous, 
well-wooded,  and  much  divided  by  hedges  ;  advantageous  for 
infantry,  and  not  requiring  a  larger  amount  of  cavalry  than 
the  small  force  at  his  disposal,  while  the  people  there  were 
domestic  in  their  habits,  rich,  and  therefore  less  warlike, 
less  trained  to  arms,  and  more  engrossed  by  their  occupations 
and  their  comfortable  ways  of  life.^  Therefore,  although 
some  encounters  would  take  place,  yet  after  the  commanders 
of  the  invading  troops  had  given  distinct  and  clear  orders,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  leave  the  rest  in  the  hands  of  God  who 
governs  all  things,  and  from  whose  bounty  and  mercy  it  was 
to  be  hoped  that  He  would  favour  a  cause  so  eminently  holy, 
just,  and  His  own.^ 

It  would  be  necessary  to  make  immediately  for  London, 
which  city,  not  being  fortified,  would  be  very  easily  taken. 
This  point  gained,  the  whole  framework  of  the  business  might 
be  considered  as  well  put  together.^  If  the  Queen  should  fly 
• — as,  being  a  woman,  she  probably  would  do — everything . 
would  be  left  in  such  confusion,  as,  with  the  blessing  of  God, 
it  might  soon  be  considered  that  the  holy  and  heroic  work 
had   been   accomplished.*      Her   Majesty,    it   was   suggested, 


1  "  Domestica  -y  rica,  y  la  gente  de 
ella  consiguieute  es  menos  araiigera  y 
bollicosa,  y  dada  a  sus  trabajoa  y  co- 
modidades."  MS.  Letter  of  Parma, 
before  cited. 

2  "  En  manos  de  Dios  qui  gobiema 
todas  las  cosas,  y  de  cuya  bondad  y 
misL-rieordia  se  debe  osperar  que  fa- 
borecera  causa  tan  santa,   justa,  y  .pro- 


pria suya."     (Ibid.) 

3  "Sara  tan  facil  de  ganar,  lo  cual 
conseguido,  se  puede  tener  por  tan 
bueu  entablado  el  negocio."     (Ibid.) 

*  "Se  acogiesse,  gomo  siendo  muger 

es  de  creer con  la  ayuda  de  n" 

Senor,  podria  tener  por  acabada  obra 
tail  suya  y  heroica."  MS.  Letter  of 
Parma,  before  cited. 


1583.  DETAILS    OF  THE   PROJECT.  53^ 

would  probably  make  her  escape  in  a  boat  before  she  could 
be  captured  ;  but  the  conquest  would  be  nevertheless  effected. 
Although,  doubtless,  some  English  troops  might  be  got  toge- 
ther to  return  and  try  their  fortune,  yet  it  would  be  quite 
useless  ;  for  the  invaders  would  have  already  planted  them- 
selves upon  the  soil,  and  then,  by  means  of  frequent  excursions 
and  forays  hither  and  thither  about  the  island,  all  other  places 
of  importance  would  be  gained,  and  the  prosperous  and  for- 
tunate termination  of  the  adventure  assured.' 
;  As,  however,  everything  was  to  be  provided  for,  so,  in  case 
the  secret  could  not  be  preserved,  it  would  be  necessary  for 
Philip,  under  pretext  of  defending  himself  against  the  English 
and  French  corsairs,  to  send  a  large  armada  to  sea,  as  doubt- 
less the  Queen  would  take  the  same  measure.  If  the  King 
should  prefer,  however,  notwithstanding  Alexander's  advice 
to  the  contrary,  to  have  confederates  in  the  enterprise, — then, 
the  matter  being  public,  it  would  be  necessary  to  prepare  a 
larger  and  stronger  fleet  than  any  which  Elizabeth,  with  the 
assistance  of  her  French  and  Netherland  allies,  could  oppose 
to  him.  That  fleet  should  be  well  provided  with  vast  stores 
of  provisions,  sufficient  to  enable  the  invading  force,  inde- 
pendently of  forage,  to  occupy  three  or  four  places  in  England 
at  once,  as  the  enemy  would  be  able  to  come  from  various 
towns  and  strong  places  to  attack  them. 

As  for  the  proper  season  for  the  expedition,  it  would  be 
advisable  to  select  the  month  of  October  of  the  current  year, 
because  the  English  barns  would  then  be  full  of  wheat  and 
other  forage,  and  the  earth  would  have  been  sown  for  the 
next  year — points  of  such  extreme  importance,  that  if  the 
plan  could  not  be  executed  at  that  time,  it  would  be  as  well 
to  defer  it  until  the  following  October.- 

The  Prince  recommended  that  the  negotiations  with  the 
League  should  be  kept  spinning,  without  allowing  them  to 
come  to  a  definite  conclusion  ;  because  there  would  be  no  lack 
of  difficulties  perpetually  offering  themselves,'*  and    the  more 

1  "  Discurriendo     la     isla,     ganando  I  •''  "  Que  la   platica   de   la   liga  vaya 

plazas  de  importancia y  se  puede  |  adelante    sin    concluyrse,     alargardola 

tener  por  asegurado  el  prospero  y  felice  I  todo  lo  que  se  pudiese,  pues  no  faltaran 

fin,"     (Ibid.)                        '^  IbicJ,  1  dificultades  que  se  ofreceran."    (Ibi4,) 


532  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  VIIL 

intricate'  and  involved  the  policy  of  France,  the  better  it 
would  be  for  the  interests  of  Spain.  Alexander  exj^ressed  the 
utmost  confidence  that  his  Majesty,  with  his  powerful  arm, 
would  overcome  all  obstacles  in  the  path  of  his  great  project, 
and  would  show  the  world  that  he  "  could  do  a  little  more 
than  what  was  possible."^  He  also  assured  his  master,  in 
most  extravagant  language,  of  his  personal  devotion,  adding 
that  it  was  unnecessary  for  him  to  offer  his  services  in  this 
particular  enterprise,  because,  ever  since  his  birth,  he  had  dedi- 
cated and  consecrated  himself  to  execute  his  royal  commands. 

He  further  advised  that  old  Peter  Ernest  Mansfeld  should 
be  left  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  in  the  Netherlands 
during  his  own  absence  in  England.  "  Mansfeld  was  an 
honourable  cavalier,"  he  said,  "  and  a  faithful  servant  of  the 
King  ;  and  although  somewhat  ill-conditioned  at  times,  yet 
he  had  essential  good  qualities,  and  was  the  only  general  fit 
to  be  trusted  alone.- 

The  reader,  having  thus  been  permitted  to  read  the  inmost 
thoughts  of  Philip  and  Alexander,  and  to  study  their  secret 
plans  for  conquering  England  in  October,  while  their  frivolous 
yet  mischievous  negotiations  with  the  Queen  had  been  going 
on  from  April  to  June,  will  be  better  able  than  before  to 
judge  whether  Leicester  were  right  or  no  in  doubting  if  a 
good  peace  could  be  obtained  by  a  "  merchant's  brokerage." 

And  now,  after  examining  these  pictures  of  inter-aulic 
politics  and  back-stairs  diplomacy,  which  represent  so  large 
and  characteristic  a  phasis  of  European  history  during  the 
year  1586,  we  must  throw  a  glance  at  the  external,  more 
Btirring,  but  not  more  significant  public  events  which  were 
taking  place  during  the  same  period. 

*  "T  se  llegara  a  hacer  algo  mas  do  lo  posible."     (Ibid.)  '  Ibid. 

END  OF  VOL.  I. 


HISTORY   OF    THE 
UNITED    NETHERLANDS 

BOOK    II 


TJIE  KAKL  OF  LKICESTEU, 


THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Military   Plans  ia  the   Netherlands  —  The    Elector   and   Electorate  of  Cologno 

—  Martin  Schenk  —  His  Career  before  serving  the  States  —  Franeker  Uni- 
versity founded  —  Parma  attempts  Grave  —  Battle  on  the  Meuse  —  Suc- 
cess and  Vainglory  of  Leicester  —  St.  George's  Day  triumphantly  kept 
at  Utrecht  —  Parma  not  so  much  appalled  as  it  was  thought  —  He  besieges 
and  reduces  Grave  —  And  is  Master  of  the  Meuse  —  Leicester's  Rage  at  the 
Surrender  of  Grave  —  His  Revenge  —  Parma  on  the  Rhine  —  He  besieges 
and  assaults  Neusz  —  Horrible  Fate  of  the  Garrison  and  City  —  Which 
Leicester  was  unable   to  relieve  —  Axel  surprised  by  Maurice  and  Sidney 

—  The  Zeeland  Regiment  given  to  Sidney  —  Condition  of  the  Irish  and 
English  Troops  —  Leicester  takes  the  Field  —  He  reduces  Doesburg  — 
He  lays  siege  to  Zutphen  —  Which  Parma  prepares  to  relieve  —  The 
English  intercept  the  Convoy  —  Battle  of  Warnsfeld  —  Sir  Philip  Sidney 
wounded  —  Results  of  the  Encounter  —  Death  of  Sidney  at  Amheim  — 
Gallantry  of  Edward  Stanley. 

Five  great  rivers  hold  the  Netherland  territory  in  their  coils. 
Three  are  but  slightly  separated — the  Yssel,  Waal,  and 
ancient  Rhine,  while  the  Scheldt  and  Meuse  are  spread  more 
widely  asunder.  Along  each  of  these  streams  were  various 
fortified  cities,  the  possession  of  which,  in  those  days,  when 
modern  fortification  was  in  its  infancy,  implied  the  control 
of  the  surrounding  country.  The  lower  part  of  all  the 
rivers,  where  they  mingled  with  the  sea  and  became  wide 
estuaries,  belonged  to  the  Republic,  for  the  coasts  and  the 
ocean  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Hollanders  and  English. 
Above,  the  various  strong  places  were  alternately  in  the  hands 
of  the  Spaniards  and  of  the  patriots. 

Thus  Antwerp,  with  the  other  Scheldt  cities,  had  fallen  into 
Parma's  power,  but  Flushing,  wliich  controlled  them  all,  was 

VOL.  IT. — B 


2  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IX. 

held  by  Philip  Sidney  for  the  Queen  and  States.  On  the  Meuse, 
Maastricht  and  Roermond  were  Spanish,  but  Venloo,  Grave, 
Mogheni,  and  other  towns,  held  for  the  commonwealth.  On  the 
Waal,  the  town  of  Nymegen  had,  through  the  dexterity  of  Martin 
Schenk,  been  recently  transferred  to  the  royalists,  while  the 
rest  of  that  river's  course  was  true  to  the  republic.  The 
Rhine,  strictly  so  called,  from  its  entrance  into  Netherland, 
belonged  to  the  rebels.  Upon  its  elder  branch,  the  Yssel, 
Zutphen  was  in  Parma's  hands,  while,  a  little  below, 
Deventer  had  been  recently  and  adroitly  saved  by  Leicester 
and  Count  Meurs  from  falling  into  the  same  dangerous 
grasp. 

Thus  the  triple  Rhine,  after  it  had  crossed  the  Grerman 
frontier,  belonged  mainly,  although  not  exclusively,  to  the 
States.  But  on  the  edge  of  the  Batavian  territory,  the 
ancient  river,  just  before  dividing  itself  into  its  three  branches, 
flowed  through  a  debateable  country  which  was  even  more 
desolate  and  forlorn,  if  possible,  than  the  land  of  the  obedient 
Provinces.^ 

This  unfortunate  district  was  the  archi-episcopal  electorate 
of  Cologne.  The  city  of  Cologne  itself,  Neusz,  and  Rheinberg, 
on  the  river,  Werll  and  other  places  in  Westphalia  and  the 
whole  country  around,  were  endangered,  invaded,  ravaged, 
and  the  inhabitants  plundered,  murdered,  and  subjected  to 
every  imaginable  outrage,  by  rival  bands  of  highwaymen, 
enlisted  in  the  support  of  the  two  rival  bishops — beggars, 
outcasts,  but  high-born  and  learned  churchmen  both — who 
disputed  the  electorate. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  year  a  portion  of  the  bishopric 
was  still  in  the  control  of  the  deposed  protestant  elector 
Grebhard  Truchsess,  assisted  of  course  by  the  English  and  the 
States.  The  city  of  Cologne  was  held  by  the  Catholic  elector, 
Ernest  of  Bavaria,  bishop  of  Liege  ;  but  Neusz  and  Rheinberg 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  Dutch  republic. 

The  military  operations  of  the  year  were,  accordingly, 
along  the  Meuse,  where   the    main    object  of  Parma  was  to 

'  Meteren,  xiii.  235^°. 


1586.  THE  ELECTOR  AND  ELECTORATE  OF  COLOGNE.  g 

wrest  Grave  from  the  Netherlands  ;  along  the  Waal,  where, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  patriots  wished  to  recover  Nymegen  ; 
on  the  Yssel,  where  they  desu'ed  to  obtain  the  possession  of 
Zutphen  ;  and  in  the  Cologne  electorate,  where  the  Spaniards 
meant,  if  possible,  to  transfer  Neusz  and  Rheinberg  from 
Truchsess  to  Elector  Ernest.  To  clear  the  course  of  these 
streams,  and  especially  to  set  free  that  debateable  portion 
of  the  river-territory  which  hemmed  him  in  from  neutral 
Germany,  and  cut  off  the  supplies  from  his  starving  troops, 
was  the  immediate  design  of  Alexander  Farnese, 

Nothing  could  be  more  desolate  than  the  condition  of  the 
electorate.  Ever  since  Gebhard  Truchsess  had  renounced 
the  communion  of  the  Catholic  Church  for  the  love  of  Agnes 
Mansfeld,  and  so  gained  a  wife  and  lost  his  principality,  he 
had  been  a  dependant  upon  the  impoverished  Nassaus,  or  a 
supplicant  for  alms  to  the  thrifty  Elizabeth.  The  Queen 
was  frequently  implored  by  Leicester,  without  much  effect, 
to  send  the  ex-elector  a  few  hundred  pounds  to  keep  him 
from  starving,  as  "  he  had  not  one  groat  to  live  upon,"  ^  and, 
a  little  later,  he  was  employed  as  a  go-between,  and  almost 
a  spy,  by  the  Earl,  in  his  quarrels  with  the  patrician  party 
rapidly  forming  against  him  in  the  States. 

At  Godesberg — the  romantic  ruins  of  which  stronghold  the 
traveller  still  regards  with  interest,  placed  as  it  is  in  the 
midst  of  that  enchanting  region  where  Drachenfels  looks 
down  on  the  crumbling  tower  of  Roland  and  the  convent  of 
Nonnenwerth — the  unfortunate  Gebhard  had  sustained  a  con- 
clusive defeat.  A  small,  melancholy  man,  accomplished, 
religious,  learned,  "  very  poor  but  veiy  wise,"  comely,  but  of 
mean  stature,  altogether  an  unlucky  and  forlorn  individual,^ 


'  '  Leyc.  Coiresp.'  378. 

'  "When  I  spake  of  the  Elector 
here,"  said  Leicester,  "I  assure  you 
he  is  a  very  wise  gentleman  ;  and  if  it 
were  possible  to  set  him  in  his  place 
again,  these    countries    were    soon   at 

quiet He  is  exceeding  poor,  and 

great  pity.  Believe  me,  my  Lord,  he 
is  worthy  to  be  esteemed.  He  doth 
greatly  love  and  honour  her  Majesty. 


I  would  to  God  your  Lordship  could 
but  procure  her  Majesty  to  bestow 
500  or  600  pound  on  him  for  a  token. 
I  have  roceived'more  comfort  and  good 
advice  of  him  than  of  any  man  hero. 
He  is  very  virtuous,  and  very  sound  in 
religion ;  very  grave,  and  a  comely 
person,  but  of  a  mean  stature.  Hia 
adversary  doth  all  he  can  to  put  the 
King  of  Spain  into  liis  territories,  ye;^ 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


CUAP.  IX, 


he  was  not,  after  all,  in  very  much  inferior  plight  to  that  in 
which  his  rival,  the  Bavarian  bishop,  had  found  himself. 
Prince  Ernest,  archbishop  of  Liege  and  Cologne,  a  hanger- 
on  of  his  brother,  who  sought  to  shake  him  off,  and  a 
stipendiary  of  Philip,  who  was  a  worse  paymaster  than 
Elizabeth,  had  a  sorry  life  of  it,  notwithstanding  his  nominal 
possession  of  the  see.  He  was  forced  to  go,  disguised  and 
in  secret,  to  the  Prince  of  Parma  at  Brussels,^  to  ask  for 
assistance,  and  to  mention,  with  lacrymose  vehemence,  that 
both  his  brother  and  himself  had  determined  to  renounce  the 
episcopate,  unless  the  forces  of  the  Spanish  King  could  be 
employed  to  recover  the  cities  on  the  Ehine.  If  Neusz  and 
Kheinberg  were  not  wrested  from  the  rebels,  Cologne  itself 
would  soon  be  gone.  Ernest  represented  most  eloquently  to 
Alexander,  that  if  the  protestant  archbishop  were  reinstated 
in  the  ancient  see,  it  would  be  a  most  perilous  result  for  the 
ancient  church  throughout  all  northern  Europe.  Parma 
kept  the  wandering  prelate  for  a  few  days  in  his  palace  in 
Brussels,  and  then  dismissed  him,  disguised  and  on  foot,  in 
the  dusk  of  the  evening,  through  the  park-gate.^  He 
encouraged  him  with  hopes  of  assistance,  he  represented  to 
his  sovereign  the  importance  of  preserving  the  Rhenish 
territory  to  Bishop  Ernest  and  to  Catholicism,  but  hinted 
that  the  declared   intention   of  the    Bavarian   to  resign  the 


even  into  Cologne  itself.  He  is  very 
poor,  and  weary  of  Lis  keeping  that 
place  with  such  charge.  His  bishopric 
of  Liege  is  all  spoiled  also  with  these 
wars,  and  he  no  longer  able  to  main- 
tain his  charges.  A  small  matter 
would  set  up  this  man  now.  He  hath 
many  friends  in  Germany,  and  more  of 
late  than  ever  he  had."  Leicester  to 
Burghley,  28  Feb.  1586.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 

Lord  North  had  ako  conceived  a 
favourable  opinion  of  Truchsess,  whom 
he  spoke  of  as  a  "  rare  gentleman, 
notably  furnished  with  excellent  gifts, 
religious,  and  worthy  of  all  honour  and 
estimation."  North  to  Burghley,  28 
Feb.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


'  Parma  to  Philip  IL  28  Feb.  1586. 
(Archivo  de  Sunancas,  MS.)  Compare 
Strada,  IL  426. 

*  Parma  to  Philip  II.  (MS.  last 
cited.)  Compare  Strada,  who  ap- 
pears to  be  very  nmch  mistaken  in 
representing  the  Elector  Ernest  as 
having  been  dismissed  by  Parma  with 
great  state,  and  with  a  magnificent 
escort  of  Belgian  nobility, — "  because 
no  mask  can  ever  entirely  disguise  a 
prince,  and  because  suns,  even  when 
under  a  cloud,  have  more  spectators 
than  ever." 

"  Nemp©  nulla  larva  totum  princi- 
pem  tegit;  imnio  stoles,  ctiam  isti  quum 
deliciunt,  tunc  maxime  spectatores  ha- 
bent,"  and  so  ou,  II.  427. 


1586.  MARTIN    SCHENK.  5 

dignity,  was  probably  a  trick,  because  the  archi-episcopate 
was  no  such  very  bad  thing  after  all/ 

The  archi-episcopate  might  be  no  very  bad  thing,  but  it 
was  a  most  uncomfortable  place  of  residence,  at  the  moment, 
for  prince  or  peasant.  Overrun  by  hordes  of  brigands,  and 
crushed  almost  out  of  existence  by  that  most  deadly  of  all 
systems  of  taxations,  the  '  brandschiitzung,'  it  was  fast 
becoming  a  mere  den  of  thieves.  The  '  brandschatzung' 
had  no  name  in  English,  but  it  was  the  well-known  impost, 
levied  by  roving  commanders,  and  even  by  respectable  gene- 
rals of  all  nations.  A  hamlet,  cluster  of  farm-houses,  country 
district,  or  wealthy  city,  in  order  to  escape  being  burned  and 
ravaged,  as  the  penalty  of  having  fallen  into  a  conqueror's 
hands,  paid  a  heavy  sum  of  ready  money  on  the  nail  at 
command  of  the  conqueror.  The  free  companions  of  the 
sixteenth  century  drove  a  lucrative  business  in  this  par- 
ticular branch  of  industry ;  and  when  to  this  was  added 
the  more  direct  profits  derived  from  actual  plunder,  sack, 
and  ransoming,  it  was  natural  that  a  large  fortune  was  often 
the  result  to  the  thrifty  and  persevering  commander  of  free 
lances. 

Of  all  the  professors  of  this  comprehensive  art,  the  terrible 
Martin  Schenk  was  preeminent ;  and  he  was  now  ravaging 
the  Cologne  territory,  having  recently  passed  again  to  the 
service  of  the  States.  Immediately  connected  with  the  chief 
military  events  of  the  period  which  now  occupies  us,  he  was 
also  the  very  archetype  of  the  marauders  whose  existence  was 
characteristic  of  the  epoch.  Born  in  1549  of  an  ancient  and 
noble  family  of  Gelderland,  Martin  Schenk  had  inherited  no 
property  but  a  sword.  Serving  for  a  brief  term  as  page  to 
the  Seigneur  of  Ysselstein,  he  joined,  while  yet  a  youth,  the 
banner  of  William  of  Orange,  at  the  head  of  two  men-at-arms. 
The  humble  knight-errant,  with  his  brace  of  squires,  was 
received  with  courtesy  by  the  Prince  and  the  Estates,  but  he 
soon  quarrelled  with  his  patrons.      There  was   a   castle    of 

'  "  Porquo  no  le  esta  tan  nial  cl  electorado."  MS.  letter  of  Parniu  lasT 
cited. 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.   IX. 


Blyenbeek,  belonging  to  his  cousin,  which  he  chose  to  consider 
his  rightful  property,  because  he  was  of  the  same  race,  and 
because  it  was  a  convenient  and  productive  estate  and 
residence.  The  courts  had  different  views  of  public  law,  and 
supported  the  ousted  cousin.  Martin  shut  himself  up  in  the 
castle,  and  having  recently  committed  a  rather  discreditable 
homicide,  which  still  further  increased  his  unpopularity  with 
the  patriots,  he  made  overtures  to  Parma.^  Alexander  was 
glad  to  enlist  so  bold  a  soldier  on  his  side,  and  assisted 
Schenk  in  his  besieged  stronghold.  For  years  afterwards, 
his  services  under  the  King's  banner  were  most  brilliant,  and 
he  rose  to  the  highest  military  command,  while  his  coffers, 
meantime,  were  rapidly  filling  with  the  results  of  his  robberies 
and  '  brandschatzungs.'  "'Tis  a  most  courageous  fellow," 
said  Parma,  "  but  rather  a  desperate  highwayman  than  a 
valiant  soldier."^  Martin's  couple  of  lances  had  expanded 
into  a  corps  of  free  companions,  the  most  truculent,  the  most 
obedient,  the  most  rapacious  in  Christendom.  Never  were 
freebooters  more  formidable  to  the  world  at  large,  or  more 
docile  to  their  chief,  than  were  the  followers  of  General 
Schenk.  Never  was  a  more  finished  captain  of  highwaymen. 
He  was  a  man  who  was  never  sober,  yet  who  never  smiled. 
His  habitual  intoxication  seemed  only  to  increase  both  his 
audacity  and  his  taciturnity,  without  disturbing  his  reason. 
He  was  incapable  of  fear,  of  fatigue,  of  remorse.  He  could 
remain  for  days  and  nights  without  dismounting — eating, 
drinking,  and  sleeping  in  the  saddle  ;  so  that  to  this  terrible 
centaur  his  horse  seemed  actually  a  part  of  himself.  His 
soldiers  followed  him  about  like  hounds,  and  were  treated  by 
him  like  hounds.  He  habitually  scourged  them,  often  took 
with  his  own  hand  the  lives  of  such  as  displeased  him,  and 
had  been  known  to  cause  individuals  of  them  to  jump  from 
the  top  of  church  steeples  *  at  his  command  ;  yet  the  pack 
were  ever  stanch  to  his  orders,  for  they  knew  that  he  always 


'  Meteren,  xiii.  231,  '  Levensbeschry- 
ving  NederL  Mannen,'  vol.  ii.  in  voce. 
Strada,  II.  633.  et  aliunde. 


'  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  6  June,  1585. 
(Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

3  Archer,  in  Stowe,  739. 


1586.  HIS  CAREER   BEFORE  SERVING  THE  STATES.  7 

led  them  where  the  game  was  plenty.  While  serving  under 
Parma  he  had  twice  most  brilliantly  defeated  Hohenlo.  At 
the  battle  of  Hardenberg  Heath  he  had  completely  outgene- 
ralled  that  distinguished  chieftain,  slaying  fifteen  hundred  of 
his  soldiers  at  the  expense  of  only  fifty  or  sixty  of  his  own. 
By  this  triumph  he  had  preserved  the  important  city  of 
Groningen  for  Philip,  during  an  additional  quarter  of  a 
century,  and  had  been  received  in  that  city  with  rapture. 
Several  startling  years  of  victory  and  rapine  he  had  thus  run 
through  as  a  royalist  partisan.  He  became  the  terror  and  the 
scourge  of  his  native  Gelderland,  and  he  was  covered  with 
wounds  received  in  the  King's  service.  He  had  been  twice 
captured  and  held  for  ransom.  Twice  he  had  effected  his 
escape.  He  had  recently  gained  the  city  of  Nymegen.  He 
was  the  most  formidable,  the  most  unscrupulous,  the  most 
audacious  Netherlander  that  wore  Philip's  colours  ;  but  he 
had  received  small  public  reward  for  his  services,  and  the 
wealth  which  he  earned  on  the  high-road  did  not  suffice  for 
his  ambition.  He  had  been  deeply  disgusted,  when,  at  the 
death  of  Count  Renneberg,  Verdugo,  a  former  stable-boy  of 
Mansfeld,  a  Spaniard  who  had  risen  from  the  humblest  rank 
to  be  a  colonel  and  general,  had  been  made  governor  of 
Friesland.  He  had  smothered  his  resentment  for  a  time 
however,  but  had  sworn  within  himself  to  desert  at  the  most 
favourable  opportunity.  At  last,  after  he  had  brilliantly 
saved  the  city  of  Breda  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
patriots,  he  was  more  enraged  than  he  had  ever  been  before, 
when  Haultepenne,  of  the  house  of  Berlaymont,  was  made 
governor  of  that  place  in  his  stead.  ' 

On  the  25th  of  May,  1585,  at  an  hour  after  midnight,  he 
had  a  secret  interview  with  Count  Meurs,  stadholder  for  the 
States  of  Gelderland,  and  ^.greed  to  transfer  his  mercenary 
allegiance  to  the  republic.  He  made  good  terms.  He  was 
to  be  lieutenant-governor  of  Gelderland,  and  he  was  to  have 
rank  as  marshal  of  the  camp  in  the  States'  army,  with  a 
salary  of  twelve  hundred  and  fifty  guilders  a  month.  He 
agreed  to  resign  his  famous  castle  of  Blyenbeek,  but  was  to 


8  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IX 

be  reimbursed  with  estates  in  Holland  and  Zeeland,  of  the 
annual  value  of  four  thousand  florins.^ 

After  this  treaty,  Martin  and  his  free  lances  served  the 
States  faithfully,  and  became  sworn  foes  to  Parma  and  the 
King.  He  gave  and  took  no  quarter,  and  his  men,  if 
captured,  "paid  their  ransom  with  their  heads." ^  He 
ceased  to  be  the  scourge  of  Gelderland,  but  he  became 
the  terror  of  the  electorate.  Early  in  1586,  accompanied 
by  Herman  Kloet,  the  young  and  daring  Dutch  commandant 
of  Neusz,  he  had  swept  down  into  the  Westphalian  country, 
at  the  head  df  five  hundred  foot  and  five  hundred  horse.  On 
the  18th  of  March  he  captured  the  city  of  Werll  by  a  neat 
stratagem.  The  citizens,  hemmed  in  on  all  sides  by  marauders, 
were  in  want  of  many  necessaries  of  life,  among  other  things, 
of  salt.  Martin  had,  from  time  to  time,  sent  some  of  his 
soldiers  into  the  place,  disguised  as  boors  from  the  neighbour- 
hood, and  carrying  bags  of  that  article.  A  pacific  trading- 
intercourse  had  thus  been  established  between  the  burghers 
within  and  the  banditti  without  the  gates.  Agreeable 
relations  were  formed  within  the  walls,  and  a  party  of 
townsmen  had  agreed  to  cooperate  with  the  followers  of 
Schenk.  One  morning  a  train 'of  waggons  laden  with  soldiers 
neatly  covered  with  salt,  made  their  appearance  at  the  gate. 
At  the  same  time  a  fire  broke  out  most  opportunely  within 
the  town.  The  citizens  busily  employed  themselves  in 
extinguishing  the  flames.  The  salted  soldiers,  after  passing 
through  the  gateway,  sprang  from  the  waggons,  and  mastered 
the  watch.  The  town  was  carried  at  a  blow.  Some  of  the 
inhabitants  were  massacred  as  a  warning  to  the  rest ;  others 
were  taken  jjrisoners  and  held  for  ransom  ;  a  few,  more 
fortunate,  made  their  escape  to  the  citadel.  That  fortress  was 
stormed  in  vain,  but  the  city  was  thoroughly  sacked.  Every 
house  was  rifled  of  its  contents.  Meantime  Haultepenne 
collected  a  foi'ce  of  nearly  four  thousand  men,  boors,  citizens, 
and  soldiers,  and  came  to  besiege  Schenk  in  the  town,  while, 

«  '  'Nederl.  Manneu,'  &c.,  uhi  sup. 

s  Do7ley  to  Burghley,  June  24,  1586.    (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1586. 


FRANEKER  UNIVERSITY   FOUNDED. 


at  the  same  time,  attacks  were  made  upon  him  from  the 
castle.  It  was  impossible  for  him  to  hold  the  city,  but  he  had 
completely  robbed  it  of  every  thing  valuable.  Accordingly  he 
loaded  a  train  of  waggons  with  his  booty,  took  with  him  thirty 
of  the  magistrates  as  hostages,  with  other  wealthy  citizens, 
and  marching  in  good  order  against  Haultepenne,  completely 
routed  him,  killing  a  number  variously  estimated  at  from 
five  hundred  to  two  thousand,  and  effected  his  retreat,  despe- 
rately wounded  in  the  thigh,  but  triumphant,  and  laden 
with  the  spoils  to  Venlo  on  the  Meuse,  of  which  city  he  was 
governor.^ 

"  Surely  this  is  a  noble  fellow,  a  worthy  fellow,"  exclaimed 
Leicester,  who  was  filled  with  admiration  at  the  bold 
marauder's  progress,  and  vowed  that  he  was  "  the  only  soldier 
in  truth  that  they  had,  for  he  was  never  idle,  and  had  suc- 
ceeded hitherto  very  happily."  ^ 

And  thus,  at  every  point  of  the  doomed  territory  of  the 
little  commonwealth,  the  natural  atmosphere  in  which  the  in- 
habitants existed  was  one  of  blood  and  rapine.  Yet  during  the 
very  slight  lull,  which  was  interposed  in  the  winter  of  1585-6 
to  the  eternal  clang  of  arms  in  Friesland,  the  Estates  of  that 
Province,  to  their  lasting  honour,  founded  the  university  of 
Franeker.  A  dozen  years  before,  the  famous  institution  at 
Leyden  had  been  established,  as  a  reward  to  the  burghers  for 
their  heroic  defence  of  the  city.  And  now  this  new  proof 
was  given  of  the  love  of  Netherlanders,  even  in  the  midst 
of  their  mis.  .v  and  their  warfare,  for  the  more  humane  arts. 
The  new  college  was  well  endowed  from  ancient  church- 
lands,  and  not  only  was  the  education  made  nearly  gratuitous, 
while  handsome  salaries  were  provided  for  the  professors,  but 
provision  was  made  by  which  the  poorer  scholars  could  be  fed 
and  boarded  at  a  very  moderate  expense.     There  was  a  table 


'  Meteren,  Strada,  Nederl.  Mannen, 
Ac,  ubi  sup.  Bor.  II.  699,  700.  Bruce's 
'Leyc.  Corresp.'  79,  139,  141,  167,  227, 
265,  475.  Lord  North  to  Burghley, 
Feb.  28,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)     Lei- 


cester to  Burghley,  aame  date.  Ibid. 
MS.  Leicester  to  Burghley  and  Wal- 
siugham,  15  March,  1586.     Ibid.  MS. 

"^  Leicester    to   Burghley   and    Wal- 
singham.     MS.  ubi  sup. 


10 


THE    UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IX. 


provided  at  an  annual  cost  to  the  student  of  but  fifty  florins 
(51.),  and  a  second  and  third  table  at  the  very  low  price  of 
forty  and  thirty  florins  respectively.  Thus  the  sum  to  be  paid 
by  the  poorer  class  of  scholars  for  a  year's  maintenance  was 
less  than  three  pounds  sterling  a  year.  The  voice  with  which 
this  infant  seminary  of  the  Muses  first  made  itself  heard 
above  the  din  of  war  was  but  feeble,  but  the  institution 
was  destined  to  thrive,  and  to  endow  the  world,  for  many 
successive  generations,  with  the  golden  fruits  of  science  and 
genius.' 

Early  in  the  spring,  the  war  was  seriously  taken  in  hand 
by  Farnese.  It  has  already  been  seen  that  the  republic  had 
been  almost  entirely  driven  out  of  Flanders  and  Brabant. 
The  Estates,  however,  still  held  Grave,  Megem,  Batenburg, 
and  Venlo  upon  the  Meuse.  That  river  formed,  as  it  were, 
a  perfect  circle  of  protection  for  the  whole  Province  of 
Brabant,  and  Farnese  determined  to  make  himself  master  of 
this  great  natural  moat.  Afterwards,  he  meant  to  possess 
himself  of  the  Rhine,  flowing  in  a  parallel  course,  about 
twenty-five  miles  further  to  the  east.  In  order  to  gain  and 
hold  the  Meuse,  the  first  step  was  to  reduce  the  city  of  Grave. 
That  town,  upon  the  left  or  Brabant  bank,  was  strongly  forti- 
fied on  its  land-side,  where  it  was  suiTounded  by  low  and 
fertile  pastures,  while,  upon  the  other,  it  depended  upon  its 
natural  foss,  the  river.  It  was,  according  to  Lord  North  and 
the  Earl  of  Leicester,  the  "  strongest  town  in  all  the  Low 
Countries,  though  but  a  little  one." " 

Baron  Hemart,  a  young  Gueldrian  noble,  of  small  experi- 
ence in  military  affairs,  commanded  in  the  city,  his  garrisoQ 
being  eight  hundred  soldiers,  and  about  one  thousand  burgher 
guard.^  As  early  as  January,  Farnese  had  ordered  Count 
Mansfeld  to  lay  siege  to  the  place.      Five  forts  had  accord- 


'  Bor,  IT.  672. 

'  North  to  Burghley,  29  May,  1586. 
S.  P.  Office  MS.  Leicester  to  Queen 
Elizabeth,  16  June,  1586.  S.  P.  Office 
MS. 


'  Bor,  IT.  707,  708.  Hoofd,  Verv.  154, 
155.  Strada,  II.  410.  "Wagenaar.  TiiL 
126. 


1586.  PARMA  ATTEMPTS   GRAVE.  H 

ingly  been  constructed,  above  and  below  the  town,  upon  the 
left  bank  of  the  river,  while  a  bridge  of  boats  thrown  across 
the  stream  led  to  a  fortified  camp  on  the  opposite  side. 
Mansfeld,  Mondragon,  Bobadil,  Aquila,  and  other  distin- 
guished veterans  in  Philip's  service,  were  engaged  in  the 
enterprise.  A  few  unimportant  skirmishes  between  Schenk 
and  the  Spaniards  had  taken  place,  but  the  city  was  already 
hard  pressed,  and,  by  the  series  of  forts  which  environed  it, 
was  cut  off  from  its  supplies.  It  was  highly  important, 
therefore,  that  Grave  should  be  relieved,  with  the  least 
possible  delay. 

Early  in  Easter  week,  a  force  of  three  thousand  men,  under 
Hohenlo  and  Sir  John  Norris,  was  accordingly  despatched  by 
Leicester,  with  orders,  at  every  hazard,  to  throw  ^p^ji  i 
reinforcements  and  provisions  into  the  place.  They  1586. 
took  possession,  at  once,  of  a  stone  sconce,  called  the  Mill-Fort, 
which  was  guarded  by  fifty  men,  mostly  boors  of  the  country.^ 
These  were  nearly  all  hanged  for  "  using  malicious  words," 
and  for  "railing  against  Queen  Elizabeth,"^  and — a  sufficient 
number  of  men  being  left  to  maintain  the  fort — the  whole 
relieving  force  marched  with  great  difficulty — for  the  river 
was  rapidly  rising,  and  flooding  the  country — along  the  right 
bank  of  the  Meuse,  taking  possession  of  Batenbui-g  and 
Eavenstein  castles,  as  they  went.  A  force  of  four  or  five 
hundred  Englishmen  was  then  j)ushed  forward  to  a  point 
almost  exactly  opposite  Grave,  and  within  an  English  mile  of 
the  head  of  the  bridge  constructed  by  the  Spaniards.  Here, 
in  the  night  of  Easter  Tuesday,  they  rapidly  formed  an 
entrenched  camp,  upon  the  dyke  along  the  river,  and,  althougli. 
molested  by  some  armed  vessels,  succeeded  in  establishing 
themselves  in  a  most  important  position.^ 

On  the  morning  of  Easter  Wednesday,  April  16,  Mansfeld, 
perceiving  that  the  enemy  had  thus  stolen  a  march  upon  him, 


'  Occurrences  from   Ilolland,   April,    I        '  Ibid.    Compare  'Leycest.  Corresp' 

^,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  V'  :]^-  ^^P''"  ^'  \^^^-  ,,  „     ,   ,,^ 

Zl  I  Occurrences  Irom  Holland,  MS. 


12  '  TnE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IX. 

ordered  one  thousand  picked  troops,  all  Spaniards,  under 
April-,  Casco  and  other  veterans,  to  assault  this  advanced 
1586.  post.^  A  reserve  of  two  thousand  was  placed  In  readi- 
ness to  support  the  attack.  The  Spaniards  slowly  crossed  the 
bridge,  which  was  swaying  very  dangerously  with  the  current, 
and  then  charged  the  entrenched  camp  at  a  run.  A  quarrel 
between  the  dilFerent  regiments  as  to  the  right  of  precedence 
precij)itated  the  attack,  before  the  reserve,  consisting  of  some 
picked  companies  of  Mondragon's  veterans,  had  been  able  to 
an'ive.  Coming  in  breathless  and  fatigued,  the  first  assailants 
were  readily  repulsed  in  their  first  onset.  Aquila  then  oppor- 
tunely made  his  appearance,  and  the  attack  was  renewed 
with  great  vigour.  The  defenders  of  the  camp  yielded  at  the 
third  charge  and  fled  in  dismay,  while  the  Spaniards,  leaping 
the  barriers,  scattered  hither  and  thither  in  the  ardour  of 
pursuit.  The  routed  Englishmen  fled  swiftly  along  the  oozy 
dyke,  in  hopes  of  joining  the  main  body  of  the  relieving  party, 
who  were  expected  to  advance,  with  the  dawn,  from  their 
position  six  miles  farther  down  the  river.  Two  miles  long 
the  chace  lasted,  and  it  seemed  probable  that  the  fugitives 
would  be  overtaken  and  destroyed,  when,  at  last,  from  behind 
a  line  of  mounds  which  stretched  towards  Batenburg  and  had 
masked  their  approach,  appeared  Count  Hohenlo  and  Sir 
John  Norris,  at  the  head  of  twenty-five  hundred  Englishmen 
and  Hollanders.  This  force  advanced  as  rapidly  as  the 
slippery  ground  and  the  fatigue  of  a  two  hours'  march  would 
permit  to  the  rescue  of  their  friends,  while  the  retreating 
English  rallied,  turned  upon  their  jjursuers,  and  drove  them 
back  over  the  path  along  which  they  had  just  been  charging 
in  the  full  career  of  victory.  The  fortune  of  the  day  was 
changed,  and  in  a  few  minutes  Hohenlo  and  Norris  would 
have  crossed  the  river  and  entered  Grave,  when  the  Spanish 
companies  of  Bobadil  and  other  commanders  were  seen  march- 
ing along  the  quaking  bridge. 


'  Strada,   II.   413,  seq.      Hoofd,   Vervolgh,    154,    155.      Occurrences,   &c.  MS 
Brace's  '  Leycest.  Corresp.  223,  226. 


1686.  SUCCESS   OF    LEICESTER.  13 

Three  thousand  men  on  each  side  now  met  at  push  of  pike 
on  the  bank  of  the  Meuse.^  The  rain  was  pouring  in  torrents, 
the  wind  was  blowing  a  gale,  the  stream  was  rapidly  rising, 
and  threatening  to  overwhelm  its  shores.  By  a  tacit  and 
mutual  consent,  both  armies  paused  for  a  few  moments  in  full 
view  of  each  other.  After  this  brief  interval  they  closed 
again,  breast  to  breast,  in  sharp  and  steady  conflict.  The 
ground,  slippery  with  rain  and  with  blood,  which  was  soon 
flowing  almost  as  fast  as  the  rain,  afforded  an  unsteady  footing 
to  the  combatants.  They  staggered  like  drunken  men,  fell 
upon  their  knees,  or  upon  their  backs,  and  still,  kneeling  or 
rolling  prostrate,  maintained  the  deadly  conflict.  For  the 
space  of  an  hour  and  a  half  the  fierce  encounter  of  human 
passion  outmastered  the  fury  of  the  elements.  Norris  and 
Hohenlo  fought  at  the  head  of  their  columns,  like  paladins  of 
old.  The  Englishman  was  wounded  in  the  mouth  and  breast, 
the  Count  was  seen  to  gallop  past  one  thousand  musketeers 
and  caliver-men  of  the  enemy,  and  to  escape  unscathed.  But 
as  the  strength  of  the  soldiers  exhausted  itself,  the  violence  of 
the  tempest  increased.  The  floods  of  rain  and  the  blasts  of 
the  hurricane  at  last  terminated  the  affray.  The  Spaniards, 
fairly  conquered,  were  compelled  to  a  retreat,  lest  the  rapidly 
rising  river  should  sweep  away  the  frail  and  trembling  bridge, 
over  which  they  had  passed  to  their  unsuccessful  assault 
The  English  and  Netherlanders  remained  masters  of  the 
field.  The  rising  flood,  too,  which  was  fast  converting  the 
meadows  into  a  lake,  was  as  useful  to  the  conquerors  as  it 
was  damaging  to  the  Spaniards, 

In  the  course  of  the  few  following  days,  a  large  number  of 

boats  was  despatched  before  the  very  eyes  of  Parma,  from 

April  -,   Batenburg  into  Grave  ;  Hohenlo,   who  had  "  most 

1686. '  desperately  adventured  his  person"  throughout  the 
whole  affair,  entering  the  town  himself.  A  force  of  five 
hundred  men,  together  with  provisions  enough  to  last  a  year, 
was  thrown  into  the  city,  and  the  course  of  the  Meuse  was, 

'  Strada,  II.  413,  414.     Occurrences  from  Holland,  MS. 


14 


THE    UNITED    NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  L\. 


apparently,  secured  to  the  republic.  In  this  important  action 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  Dutch  and  English  were  killed, 
and  probably  four  hundred  Spaniards,  including  several  dis- 
tinguished ofBcers.^ 

The  Earl  of  Leicester  was  incredibly  elated  so  soon  as 
the  success  of  this  enterprise  was  known.  "  Oh  that  her 
Majesty  knew,"  he  cried,  "  how  easy  a  match  now  she  hath 
with  the  King  of  Spain,  and  what  millions  of  afflicted  people 
she  hath  relieved  in  these  countries.  This  summer,  this 
summer,  I  say,  would  make  an  end  to  her  immortal  glory."  ^ 
He  was  no  friend  to  his  countryman,  the  gallant  Sir  John 
Norris — whom,  however,  he  could  not  help  applauding  on  this 
occasion, — but  he  was  in  raptures  with  Hohenlo.  Next  to 
God,  he  assured  the  Queen's  government  that  the  victory  was 
owing  to  the  Count.  "  He  is  both  a  valiant  man  and  a  wise 
man,  and  the  painfuUest  that  ever  I  knew,"  he  said  ;  adding 
— as  a  secret — that  "  five  hundred  Englishmen  of  the  best 
Flemish  training  had  flatly  and  shamefully  run  away,"  when 
the  fight  had  been  renewed  by  Hohenlo  and  Norris.  He 
recommended  that  her  Majesty  should  send  her  picture  to 
the  Count,  worth  two  hundred  pounds,  which  he  would  value 
at  more  than  one  thousand  pounds  in  money,  and  he  added 
that  "for  her  sake  the  Count  had  greatly  left  his  drink- 
ing."^ 


1  Leicester  to   Burghley,    April     -, 

1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)    R.  Cavendish 

to   Burghley,    April  -,    1586.      (S.  P. 

Office     MS.)       Lord    WiUoughby     to 

Burghley,  -  April,  1586,     (S.  P.  Office 

MS.)  Occurrences  from  Holland,  MS. 
Bruce's  Leyc.   Corresp.'  226,  244,  245, 

252,    253.      Parma    to    Philip  IL     - 

April  and  9  May,  1586.     (Archivo  de 

Siinancas,  MS.) 

2 
Lord   North  to  Burghley,  —     May, 

1586.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  "  Count  Hol- 
lock  performed  this  service  with  wis- 
dom and  most  valiantly  in  his  own 
person.  I  cannot  give  him  too  much 
praise,  because  there  is  so  much  due 


to  him." 

Compare  Strada,  II.  413,  414.  Me- 
teren,  xiii.  234.  Hoofd,  155,  seq.  et  al. 
It  is  of  slight  consequence,  at  the  pre- 
sent day,  to  know  the  exact  number  of 
the  combatants  who  perished  in  this 
hotly-contested,  but  now  forgotten 
field.  As  a  specimen  of  conflicting 
statistics,  after  a  battle,  it  is  worth 
while  to  observe  tliat,  according  to  some 
eye-witnesses,  nine  hundred  Spaniards 
were  kUled,  and,  according  to  others, 
thirty,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
statement  of  the  loss  sustained  by 
their  antagonists  varied  from  fifty  to 
seven  hundred. 

Ji  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  264,  May 

-,  1586. 
18 

•  Bruce's  •  Leyc.  Corresp.'  246. 


1686.  ST.  GEORGE'S-DAT  KEPT   AT  UTRECHT.  15 

As  for  the  Prince  of  Parma,  Leicester  looked  upon  him  as 
conclusively  beaten.  He  spoke  of  him  as  "  marvellously  ap- 
palled "  by  this  overthrow  of  his  forces,  but  he  assured  the 
government  that  if  the  Prince's  "  choler  should  press  him  to 
seek  revenge,"  he  should  soon  be  driven  out  of  the  country. 
The  Earl  would  follow  him  "at  an  inch,"  and  effectually 
frustrate  all  his  undertakings.  "  If  the  Spaniard  have  such  a 
May  as  he  has  had  an  April,"  said  Lord  North,  "it  will  put 
water  in  his  wine."^ 

Meantime,  as  St.  George's  Day  was  approaching,  and  as  the 
Earl  was  fond  of  banquets  and  ceremonies,  it  was  thought 
desirable  to  hold  a  great  triumphal  feast  at  Utrecht.  His 
journey  to  that  city  from  the  Hague  was  a  triumphal  proces- 
sion. In  all  the  towns  through  which  he  passed  he  was 
entertained  with  military  display,  pompous  harangues,  inter- 
ludes, dumb  shows,  and  allegories.  At  Amsterdam — a  city 
which  he  compared  to  Venice  for  situation  and  splendour,  and 
where  one  thousand  ships  were  constantly  lying — he  was 
received  with  "sundry  great  whales  and  other  fishes  of 
hugeness,"  that  gambolled  about  his  vessel,  and  convoyed  him 
to  the  shore.  These  monsters  of  the  deep  presented  him  to 
the  burgomaster  and  magistrates  who  were  awaiting  him  on 
the  quay.  The  burgomaster  made  him  a  Latin  oration,  to 
which  Dr.  Bartholomew  Clerk  responded,  and  then  the  Earl 
was  ushered  to  the  grand  square,  upon  which,  in  his  honour  a 
magnificent  living  picture  was  exhibited,  in  which  he  figured 
as  Moses,  at  the  head  of  the  Israelites,  smiting  the  Philistines 
hip  and  thigh.-  After  much  mighty  banqueting  in  Amster- 
dam, as  in  the  other  cities,  the  governor-general  came  to 
Utrecht.  Through  the  streets  of  this  antique  and  most  pic- 
turesque city  flows  the  palsied  current  of  the  Khine,  and  every 
barge  and  bridge  were  decorated  with  the  flowers  of  spring. 
Upon  this  spot,  where,  eight  centuries  before  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Willebrod  had  first  astonished    the  wild   Frisians   with   the 

•  North  to  Burghley,  -  May,  1586.    S.  P.  Office  MS. 
*  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  476,  seq. 


IQ  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cdap.  IX. 

pacific  doctrines  of  Jesus,  and  had  been  stoned  to  deatli  as  his 
reward,  stood  now  a  more  arrogant  representative  of  English 
piety.  The  balconicjs  were  crowded  with  fair  women,  and 
decorated  with  scarves  and  banners.  From  the  Earl's  resi- 
dence— the  ancient  palace  of  tlie  Knights  of  Rhodes — to  the 
cathedral,  the  way  was  lined  with  a  double  row  of  burgher 
guards,  wearing  red  roses  on  their  arms,  and  apparelled  in 
the  splendid  uniforms  for  wliich  the  Netherlanders  were  cele- 
brated. Trumpeters  in  scarlet  and  silver,  barons,  knights, 
and  great  officers,  in  cloth  of  gold  and  silks  of  all  colours  ;  the 
young  Earl  of  Essex,  whose  career  was  to  be  so  romantic,  and 
whose  fate  so  tragic  ;  those  two  ominous  personages,  the 
deposed  little  archbishop-elector  of  Cologne,  with  his  melan- 
choly face,  and  the  unlucky  Don  Antonio,  Pretender  of  Por- 
tugal, for  whom,  dead  or  alive,  thirty  thousand  crowns  and  a 
dukedom '  were  perpetually  offered  by  Philip  II. ;  young 
Maurice  of  Nassau,  the  future  controller  of  European  destinies; 
great  counsellors  of  state,  gentlemen,  guardsmen,  and  port- 
cullis-herald, with  the  coat  of  arms  of  Elizabeth,  rode  in 
solemn  procession  along.  Then  great  Leicester  himself, 
"  most  princelike  in  the  robes  of  his  order,"  guarded  by  a 
troop  of  burghers,  and  by  his  own  fifty  halberd-men  in  scarlet 
cloaks  trimmed  with  white  and  jjurple  velvet,  pranced 
gorgeously  by.^ 

The  ancient  cathedral,  built  on  the  spot  where  Saint 
Willebrod  had  once  ministered,  with  its  light,  tapering,  brick 
tower,  three  hundred  and  sixty  feet  in  height,  its  exquisitely 
muUioned  windows,  and  its  elegantly  foliaged  columns,  soon 
received  the  glittering  throng.  Hence,  after  due  religious 
ceremonies,  and  an  English  sermon  from  Master  Knewstubs, 
Leicester's  chaplain,  was  a  solemn  march  back  April 
again  to  the  palace,  where  a  stupendous  banquet  was  ^^^^• 
already  laid  in  the  great  hall.^ 

On  the  dais  at  the  upper  end  of  the  table,  blazing  with 

'  Declaration  of  Don  Antonio,  inBor,  II.  769. 
»  Holingshed,  iv.  658,  sej.     Stowe,  "717.     Hoofd,  Vervolgh,  145.         'Ibid, 


1586.  ST.    GEORGE'S   DAY   KEPT   AT   UTRECHT.  I7 

plate  and  crystal,  stood  the  royal  chair,  with  the  Queen's  plate 
and  knife  and  fork  before  it,  exactly  as  if  she  had  been 
present,  while  Leicester's  trencher  and  stool  were  set  respect- 
fully quite  at  the  edge  of  the  board.  In  the  neighbourhood 
of  this  post  of  honour  sat  Count  Maurice,  the  Elector,  the 
Pretender,  and  many  illustrious  English  personages,  with  the 
fair  Agnes  Mansfeld,  Princess  Chimay,  the  daughters  of 
William  the  Silent,  and  other  dames  of  high  degree. 

Before  the  covers  were  removed,  came  limping  up  to  the 
dais  grim-visaged  Martin  Schenk,  freshly  wounded,  but 
triumphant,  from  the  sack  of  Werll,  and  black  John  Norris, 
scarcely  cured  of  the  spear-wounds  in  his  face  and  breast 
received  at  the  relief  of  Grave.  The  sword  of  knighthood' 
was  laid  upon  the  shoulder  of  each  hero,  by  the  Earl  of 
Leicester,  as  her  Majesty's  vicegerent  ;  and  then  the  ushers 
marshalled  the  mighty  feast.  Meats  in  the  shape  of  lions, 
tigers,  dragons,  and  leopards,  flanked  by  peacocks,  swans, 
pheasants,  and  turkeys  "in  their  natural  feathers  as  in  their 
greatest  pride,"  disappeared,  course  after  course, — sonorous 
metal  blowing  meanwhile  the  most  triumphant  airs.  After 
the  banquet  came  dancing,  vaulting,  tumbling,  together  with 
the  "  forces  of  Hercules,  which  gave  great  delight  to  the 
strangers,"  after  which  the  company  separated  until  even- 
song. 

Then  again,  "  great  was  the  feast,"  says  the  chronicler, — ■ 
a  mighty  supper  following  hard  uj)on  the  gigantic  dinner. 
After  this  there  was  tilting  at  the  barriers,  the  young  Earl  of 
Essex  and  other  knights  bearing  themselves  more  chivalrously 
than  would  seem  to  comport  with  so  much  eating  and  drinking. 
Then,  horrible  to  relate,  came  another  "  most  sumptuous 
banquet     of    sugar-meates    for    the     men-at-arms     and    the 


'  Bor.  II.  690,  700.  Stowe,  Holin- 
shed,   ubi  sup.     '  Leyc.    Corresp.'   252, 

253,  April  -',  1586. 

"  Shenks  is  a  worthy  fellow,"  said 
Leicester,  who  never  could  get  nearer 
than  this  to  the  name  of  the  terrible 
partisan,     lie  also  mentioned   that  he 

VOL.  n. — C 


had  given  the  worthy  fellow  a  chain, 
as  from  her  Majesty;  adding,  with  an 
eye  to  Elizabeth's  thrift,  that  if  she 
tliought  he  had  paid  too  much  for  it, 
he  would  cheerfully  pay  the  balance 
over  what  seemed  the  right  sum  out 
of  his  own  pocket.  'Leyc.  Corresp.' 
227    22s. 


18 


THI?  UNITKD  NKTHI-MlT.ANnK 


Chai'.  IX. 


ladies,"  after  which,  it  being  now  midniglit,  the  Lord  of 
Leicester  bade  the  whole  company  good  rest,  and  the  men-at- 
arms  and  ladies  took  their  leave.* 

But  while  all  this  chivalrous  banqueting  and  holiday- 
making  was  in  hand,  the  Prince  of  Parma  was  in  reality  not 
quite  so  much  "  aj)palled"  by  the  relief  of  Grave  as  his  an- 
tagonist had  imagined.  The  Earl,  flushed  with  the  success  of 
Hohenlo,  already  believed  himself  master  of  the  country,  and 
assured  his  government,  that,  if  he  should  be  reasonably  well 
supplied,  he  would  have  Antwerp  back  again  and  Bruges 
besides  "before  mid  June."* 

Never,  said  he,  was  "  the  Prince  of  Parma  so  dejected  nor 
so  melancholy  since  he  came  into  these  countries,  nor  so  far 
out  of  courage."'^  And  it  is  quite  true  that  Alexander  had 
reason  to  be  discouraged.  He  had  but  eight  or  nine 
thousand  men,  and  no  money  to  pay  even  this  little  force. 
The  soldiers  were  perishing  daily,  and  nearly  all  the  survivors 
were  described  by  their  chief  as  sick  or  maimed.  The 
famine  in  the  obedient  Provinces  was  universal,  the  whole 
population  was  desperate  with  hunger  ;  and  the  merchants, 
frightened  by  Drake's  successes,  and  appalled  by  the  ruin  all 
around  them,  drew  their  purse-strings  inexorably.^  "  I  know 
not  to  what  saint  to  devote  myself,"  said  Alexander.^  He  had 
been  compelled,  by  the  movement  before  Grave,  to  withdraw 
Haultepenne  from  the  projected  enterprise  against  Neusz,  and 
he  was  quite  aware  of  the  cheerful  view  which  Leicester  was 
inclined  to  take  of  their  relative  positions.  "  The  English 
think  they  are  going  to  do  great  things,"  said  he,  "  and  con- 
sider themselves  masters  of  the  field."  ^ 

Nevertheless,  on  the  11th  May,  the  dejected  melancholy 
man  had  left  Brussels,  and  joined  his  little  army,  consisting 
of  three  thousand  Spaniards  and  five  thousand  of  all  other 


'    Stowe,     Holinshed,     Bor,     Hoofd, 
ubi  supra. 

.    .  ^  ^  ,  -^  April 

*  'Leyc.  Corresp.' 251, — ,  1586. 


'  Ibid. 

*  "  Cierran    la    bolsa." 


10  May 


Parma    to 


Philip,  9  May,  1586.  (Arch,  de  Si- 
mancas,  MS.) 

5  Same  to  same,  27  April,  1586. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

•  Letter  of  9  May,  MS. 


1586. 


PARMA  LESS  APPALLED  THAN  WAS  THOUGHT. 


19 


nations.^  His  veterans,  though  unpaid,  ragged,  and  half- 
starved,  were  in  raptures  to  have  their  idoHzed  May  ii, 
commander  among  them  again,  and  vowed  that  under  ^^^^• 
his  guidance  there  was  nothing  which  they  could  not  accom- 
plish. The  King's  honour,  his  own,  that  of  the  army,  all  were 
pledged  to  take  the  city.  On  the  success  of  that  enterprise, 
he  said,  depended  all  his  past  conquests,  and  every  hope  for 
the  future.  Leicester  and  the  English,  whom  he  called  the 
head  and  hody  of  the  rebel  forces,  were  equally  pledged  to 
relieve  the  place,  and  were  bent  upon  meeting  him  in  the 
field.^  The  Earl  had  taken  some  forts  in  the  Batavia — 
Betuwe,  or  "good  meadow,"  which  he  pronounced  as  fertile 
and  about  as  large  as  Herefordshire,^ — and  was  now  threaten- 
ing Nymegen,  a  city  which  had  been  gained  for  Philip  by  the 
last  effort  of  Schenk,  on  the  royalist  side.  He  was  now 
observing  Alexander's  demonstrations  against  Grave,  but, 
after  the  recent  success  in  victualling  that  place,  he  felt  a  just 
confidence  in  its  security. 

On  the  31st  May  the  trenches  were  commenced,  and  on 
the  5th  June  the  batteries  were  opened.  The  work  went 
rapidly  forward  when  Farnese  was  in  the  field,  sigt  May, 
"  The  Prince  of  Parma  doth  batter  it  like  a  Prince,"  ^  ^^^^• 
said  Lord  North,  admiring  the  enemy  with  the  enthusiasm  of 
an  honest  soldier.  On  the  6th  of  June,  as  Alexander  rode 
through  the  camp  to  reconnoitre,  previous  to  an  attack,  a  well- 
directed  cannon  ball  carried  away  the  hinder  half  of  his  horse."^ 
The  Prince  fell  to  the  ground,  and,  for  a  moment,  dismay 
was  in  the  Spanish  ranks.  At  the  next  instant,  though 
somewhat  bruised,  he  was  on  his  feet  again,  and,  having 
found  the  breach  sufficiently  promising,  he  determined  on  the 
assault. 

As  a  preliminary  measure,  he  wished   to  occupy  a  tower 


«  Parma  to  Philip  II.  27  May.  1686. 
(Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

'  Parma  to  Philip  II.  27  May,  11 
June,  1586.     (Ibid.) 

3  Leicester  to  the   Queen,  27   May, 


1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

♦  North  to  Burghley,  29  May,  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

s  Stowe,  718.     Strada  IL  416. 


20  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS  Citai-.  IX 

which  had  been  battered  nearly  to  ruins,  situate  near  the 
river.  Captain  de  Solis  was  ordered,  with  sixty  veterans,  to 
take  possession  of  this  tower,  and  to  "  have  a  look  at  the 
countenance  of  the  enemy,  without  amusing  himself  with 
anything  else."^  The  tower  was  soon  secured,  but  Solis,  in 
disobedience  to  his  written  instructions^  led  his  men  against 
the  ravelin,  which  was  still  in  a  state  of  perfect  defence.  A 
musket-ball  soon  stretched  him  dead  beneath  the  wall,  and  his 
followers,  still  attempting  to  enter  the  impracticable  breach, 
were  repelled  by  a  shower  of  stones  and  blazing  pitch-hoops. 
Hot  sand,  too,  poured  from  sieves  and  baskets,  insinuated 
itself  within  the  armour  of  the  Spaniards,  and  occasioned 
such  exquisite  suffering,  that  many  threw  themselves  into  the 
river  to  allay  the  pain.  Emerging  refreshed,  but  confused, 
they  attempted  in  vain  to  renew  the  onset.  Several  of  the 
little  band  were  slain,  the  assault  was  quite  unsuccessful,  and 
the  trumpet  sounded  a  recal.^  So  completely  discomfited 
were  the  Spaniards  by  this  repulse,  and  so  thoroughly  at  their 
ease  were  the  besieged,  that  a  soldier  let  himself  down  from 
the  ramparts  of  the  town  for  the  sake  of  plundering  the  body 
of  Captain  Solis,  who  was  richly  dressed,  and,  having  accom- 
plished this  feat,  was  quietly  helped  back  again  by  liis  com- 
rades from  above.* 

To  the  surprise  of  the  besiegers,  however,  on  the  very  next 
morning  came  a  request  from  the  governor  of  the  city.  Baron 
Hemart,  to  negociate  for  a  surrender.  Alexander  was,  natu- 
rally, but  too  glad  to  grant  easy  terms,  and  upon  the  7th 
of  June  the  garrison  left  the  town  with  colours  displayed  and 
drums  beating,  and  the  Prince  of  Parma  marched  into  it,  at 
the  head  of  his  troops.  He  found  a  year's  provision  there  for 
six  thousand  men,  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  walls  had 
suffered  so  little,  that  he  must  have  been  obliged  to  wait  long 
for  a  practicable  breach.^ 


1  Parma   to  Philip,   11  June,    1586. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

2  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  MS-  just  cited. 

3  Strada,  II.  417.     Bor,  II.  707,  708. 


<  Bruce'g  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  283. 

5  Strada,  II.  418.  Bor,  II.  707,  T08. 
Parma  to  Philip  11.  27  Mar,  11  Junf, 
1586.   (Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.)   North 


1586. 


HE   BESIEGES   AND   REDUCES   GRAVK 


21 


"  There  was  no  good  reason  even  for  women  to  have  sur- 
rendered the  place,"  exclaimed  Leicester,  when  he  heard  the 
news.'  And  the  Earl  had  cause  to  be  enraged  at  such  a 
result.  He  had  received  a  letter  only  the  day  before,  signed 
by  Hemart  himseir  and  by  all  the  officers  in  Grave,  asserting 
their  determination  and  ability  to  hold  the  place  for  a  good 
five  months,  or  for  an  indefinite  period,  and  until  they  should 
be  relieved.  And  indeed  all  the  officers,  with  tliree  exceptions, 
had  protested  against  the  base  surrender.  But  at  the  bottom 
of  the  catastrophe — of  the  disastrous  loss  of  the  city  and  the 
utter  ruin  of  young  Hemart — was  a  woman.  The  governor 
was  governed  by  his  mistress,  a  lady  of  good  family  in  the 
place,  but  of  Spanish  inclinations,  and  she,  for  some  mys- 
terious reasons,  had  persuaded  him  thus  voluntarily  to  capi- 
tulate.^ 

Parma  lost  no  time,  however,  in  exulting  over  his  success. 
Upon  the  same  day  the  towns  of  Megen  and  Batenburg  sur- 
rendered to  him,  and  immediately  afterwards  siege  was  laid 
to  Venlo,  a  town  of  importance,  lying  thirty  miles  farther  up 
the  Meuse.  The  wife  and  family  of  Martin  Schenk  were  in 
the  city,  together  with  two  hundred  horses,  and  from  forty  to 
one  hundred  thousand  crowns  in  money,  plate,  and  furniture 
belonging  to  him.* 

That  bold  partisan,  accompanied  by  the  mad  Welshman, 


29  May 

to  Burghley, 1'   1586.    (S.  P.  Office 

8  June 

MS.)     Leicester  to  the  Queen,  —   June, 

1586.     (Ibid.) 

'  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  288. 

*  Meteren,  xiii.  235.  Bruce's  '  Leyc. 
Corresp.'     299-310.      Strada,    11.    418. 

6 
Leicester  to  the  Queen,  —  June,  1586. 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.)     North  to  Burghley, 

'-^  June,  1586.     (Ibid.) 

"The  governor,  Hemart,"  said 
North,  "  is  a  gentleman  of  Gelder,  of 
great  kindred,  living,  and  acquaint- 
ance. There  be  many  vehement  pre- 
sumptions to  argue  a  treacherous 
practice  with  the  enemy.  The  best 
tUat  cait  be  wadv  of  it  vvaa  woat  vile 


cowardice,  mixed  with  such  negligence 
as  is  unspeakable.  In  the  time  of  that 
siege  he  spent  his  time  in  his  house, 
followed  with  his  harlot,  and  when  he 
came  abroad  he  could  not  be  gotten 
by  entreaty  of  captains,  burghers,  or 
soldiers  to  do  anything  for  the  defence 
of  the  town,  but  straightway  entered 
into  a  continence  of  the  people,  wish- 
ing rather  to  give  up  the  town  than 
suffer  the  blood  of  so  many  innocents 
to  be  spilt.  Which  purpose  he  did  pro- 
secute with  speed,  and  sent  a  drum  to 
the  enemy  for  parley.  The  town  waa 
impossible  to  be  assaulted,"  &c.  &c. 

a    -VT        ,  T,         ,  ,  26  June 

'  North   to   Burghley  ,   1586. 

6  July 

(S.  p.  Office  MS.)    T.  Doyley  to  Burgh- 

ley,  ^^'-,  1586.      (S,   P.   Office  MS.) 
i  July  ' 


22  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.   IX 

Roger  Williams,  at  the  head  of  one  hundred  and  thirty 
English  lances  and  thirty  of  Schenk's  men,  made  a  wild 
nocturnal  attempt  to  cut  their  way  through  the  besieging  force, 
and  penetrate  to  the  city.  They  passed  through  the  enemy's 
lines,  killed  all  the  corps-de-garde,  and  many  Spanish  troopers 
— the  terrible  Martin's  own  hand  being  most  effective  in  this 
midnight  slaughter — and  reached  the  very  door  of  Parma's 
tent,  where  they  killed  his  secretary  and  many  of  his  guards. 
It  was  even  reported,  and  generally  believed,  that  Farnese 
himself  had  been  in  imminent  danger,  that  Schenk  had  fired 
his  pistol  at  him  unsuccessfully,  and  had  then  struck  him  on 
the  liead  with  its  butt-end,  and  that  the  Prince  had  only  saved 
his  life  by  leaping  from  his  horse,  and  scrambling  through  a 
ditch.'  But  these  seem  to  have  been  fables.  The  alarm  at 
last  became  general,  the  dawn  of  a  summer's  day  was  fast 
approaching,  the  drums  beat  to  arms,  and  the  bold  marauders 
were  obliged  to  effect  their  retreat,  as  they  best  might,  hotly 
pursued  by  near  two  thousand  men.  Having  slain  many  of 
the  Spanish  army,  and  lost  nearly  half  their  own  number, 
they  at  last  obtained  shelter  in  Wachtendonk.^ 

Soon  afterwards  the  place  capitulated  without  waiting  for  a 

battery,  upon  moderate  terms.     Schenk's  wife  was  sent  away 

28  June,    courteously  with  her  family,  in  a  coach   and   four, 

1586.      ajj(j  with  as  much  "apparel"  as   might   be  carried 

with   her.     His   property  was  confiscated,  for  "  no  fair  wars 

could  be  made  with  him."  ^ 

Thus,  within  a  few  weeks  after  taking  the  field,  the 
"dejected,  melancholy"  man,  who  was  so  "  out  of  courage," 
and  the  soldiers  who  were  so  "marvellously  beginning  to  run 
away  " — according  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester — had  swept  their 
enemy  from  eveiy  town  on  the  Meuse.     That  river  was  now. 


»  North  to  Burffhley,  —  June,  1586. 

26 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

2  Ibid.     Meteren,  xiii.  235.     Doyley 

24  Jane 

to  Burghley,  ,  1586.    (S.  P.  Office 

MS.) 

'  Doyley  to  Burghley,  ubi  sup.     Lei- 


_  26  June 

cester  to  the  Queen, ,  1586.  (S.  P. 

6  July 

Office  MS.)  North  to  Burghley,  same 
date.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Parma  to 
Philip  II.  8  July,  1586.  (Arch,  de 
Simancas,  MS.)  Compare  Strada,  IL 
423.     Meteren,  xiiL  235. 


1586.  AND  IS  MASTER  OF  THE   MEUSB.  23 

throughout  its  whole  course,  in  the  power  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  Province  of  Brabant  became  thoroughly  guarded  again 
by  its  foss,  and  the  enemy's  road  was  opened  into  the  northern 
Provinces. 

Leicester,  meantime,  had  not  distinguished  himself  It 
must  be  confessed  that  he  had  been  sadly  outgeneralled. 
The  man  who  had  talked  of  following  the  enemy  inch  by 
inch,  and  who  had  pledged  himself  not  only  to  protect  Grave, 
and  any  other  place  that  miglit  be  attacked,  but  even  to 
recover  Antwerp  and  Bruges  within  a  f(3W  weeks,  had  wasted 
the  time  in  very  desultory  operations.  After  the  St.  George 
feasting,  Knewstub  sermons,  and  forces  of  Hercules,  were  all 
finished,  the  Earl  had  taken  the  field  with  five  thousand  foot 
and  fifteen  hundred  horse.  His  intention  was  to  clear  the 
Yssel,  by  getting  possession  of  Doesburg  and  Zutphen,  but, 
hearing  of  Parma's  demonstrations  upon  Grave,  he  abandoned 
the  contemplated  siege  of  those  cities,  and  came  to  Arnheim. 
He  then  crossed  the  Rhine  into  the  Isle  of  Batavia,  and 
thence,  after  taking  a  few  sconces  of  inferior  importance — 
while  Schenk,  meanwhile,  was  building  on  the  Island  of 
Graven weert,  at  the  bifurcation  of  the  Rhine  and  Waal,  the 
sconce  so  celebrated  a  century  later  as  '  Schenk's  Fort ' 
(Schenkenschans) — he  was  preparing  to  pass  the  Waal  in 
order  to  attack  Farnese,  when  he  heard,  to  his  astonishment, 
of  the  surrender  of  Grave."  ' 

He  could  therefore — to  his  chagrin — no  longer  save  that 
important  city,  but  he  could,  at  least,  cut  ofi"  the  head  of  the 
culprit.  Leicester  was  in  -Bommel  when  he  heard  of  Baron 
Hemart's  faint-heartedness  or  treachery,  and  his  wrath  was 
extravagant  in  proportion  to  the  exultation  with  which  his 
previous  success  had  inspired  him.  He  breathed  nothing  but 
revenge  against  the  coward  and  the  traitor,  who  had  delivered 
up  the  town  in  "  silch  lewd  and  beastly  sort.^ 

"  I  will  never  depart  hence,"  he  said,"  till  by  the  goodness 

'  Meteren,  xiii.  2.^5»". 
Leicestor  to  tlie  Q'lften.      June.  ir>8G.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


24 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IX 


of  God  I  be  satisfied  someway  of  this  villain's  treachery."^ 
There  could  be  little  doubt  that  Hemart  deserved  punishment. 
There  could  be  as  little  that  Leicester  would  mete  it  out  to 
him  in  ample  measure.  "  The  lewd  villain  who  gave  up 
Grave,"  said  he,  "  and  the  captains  as  deep  in  fault  as  himself, 
shall  all  suffer  together."  ^ 

Hemart  came  boldly  to  meet  him.  "  The  honest  man  came 
to  me  at  Bommel,"  said  Leicester,  and  he  assured  the  govern- 
ment that  it  was  in  the  hope  of  persuading  the  magistrates  of 
that  and  other  towns  to  imitate  his  own  treachery.^ 

But  the   magistrates   straightway  delivered  the  culprit  to 

the   governor-general,    who   immediately   placed    him   under 

26  June,  arrest.    A  court-martial  was  summoned,  26th  of  June, 

^^^^-  at  Utrecht,  consisting  of  Hohenlo,  Essex,  and  other 
distinguished  officers.  They  found  that  the  conduct  of  the 
prisoner  merited  death,  but  left  it  to  the  Earl  to  decide 
whether  various  extenuating  circumstances  did  not  justify  a 
j)ardon.'*  Hohenlo  and  Norris  exerted  themselves  to  procure 
a  mitigation  of  the  young  man's  sentence,  and  they  excited 
thereby  the  governor's  deep  indignation.  Norris,  accord- 
ing to  Leicester,  was  in  love  with  the  culprit's  aunt,  and 
was  therefore  especially  desirous  of  saving  his  life.^  More- 
over, much  use  was  made  of  the  discredit  which  had  been 
thrown  by  the  Queen  on  the  Earl's  authority,  and  it  was 
openly  maintained,  that,  being  no  longer  governor-general, 
he  had  no  authority  to  order  execution  upon  a  Netherland 
officer.^ 

The  favourable  circumstances  urged  in  the  case,  were,  that 
Hemart  was  a  young  man,  without  experience  in  military 
matters,  and  that  he  had  been  overcome  by  the  supplications 
and  outcries  of  the  women,  panic-struck  after  the  first  assault. 
There  were  no  direct  proofs  of  treachery,  or  even  of  personal 


'  Bruce's  '  Leyc  Corresp.'  285. 
»  Ibid.  287. 

*  Leicester   to    the   Queen,    MS.  be- 
fore cited. 

*  North  to  Burgbley,  —  June,  1586. 


(S.    P.   Office  MS.)     Hoord,  Vervolgh, 
156. 

*  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  301,   310, 
313. 

u 
Leicester   to   the    Queen,  —  Juna 

'24 

1586.     (S.  r.  Office  MS.) 


158G. 


LEICESTER'S  RAGE  AT  SURREISiDER  OF  GRAVE. 


25 


cowardice.  He  begged  hard  for  a  pardon,  not  on  account  of 
his  hfe,  but  for  the  sake  of  his  reputation.  He  earnestly 
implored  permission  to  serve  under  the  Queen  of  England,  as 
a  private  soldier,  without  pay,  on  land  or  sea,  for  as  many 
years  as  she  should  specify,  and  to  be  selected  for  the  most 
dangerous  employments,  in  order  that,  before  he  died,  he 
might  wipe  out  the  disgrace,  which,  through  his  fault,  in  an 
hour  of  weakness,  had  come  upon  an  ancient  and  honourable 
house.'  Much  interest  was  made  for  him — his  family  connec- 
tion being  powerful — and  a  general  impression  prevailing 
that  he  had  erred  through  folly  rather  than  deep  guilt. 
But  Leicester  beating  himself  uj^on  the  breast — as  he  was 
wont  when  excited — swore  that  there  should  be  no  pardon 
for  such  a  traitor.^  The  States  of  Holland  and  Zeeland, 
likewise,  were  decidedly  in  favour  of  a  severe  example.^ 

Hemart  was  accordingly  led  to  the  scaffold  on  the  28th 
June.  He  spoke  to  the  people  with  great  calmness,  and,  in 
20th  June,  two  languages,  French  and  Flemish,  declared  that 
1586.  he  was  guiltless  of  treachery,  but  that  the  terror 
and  tears  of  the  women,  in  an  hour  of  panic,  had  made  a 
coward  of  him.*  He  was  beheaded,  standing.  The  two 
captains,  Du  Ban  and  Koeboekum,  who  had  also  been  con- 
demned, suffered  with  him.^  A  third  captain,  likewise  con- 
victed, was,  "for  very  just  cause,"  pardoned  by  Leicester.*' 
The  Earl  persisted  in  believing  that  Hemart  had  surrendered 
the  city  as  part  of  a  deliberate  plan,  and  affirmed  that  in  such 
a  time,  when  men  had  come  to  think  no  more  of  giving  up  a 
town  than  of  abandoning  a  house,  it  was  highly  necessary  to 
afford  an  example  to  traitors  and  satisfaction  to  the  people.' 
And  the  people  were  thoroughly  satisfied,  according  to  the 
governor,  and  only  expressed  their  regret  that  three  or  four 
members  of  the   States-General  could  not    have  their   heads 


^  Hoofd,  Yervolgh,  156.  Meteren, 
xiii.   235*0. 

"  Hoofd,  tihi  supra. 

"  '  Resol.  Holl,'  24  June,  1  July, 
1586,  bl.  220.     Wagenaar,  viii.  128. 

*  Hoofd,     Meteren,    Wagenaar,     uhi 


sup. 
"  Ibid. 

IS 

Leicester    to     Burghley,   ~  June, 

1586.     (S.P.  OfBce  MS.) 

'  Bruce,  'Leyc.  Corresp.,'  309  seq. 


26 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IX. 


cut  off  a8  well,  being  as  arrant  knaves  as  Hemart ;  "  and  so  I 
think  they  be,"  added  Leicester.' 

Parma  having  thus  made  himself  master  of  the  Meuse,  lost 
no  time  in  making  a  demonstration  upon  the  parallel  course 
of  the  Rhine,  thirty  miles  farther  east.^  Schenk,  Kloet,  and 
other  partisans,  kept  that  portion  of  the  archi-episcopate  and 
of  Westphalia  in  a  state  of  perpetual  commotion.^  Early 
in  the  preceding  year,  Count  de  Meurs  had,  by  a  fortunate 
stratagem,  captured  the  town  of  Neusz  for  the  deposed  elector, 
and  Herman  Kloet,  a  young  and  most  determined  Geldrian 
soldier,  now  commanded  in  the  place.* 

The  Elector  Ernest  had  made  a  visit  in  disguise  to  the 
camp  of  Parma,  and  had  represented  the  necessity  of  recover- 
ing the  city.  It  had  become  the  stronghold  of  heretics,  rebels, 
and  banditti.  The  Rhine  was  in  their  hands,  and  with  it  the  per- 
petual power  of  disturbing  the  loyal  Netherlands.  It  was  as  much 
the  interest  of  his  Catholic  Majesty  as  that  of  the  Archbishop 
that  Neusz  should  be  restored  to  its  lawful  owner.  Parma 
had  felt  the  force  of  this  reasoning,  and  had  early  in  the 
year  sent  Haultepenne  to  invest  the  city.  He  had  been 
obliged  to  recal  that  commander  during  the  siege  of  Grave. 
The  place  being  reduced,  Alexander,  before  the  grass  could 
grow  beneath  his  feet  advanced  to  the  Rhine  in  person. 
Early  in  July  he  appeared  before  the  walls  of  Neusz  with 
eight  thousand  foot  and  two  thousand  horse.  The  garrison 
under  Kloet  numbered  scarcely  more  than  sixteen  hundred 
effective  soldiers,^  all  Netherlanders  and  Germans,  none  being 
English. 

The  city  is  twenty  miles  below  Cologne.  It  was  so  well 
fortified  that  a  century  before  it  had  stood  a  year's  siege  from 
the  famous  Charles  the  Bold,  who,  after  all,  had  been  obliged 
to  retire.*     It  had  also  resisted  the  strenuous  efforts  of  Charles 


*  Leicester   to    the   Queen,  —   June, 


1586. 


Same  to  Burghley,— June,  158G. 


(S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 

»  Pama  to  Philip  II.  8  July,  1586. 


(Arch,  de  Sim.ancas,  MS.) 

3  Wagenaar,  viii.   131.     Hoofd.    Ver- 
volgh,  154. 

*  Strada,  II.  425.  Wagenaar,  viiL  132. 
5  Strada,  &c.,  MS.  just  cited. 

•  Meteren,  xiiL  235™. 


1586. 


HIS   REVENGE— PARMA   ON  THE   RHINE. 


27 


the  Fifth/  and  was  now  stronger  than  it  ever  had  been. 
It  was  thoroughly  well  provisioned,  so  that  it  was  safe  enough 
"if  those  within  it/' said  Leicester,  "be  men."^  The  Earl 
expressed  the  opinion,  however,  that  "  those  fellows  were  not 
good  to  defend  towns,  unless  the  besiegers  were  obliged  to 
swim  to  the  attack."  ^  The  issue  was  to  show  whether  the 
sarcasm  were  just  or  not.  Meantime  the  town  was  considered 
by  the  governor-general  to  be  secure,  "unless  towns  were 
to  be  had  for  the  asking."^ 

Neusz  is  not  immediately  upon  the  Rhine,  but  that  river, 
which  sweeps  away  in  a  north-easterly  direction  from  the 
walls,  throws  out  an  arm  which  completely  encircles  the  town. 
A  part  of  the  place,  cut  into  an  island  by  the  Erpt,  was 
strengthened  by  two  redoubts.  This  island  was  abandoned, 
as  being  too  weak  to  hold,  and  the  Spaniards  took  possession 
of  it  immediately.^  There  were  various  preliminary  and 
sanguinary  sorties  and  skirmishes,  during  which  the  Spaniards 
after  having  been  once  driven  from  the  island,  again  occupied 
that  position.  Archbishop  Ernest  came  into  the  camp,  and, 
before  proceeding  to  a  cannonade,  Parma  offered  to  the  city  cer- 
tain terms  of  capitulation,  which  were  approved  by  that  prelate. 
Kloet  replied  to  this  proposal,  that  he  was  wedded  to  the  town 
and  to  his  honour,  which  were  as  one.  These  he  was  incapable 
of  sacrificing,  but  his  life  he  was  ready  to  lay  down.^  There 
was,  through  some  misapprehension,  a  delay  in  reporting  this 
answer  to  Farnese.  Meantime  that  general  became  impatient, 
and  advanced  to  the  battery  of  the  Italian  regiment.  Pre- 
tending to  be  a  plenipotentiary  from  the  commander-in- 
chief,  he  expostulated  in  a  loud  voice  at  the  slowness  of  their 
counsels.  Hardly  had  he  begun  to  speak,  when  a  shower  of 
balls  rattled  about  him.  His  own  soldiers  were  terrified  at 
his  danger,  and  a  cry  arose  in  the  town  that  "  Holofernese" — 


'  Meteren,  xiii.  235'^". 

2  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  250. 

20 

3  Leicester    to     Burghley,    ^ 

1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


July, 


*  Same  to  the  Queen,—   July. 

18 


(S.  r. 


Office  MS.) 

5  Strada,  II.  430. 

*  North  to  Burghley,  26   July,  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


28 


THE  UNITED  NKTHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IX 


as  the  Flemings  and  Grermans  were  accustomed  to  nickname 
Faruese — was  dead.'  Strange  to  relate,  he  was  quite  un- 
harmed, and  walked  back  to  his  tent  with  dignified  slowness 
and  a  very  frowning  face.  It  was  said  that  this  breach  of 
truce  had  been  begun  by  the  Spaniards,  who  had  fired  first, 
and  had  been  immediately  answered  by  the  town.  This  was 
hotly  denied,  and  Parma  sent  Colonel  Tassis  with  a  flag  of 
truce  to  the  commander,  to  rebuke  and  to  desire  an  explana- 
tion of  this  dishonourable  conduct.^ 

The  answer  given,  or  imagined,  was  that  Commander  Kloet 
had  been  sound  asleep,  but  that  he  now  much  regretted  this 
untoward  accident.  The  explanation  was  received  with  deri- 
sion, for  it  seemed  hardly  probable  that  so  young  and  energetic 
a  soldier  would  take  the  opportunity  to  refresh  himself  with 
slumber  at  a  moment  when  a  treaty  for  the  capitulation  of  a 
city  under  his  charge  was  under  discussion.  This  terminated 
the  negociation.^ 

A  few  days  afterwards,  the  feast  of  St.  James  was  celebrated 
in  the  Spanish  camp,  with  bonfires  and  other  demonstrations 
of  hilarity.  The  townsmen  are  said  to  have  desecrated  the 
same  holiday  by  roasting  alive  in  the  market-place  two  un- 
fortunate soldiers,  who  had  been  captured  in  a  sortie  a  few 
days  before  ;  besides  burning  the  body  of  the  holy  Saint  Qui- 
rinus,  with  other  holy  relics.^  The  detestable  deed  was  to 
be  most  horribly  avenged. 

A  steady  cannonade  from  forty-five  great  guns  was  kept  up 
from  2  A.M.  of  July  15  until  the  dawn  of  the  following  day; 

16  July,   the   cannoneers   being   all    provided  with   milk'  and 

1586.     vinegar  to  cool  the  pieces.^     At  daybreak  the  assault 

was  ordered.     Eight   separate   attacks  were   made   with   the 

usual  impetuosity  of  Spaniards,  and  were  steadily  repulsed.® 


'  Hoofd,  Vervolgh,  179. 

'  Strada,  11.  4133.     Hoofd,  uhisup. 

2  Hoofd.  Strada,  ubi  sup.  Me- 
teren,  xiii.  236  seq. 

*  Parma  to  Philip  II.  4  Aug.  1586. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.)  Compare 
Strada  II.  434. 


There  ia  no  authority  but  that  of 
Famese  for  the  statement  of  this 
horrible  crime,  but  I  feel  it  my  duty 
to  record  it. 

5  North  to  Burghley,  26  July,  158& 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

•  Ibid. 


1586. 


HE  BESIEGES  AND  ASSAULTS  NEUSZ. 


29 


At  the  ninth,  the  outer  wall  was  carried,  and  the  Spaniards 
shouting  "  Santiago"  poured  over  it,  bearing  back  all  resistance. 
An  Italian  Knight  of  the  Sepulchre,  Cesar  Guidiccioni  by- 
name, and  a  Spanish  ensign,  one  Alphouso  de  Mesa,  with  his 
colours  in  one  hand  and  a  ladder  in  the  other,  each  claimed 
the  honour  of  having  first  mounted  the  breach.  Both  being 
deemed  equally  worthy  of  reward,  Parma,  after  the  city  had 
been  won,  took  from  his  own  cap  a  sprig  of  jewels  and  a 
golden  wheat-ear  ornamented  with  a  gem,  which  he  had 
himself  worn  in  place  of  a  plume,  and  thus  presented  each 
with  a  brilliant  token  of  his  regard.^  The  wall  was  then 
strengthened  against  the  inner  line  of  fortification,  and  all 
night  long  a  desperate  conflict  was  maintained  in  the  dark 
upon  the  narrow  space  between  the  two  barriers.  Before  day- 
light Kloet,  who  then,  as  always,  had  led  his  men  in  the  most 
desperate  adventures,  was  carried  into  the  town,  wounded  in 
five  places,  and  with  his  leg  almost  severed  at  the  thigh.^ 
"'Tis  the  bravest  man,"  said  the  enthusiastic  Lord  North, 
"  that  was  ever  heard  of  in  the  world."  ^  "  He  is  but  a  boy," 
said  Alexander  Farnese,  "  but  a  commander  of  extraordinary 
capacity  and  valour."  * 

Early  in  the  morning,  when  this  mishap  was  known,  an 
officer  was  sent  to  the  camp  of  the  besiegers  to  treat.  The 
soldiers  received  him  with  furious  laughter,  and  denied  him 
access  to  the  general.  "  Commander  Kloet  had  waked  from 
his  nap  at  a  wrong  time,"  they  said,  "and  the  Prince  of 
Parma  was  now  sound  asleep,  in  his  turn."^  There  was  no 
possibility  of  commencing  a  negociation.  The  Spaniards, 
heated  by  the  conflict,  maddened  by  opposition,  and  inspired 
by  the  desire  to  sack  a  wealthy  city,  overpowered  all  resistance. 
"My  little  soldiers  were  not  to  be  restrained,""  said  Farnese, 
and  so  compelling  a  reluctant  consent  on  the  part  of  the 
commander-in-chief  to  an  assault,  the  Italian  and   Spanish 


'  Strada.  II.  435. 

*  Tbid.  436.     North  to  BurgUey,  MS. 
'  North  to  Burghley,  MS. 

♦  Pi^rwj^  to  Philip,  4  Aug,  1586.  MS, 


'  Strada,  II.  437, 
«  Parma    to    Philip,    4 
(A.rch,  de  Sjmancafi,  MS.) 


Aug.    1586 


30 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IX. 


legions  poured  into  the  town  at  two  opposite  gates,  which 
were  no  longer  strong  enough  to  withstand  the  enemy.  The 
two  streams  met  in  the  heart  of  the  place,  and  swept  every 
living  thing  in  their  path  out  of  existence.  The  garrison  was 
butchered  to  a  man,  and  subsequently  many  of  the  inhabitants 
— men,  women,  and  children — also,  although  the  women,  to 
the  honour  of  Alexander,  had  been  at  first  secured  from  harm 
in  some  of  the  churches,  where  they  had  been  ordered  to  take 
refuge.  The  first  blast  of  indignation  was  against  the  com- 
mandant of  the  place.  Alexander,  who  had  admired  his 
courage,  was  not  unfavourably  disposed  towards  him,  but 
Archbishop  Ernest  vehemently  demanded  his  immediate 
death,  as  a  personal  favour  to  himself.*  As  the  churchman 
was  nominally  sovereign  of  the  city,  although  in  reality  a 
beggarly  dependant  on  Philip's  alms,  Farnese  felt  bound  to 
comply.  The  manner  in  which  it  was  at  first  supposed  that 
the  Bishop's  Christian  request  had  been  complied  with,  sent 
a  shudder  through  every  heart  in  the  Netherlands.  "  They 
took  Kloet,  wounded  as  he  was,"  said  Lord  North,  "and  first 
strangled  him,  then  smeared  him  with  pitch,  and  burnt  him 
with  gunpowder ;  thus,  with  their  holiness,  they  made  a 
tragical  end  of  an  heroical  service.  It  is  wondered  that  the 
Prince  would  suiFer  so  great  an  outrage  to  be  done  to  so  noble 
a  soldier,  who  did  but  his  duty."^ 

But  this  was  an  error.     A  Jesuit  priest^  was  sent  to  the 


'  The  Jesuit  Strada,  II.  438,  is  the 
authority  for  the  statement,  founded 
upon  Alexander's  own  letters ;  more 
of  which  were  before  him  than  can 
now  be  found  in  any  single  collection 
of  documents.  I  have  noticed  very 
few  of  the  Simaneas  letters  relating 
to  Farueae  that  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  at  Strada's  disposal — although,  of 
course,  he  only  gives  a  very  brief  epi- 
tome of  them  in  the  Latin  language 
— while  he  has  used  many  others  of 
which  there  are  no  copies  at  Simaneas. 

»  North  to  Burghley,  f^-  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Leicester's  account 
was  still  more  liorrible — "After  Kloet 
was   brought  to  the  market-place,"  he 


wrote  to  "Walsingham,  "  being  sore- 
wounded  before,  they  laid  him  upon  a 
table,  and  bomid  him,  and  anointed 
him  with  tar  all  over  his  body,  and 
half-strangling  him,  burnt  him  cruelly." 
Brace's  'Leyc.  Corresp.' 369,  "^-^^ 
1586.  '^''^•' 

Other  English  letters  described  the 
fate  of  the  commandant  in  a  similar 
manner,  but  the  crime,  although 
odious,  was  not  quite  so  atrocious  aa 
it  was  at  first  believed  -o  be. 

*  "Ad  quem  lecto  jacentum  misso 
Societatis  Jesu  sacerdote,  cujus  opera 
in  eo  saJtem  mortis  articulo  k  secunda 
86  morte  prjeriperat,"  &c.  Strada,  IL 
438. 


1686.  HORRIBLE  FATE  OF  THE  GARRISON  AND  CITY.  31 

house  of  the  commandant,  for  a  humane  effort  was  thought 
necessary  in  order  to  save  the  soul  of  the  man  whose  life  was 
forfeited  for  the  crime  of  defending  his  city.  The  culprit  was 
found  lying  in  bed.  His  wife,  a  woman  of  remarkable  beauty,' 
with  her  sister,  was  in  attendance  upon  him.  The  spectacle 
of  those  two  fair  women,  nursing  a  wounded  soldier  fallen 
upon  the  field  of  honour,  might  have  softened  devils  with 
sympathy.  But  the  Jesuit  was  closely  followed  by  a  band  of 
soldiers,  who,  notwithstanding  the  supplications  of  the  women, 
and  the  demand  of  Kloet  to  be  indulged  with  a  soldier's; 
death,  tied  a  rope  round  the  commandant's  neck,  dragged 
him  from  his  bed,  and  hanged  him  from  his  own  window. 
The  Calvinist  clergyman,  Fosserus  of  Oppenheim,  the  deacons 
of  the  congregation,  two  military  officers,  and — said  Parma — 
"  forty  other  rascals,"  were  murdered  in  the  same  way  at  the 
same  time.^  The  bodies  remained  at  the  window  till  they 
were  devoured  by  the  flames,  which  soon  consumed  the  house. 
For  a  vast  conflagration,  caused  none  knew  whether  by  acci- 
dent, by  the  despair  of  the  inhabitants,  by  the  previous 
arrangements  of  the  commandant,  by  the  latest-arrived  bands 
of  the  besiegers  enraged  that  the  Italians  and  Spaniards  had 
been  beforehand  with  them  in  the  spoils,  or — as  Farnese  more 
maturely  believed — by  the  special  agency  of  the  Almighty, 
offended  with  the  burning  of  Saint  Quirinus,'  now  came  to 
complete  the  horror  of  the  scene.  Three-quarters  of  the  town 
were  at  once  in  a  blaze.  The  churches,  where  the  affrighted 
women  had  been  cowering  during  the  sack  and  slaughter, 
were  soon  on  fire,  and  now,  amid  the  crash  of  falling  houses 
and  the  uproar  of  the  drunken  soldiery,  those  unhappy  victims 
were  seen  flitting  along  the  flaming  streets,  seeking  refuge 
against  the  fury  of  the  elements  in  the  more  horrible  cruelty 
of  man.  The  fire  lasted  all  day  and  night,  and  not  one  stone 
would  have  been  left  upon  another,  had   not  the  body  of 

»  Strada,  II.  MS.  last  cited,  I  cas,    MS.)      Compare   Strada,    II.   438 

5  "Se  ahorcaron  con  el  comandante,  Meteren,  xiii.   236.     Hoofd,  Vervolgh, 

el  ministro,  los  consistoriantes,  y  qua-  179,  180.     Bor,  It.  f38. 

ranta   otros    vellacos,"    &c.     Parma   to  ^  Strada,  II.  441,  442. 

Philip,  4  Aug.  1586.     (Arch,  de  Siman-  ' 


32  TFIE  UNITED   NBTHERLANDa  Chap.  IX. 

a  second  saint,  saved  on  a  former  occasion  from  the  heretics 
by  the  piety  of  a  citizen,  been  fortunately  deposited  in  his 
house.  At  this  point  the  conflagration  was  stayed — for  the 
flames  refused  to  consume  these  holy  relics' — but  almost 
the  whole  of  the  town  was  destroyed,  while  at  least  four  thou- 
sand people,  citizens  and  soldiers,  had  perished  by  sword  or 
fire."  2 

Three  hundred  survivors  of  the  garrison  took  refuge  in  a 
tower.     Its  base  was  surrounded,  and,  after  brief  parley,  they 

4  Aug.,    descended  as  prisoners.    The  Prince  and  Haultepenne 

1586.  attempted  in  vain  to  protect  them  against  the  fury 
of  the  soldiers,  and  every  man  of  them  was  instantly  put  to 
death.' 

The  next  day,  Alexander  gave  orders  that  the  wife  and 
sister  of  the  commandant  should  be  protected — for  they  had 
escaped,  as  if  by  miracle,  from  all  the  horrors  of  that  day  and 
night — and  sent,  under  escort,  to  their  friends.^  Neusz  had 
nearly  ceased  to  exist,  for,  according  to  contemporaneous 
accounts,  but  eight  houses  had  escaped  destruction. 

And  the  reflection  was  most  painful  to  Leicester  and  to  every 
generous  Englishman  or  Netherlander  in  the  country,  that 
this  important  city  and  its  heroic  defenders  might  have  been 
preserved,  but  for  want  of  harmony  and  want  of  money/ 
Twice  had  the  Earl  got  together  a  force  of  four  thousand  men 
for  the  relief  of  the  place,  and  twice  had  he  been  obliged  to  dis- 
band them  again  for  the  lack  of  funds  to  set  them  in  the  field. 


'  Strada,  II.  440.  ^  Ibid.  442. 

'  Ibid.  439.  4  Ibid.  438. 

'  Bor,  II.  738.  Stowe,  734.  Hoofd, 
Vervolgh,  179,  180.  Meteren,  xiii. 
236,  seq.  Strada,  11.  436-442.  Parma 
to  Philip  II.  4  Aug.  1586.  (Arch,  de 
Simancas,  MS.) 


North    to    Burghley,     '°-^~^,     1586. 


6   Aug. 

Same  to  same,  —  Ausr.  1586.  Leicester 
to  Burghley,  '^^  '^"^'^  •  T.  Cecil  to  same, 
—  July.  B.  Clerke  to  same,  "  "^' 
W.KnoUys  to  same,  l_  Aug.    T.  Dov- 


ley  to   same,   -   Aug.      (S.   P.   Office 
MSS.)  '^  j 

'  Sir  Thomas  Cecil,  eldest  son  of 
the  Lord  Treasurer,  was  then  governor* 
of  the  cautionar}'  town  of  Brill.  It 
had  been  proposed  to  him  to  change 
this  government  for  that  of  Harlington 
in  Friesland,  where  Lord  North  was 
then  installed.  But  Cecil  observed 
that  he  was  "resolved  to  k^ep  the 
Brill  stiU,  as  one  that  would  rather 
keep  a  shrew  he  knoweth  than  a  shrew 
he  knoweth  not."  He  was  much  dis- 
gusted with  the  perpetual  discord 
which   had  succeeded  the  brief  enthu- 


1586. 


WmOII    LEICESTER   WAS    UNABLE    TO    RELIEVE, 


33 


He  had  pawned  his  plate  and  other  valuables/  exhausted  his 
credit,  and  had  nothing  for  it  hut  to  wait  for  the  Qu(^en's  tardy 
remittances,  and  to  wrangle  with  the  States  ;  for  the  leaders 
of  that  body  were  unwilling  to  accord  large  supplies  to  a 
man  who  had  become  personally  suspected  by  them,  and  was 
the  representative  of  a  deeply-suspected  government.  Mean- 
while, one-third  at  least  of  the  money  which  really  found  its 
way  from  time  to  time  out  of  England,  was  filched  from  the 
"poor  starved  wretches,"  as  Leicester  called  his  soldiers,  by 
the  dishonesty  of  Norris,  uncle  of  Sir  John  and  army-trea- 
surer. This  man  was  growing  so  rich  on  his  peculations, 
on  his  commissions,  and  on  his  profits  from  paying  the 
troops  in  a  depreciated  coin,  that  Leicester  declared  the 
whole  revenue  of  his  own  landed  estates  in  England  to  be 
less  than  that  functionary's  annual  income.^  Thus  it  was 
difficult  to  say  whether  the  "  ragged  rogues"  of  Elizabeth  or 
the  maimed  and  neglected  soldiers  of  Philip  were  in  the  more 
pitiable  plight. 

The  only  consolation  in  the  recent  reduction  of  Neusz  was 
to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  Parma  had  only  gained  a  position, 
for  the  town  had  ceased  to  exist ;  and  in  the  fiction  that  he 
had  paid  for  his  triumph  by  the  loss  of  six  thousand  soldiers, 
killed  and  wounded.^  In  reality  not  more  than  five  hundred 
of  Farnese's  armv  lost  their  lives/  and  although  the  town, 


siasra  upon  Leicester's  arrival  The 
■wrangling  between  Leicester  and  his 
ofiBcers,  and  between  them  all  and  the 
States,  offended  the  young  soldier  so 
much  that  he  was  anxious  to  leave  the 
Netherlands.  "  Bravely  was  Nuys  de- 
fended by  Kloet,  but  evil  relieved  by 
us,"  he  wrote  to  his  father.  "Our 
affairs  here  be  such  as  that  which  we 
conclude  overnight  is  broke  in  the 
morning;  we  agree  not  one  with  an- 
other, but  we  are  divided  in  many  fac- 
tions, so  as  if  the  enemy  were  as  strong 
as  we  are  factious  and  irresolute,  I 
think  we  should  make  shipwreck  of 
the  cause   this  summer."     Sir  T.  Cecil 

to  Lord  Burghley,  -  July,  1586.  (S.  P. 
OfBco  MS.) 

VOL.  IL — D 


Aug. 


*  Leicester    to   Burghley,    — 

1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"^  Bruce's  'Levc.  Corresp.'  260,  264, 
299,  303. 

3  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.' 363.  "He 
has  lost  3,000  of  his  soldiers  and 
as  many  hurt."  (!).  Leicester  to 
Walsingham,  27  July,  1586.  "  Of 
the  enemy  not  less  than  3,000  slain," 
said  North,  26  July,  MS.  ubi  supra. 
"  The  town  is  gone,  clean  burnt  to 
the  ground,"  wrote  Leicester  to  Burgh- 
ley, "  and  to  the  number  of  4,000 
dead  in  the  ditches.''^  Letter  of 
29  July  ,,^  ,  . 
.     MS.  ubi  supra. 

8  Aug. 

12 

*  North  to  Burghley,  —  Aug.  MS. 


34 


THE   UNITED    NETHERLANDS, 


Chap.  IX. 


excepting  some  churclios,  had  certainly  been  destroyed  ;  yet 
the  Prince  was  now  master  of  the  Rhine  as  for  as  Cologne, 
and  of  the  Meuse  as  far  as  Grave.  The  famine  which  pressed 
so  sorely  upon  him,  might  now  be  relieved,  and  his  military 
communications  with  Germany  be  considered  secure. 

The  conqueror  now  turned  his  attention  to  Rheinberg, 
twenty-five  miles  farther  down  the  river. ^ 

Sir  Philip  Sidney  had  not  been  well  satisfied  by  the  com- 
parative idleness  in  which,  from  these  various  circumstances, 
he  had  been  compelled  to  remain.  Early  in  the  spring  he 
had  been  desirous  of  making  an  attack  upon  Flanders  by 
capturing  the  town  of  Steenberg.  The  faithful  Roger  Williams 
had  strongly  seconded  the  proposal.  "  We  wish  to  show  your 
Excellency,"  said  he  to  Leicester,  "that  we  are  not  sound 
asleep."^  The  Welshman  was  not  likely  to  be  accused  of 
somnolence,  but  on  this  occasion  Sidney  and  himself  had  been 
overruled.  At  a  later  moment,  and  during  the  siege  of  Neusz, 
Sir  Philip  had  the  satisfaction  of  making  a  successful  foray 
into  Flanders. 

The  expedition  had  been  planned  by  Prince  Maurice  of 
Nassau,  and  was  his  earliest  military  achievement.  He  pro- 
posed carrying  by  surprise  the  city  of  Axel,  a  well-built, 
strongly-fortified  town  on  the  south-western  edge  of  the  great 
Scheldt  estuary,  and  very  important  from  its  position.  Its 
acquisition  would  make  the  hold  of  the  patriots  and  the 
English  upon  Sluys  and  Ostend  more  secure,  and  give  them 
many  opportunities  of  annoying  the  enemy  in  Flanders. 

Early  in  July,  Maurice  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  com- 
municating the  particulars  of  his  scheme,  but  begging  that 
the  affair  might  be  "  very  secretly  handled,"  and  kept  from 
every  one  but  Sidney.  Leicester  accordingly  sent  his  nephew 
to  Maurice  that  they  might  consult  together  upon  the  enter- 
prise, and  make  sure  "  that  there  was  no  ill  intent,  there  being 


1  Bor,    Hoofd,  Meteren,   Strada,   ubi 
supra. 

*    Williams    to    Leicester,    —    Feb. 

27 


1586.     (Brit  Mus.  Galba>  C.  ix.  p.  85. 
MS.) 


158G.  AXEL   SURPRISED   BY   MAURICE   AND   SIDNEY.  35 

80  much  treachery  in  the  world/'i  Sidney  found  no  trea- 
chery in  young  Maurice,  but  only  a  noble  and  intelligent 
love  of  adventure,  and  the  two  arranged  their  plans  in  har- 
mony. 

Leicester,  then,  in  order  to  deceive  the  enemy,  came  to 
Bergen-op-Zoom,  with  five  hundred  men,  where  he  remained 
two  days,  not  sleeping  a  wink,  as  he  averred,  during  ig,  17  juiy 
the  whole  time.  In  the  night  of  Tuesday,  16th  of  ^^^^■ 
July,  the  five  hundred  English  soldiers  were  des23atched  by 
water,  under  charge  of  Lord  Willoughby,  "  who,"  said  the 
Earl,  "  would  needs  go  with  them."  Young  Hatton,  too,  son  of 
Sir  Christopher,  also  volunteered  on  the  service,  "  as  his  first 
nursling."-  Sidney  had  five  hundred  of  his  own  Zeeland 
regiment  in  readiness,  and  the  rendezvous  was  upon  the  broad 
waters  of  the  Scheldt,  opposite  Flushing,^  The  plan  was 
neatly  carried  out,  and  the  united  flotilla,  in  a  dark,  calm, 
midsummer's  night,  rowed  across  the  smooth  estuary  and 
landed  at  Ter  Neuse,  about  a  league  from  Axel.  Here  they 
were  joined  by  Maurice  with  some  Netherland  companies,  and 
the  united  troops,  between  two  and  three  thousand  strong, 
marched  at  once  to  the  place  proposed.  Before  two  in  the 
morning  they  had  reached  Axel,  but  found  the  moat  very 
deep.  Forty  soldiers  immediately  plunged  in,  however,  carry- 
ing their  ladders  with  them,  swam  across,  scaled  the  rampart, 
killed  the  guard,  whom  they  found  asleep  in  their  beds,  and 
opened  the  gates  for  their  comrades.  The  whole  force  then 
marched  in,  the  Dutch  companies  under  Colonel  Pyron  being 
first,  Lord  "Willoughby's  men  being  second,  and  Sir  Philip 
with  his  Zeelanders  bringing  up  the  rear.^  The  garrison, 
between  five  and  six  hundred  in  number,  though  surprised, 
rv'^sisted  gallantly,  and  were  all  put  to  the   sword.     Of  the 


'  Leicester  to  the    Queen,   —   July, 

18 

1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  338. 
'  "Before  Flushing,  upon  the  water, 
that  it  might  be  less  noted."     Leicester 
to  the  Queen,  MS.  before  cited. 

a 

*  Sir  T.    Cecil   to  Lord  Burghley,  — 


July,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

Leicester,  however,  says,  "  My  ne« 
phew  Sidney,  with  his  band,  would 
needs  have  the  flrst  entry,  as  the  me&« 
senger  told  me"  (Letter  to  the  Queen, 
ubi  sup.);  but  the  messenger  seems  to 
have  been  mistaken. 


36 


THE    UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IX. 


invaders,  not  a  single  man  lost  his  life.  Sidney  most  gene- 
rously rewarded  from  bis  own  purse  the  adventurous  soldiers 
who  had  swum  the  moat  ;  and  it  was  to  his  care  and  intelli- 
gence that  the  success  of  Prince  Maurice's  scheme  was  generally 
attributed.  The  achievement  was  hailed  with  great  satisfac- 
tion, and  it  somewhat  raised  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  patriots 
after  their  severe  losses  at  Grave  and  Venlo.  "  This  victory 
hath  happened  in  good  time,"  wrote  Thomas  Cecil  to  his 
father,  "and  hath  made  us  somewhat  to  lift  up  our  heads." '^ 
A  garrison  of  eight  hundred,  under  Colonel  Pyron,  was  left 
in  Axel,  and  the  dykes  around  were  then  pierced.  Upwards 
of  two  millions'  worth  of  property  in  grass,  cattle,  corn,  was 
thus  immediately  destroyed"  in  the  territory  of  the  obedient 
Netherlands. 

After  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  surprise  Gravelines,^  the 
governor  of  which  place,  the  veteran  La  Motte,  was  not  so 
easily  taken  napping.  Sir  Philip  having  gained  much  reputa- 
tion by  this  conquest  of  Axel,  then  joined  the  main  body  of 
the  army,  under  Leicester,  at  Arnheim.^ 

Yet,  after  all.  Sir  Philip  had  not  grown  in  favour  with  her 
Majesty  during  his  service  in  the  Low  Countries.  He  had  also 
been  disappointed  in  the  government  of  Zeeland,  to  which  post 
his  uncle  had  destined  him.  The  cause  of  Leicester's  ambi- 
tion had  been  frustrated  by  the  policy  of  Barneveld  and  Buys, 
in  pursuance  of  which  Count  or  Prince  Maurice — as  he  was 
now  purposely  designated,  in  order  that  his  rank  might  sur- 
pass that  of  the  Earl'' — had  become  stadholder  and  captain- 


'  Cecil  to  Burgbley,  uhi  supra. 

29  July 

1    Leicester     to     Burghley,     

°        "^  8  Aug.' 

1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  Your  Lordship  will  not  believe 
how  the  town  of  Axel  is  like  to  annoy 
these  parts.  There  is  already  so  much 
corn,  cattle,  and  grass  destroyed,  as  is 
worth  two  millions  of  florins." 

3  Meteren,  xiii.  236™. 

*  Letters  of  Leicester  and  of  Sir  T. 
Cecil  above  cited.  Compare  Meteren, 
xiii.  236.  Brooke's  Life  of  Sidney,  II. 
15.     Hoofd,  Yervolgh,  181,   182;   Bor, 


II.  '738;  "Wagenaar,  viii.  134.     Bruce'o 
'Leyc.  Corresp.'  337,  338. 

^  His  elder  brother.  Philip  William, 
son  of  William  the  Silent,  by  his  first 
wife  Anna  de  Buren,  was  Prince  of 
Orange,  but  was  still  detained  captive 
in  Spain.  The  title  of  Prince  was 
given  by  courtesy  to  Maurice,  on  tlie 
ground  that  in  Germany  all  the  sons 
succeeded  to  the  father's  title.  As 
the  principality  of  Orange  was  not  in 
Germany,  and  as  the  title  of  William 
in  that  country  was  only  that  of 
Count,  it  was  difficult  to  see  any  claim 


1586.  THE  ZEELAND  REGIMENT  GIVEN  TO  SIDNEY.  37 

general  both  of  Holland  and  Zeeland.  The  Earl  had  given 
his  nephew,  however,  the  colonelcy  of  the  Zeeland  regiment, 
vacant  by  the  death  of  Admiral  Haultain  on  the  Kowenstyn 
Dyke.  This  promotion  had  excited  much  anger  among  the 
high  officers  in  the  Netherlands,  who,  at  the  instigation  of 
Count  Hohenlo,  had  presented  a  remonstrance  ujjon  the  sub- 
ject to  the  governor-general.  It  had  always  been  the  custom, 
they  said,  with  the  late  Prince  of  Orange,  to  confer  promotion 
according  to  seniority,  without  regard  to  social  rank,  and  they 
were  therefore  unwilling  that  a  young  foreigner,  who  had  just 
entered  the  service,  should  thus  be  advanced  over  the  heads 
of  veterans  who  had  been  campaigning  there  so  many  weary 
years.^  At  the  same  time  the  gentlemen  who  signed  the 
paper  protested  to  Sir  Philip,  in  another  letter,  "  with  all  the 
same  hands,"  that  they  had  no  personal  feeling  towards  him, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  that  they  wished  him  all  honour."  ^ 

Young  Maurice  himself  had  always  manifested  the  most 
friendly  feelihgs  toward  Sidney,  although  influenced  in  his 
action  by  the  statesmen  who  were  already  organizing  a  power- 
ful opposition  to  Leicester.  "  Count  Maurice  showed  himself 
constantly  kind  in  the  matter  of  the  regiment,"  said  Sir 
Philip,  "  but  Mr.  Paul  Buss  has  so  many  busses  in  his  head, 
such  as  you  shall  find  he  will  be  to  God  and  man  about  one 
pitch.  Happy  is  the  communication  of  them  that  join  in  the 
fear  of  God.""*  Hohenlo,  too,  or  Hollock,  as  he  w^as  called 
by  the  French  and  English,  was  much  governed  by  Buys  and 
Olden-Barneveld.  Reckless  and  daring,  but  loose  of  life  and 
uncertain  of  purpose,  he  was  most  dangerous,  unless  under 
safe  guidance.  Roger  Williams — who  vowed  that  but  for 
the  love  he  bore  to  Sidney  and  Leicester,  he  would  not  remain 
ten  days  in  the  Netherlands — was  much  disgusted  by  Ho- 
honlo's  conduct  in  regard  to  the  Zeeland  regiment.  "  Tis  a 
mutinous  request  of  Hollock,"  said  he,  "  that  strangers  should 
not   command   Netherlanders.      He   and   his  Alemaynes   are 


of  Maurice  to  be  entitled  Prince  so 
long  as  his  brother  was  alive.  Lei- 
cester always  considered  his  assump- 
tion of  this  superior  rank  as  a  per- 
Bonal  affront  to  himself. 

*  Sidney  to  Davison,  24  Feb.  1586. 


(Brit.  Mus.  Galba  C.  ix.  75,  MS.)  Com- 
pare  letters  of  Hohenlo  in  Bor,  III. 
123  seq.  Hoofd,  Yervolgh,  156,  157, 
Wagenaar,  viii.  129. 

'  Sidney  to  Davison,  ubi  supra. 

•  Ibid. 


38  THK   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IX 

farther  born  from  Zccland  than  Sir  Philip  is.  Either  you  must 
make  Hollock  assured  to  you,  or  you  must  disgrace  him.  If 
he  will  not  be  yours,  I  will  show  you  means  to  disinherit  him 
of  all  his  commands  at  small  danger.  What  service  doth  he, 
Count  Solnis,  Count  Overstein,  with  their  Almaynes,  but 
spend  treasure  and  consume  great  contributions  ?  "  ^ 

It  was  very  natural  that  the  chivalrous  Sidney,  who  had 
come  to  the  Netherlands  to  win  glory  in  the  field,  should  be 
desirous  of  posts  that  would  bring  danger  and  distinction  with 
them,  .  He  was  not  there  merely  that  he  might  govern  Flush- 
ing, important  as  it  was,  particularly  as  the  garrison  was, 
according  to  his  statement,  about  as  able  to  maintain  the 
town,  "  as  the  Tower  was  to  answer  for  London."  He  dis- 
approved of  his  wife's  inclination  to  join  him  in  Holland,  for 
he  was  likely — so  he  wrote  to  her  father,  Walsingham — "  to 
run  such  a  course  as  would  not  be  fit  for  any  of  the  feminine 
gender."  ^  He  had  been,  however,  grieved  to  the  heart,  by 
the  spectacle  which  was  perpetually  exhibited  of  the  Queen's 
parsimony,  and  of  the  consequent  suffering  of  the  soldiers. 
Twelve  or  fifteen  thousand  Englishmen  were  serving  in  the 
Netherlands — more  than  two  thirds  of  them  in  her  Majesty's 
immediate  employment.  No  troops  had  ever  fought  better, 
or  more  honourably  maintained  the  ancient  glory  of  England. 
But  rarely  had  more  ragged  and  wretched  warriors  been  seen 
than  they,  after  a  few  months'  campaigning. 

The  Irish  Kernes — some  fifteen  hundred  of  w^hom  were 
among  the  auxiliaries — were  better  off,  for  they  habitually 
dispensed  with  clothing  ;  an  apron  from  waist  to  knee  being 
the  only  protection  of  these  wild  Kelts,  who  fought  with  the 
valour,  and  nearly  in  the  costume  of  Homeric  heroes.  Fear- 
ing nothing,  needing  nothing,  sparing  nothing,  they  stalked 
about  the  fens  of  Zeeland  upon  their  long  stilts,  or  leaped 
across  running  rivers,  scaling  ramparts,  robbing  the  highways, 
burning,  butchering,  and  maltreating  the  villages  and  their 
inhabitants,  with  as  little  regard  for  the  laws  of  Christian 
warfare  as  for  those  of  civilized  costume.^ 

'  R.  Williams  to  Leicester,  ^  Feb.   1586.      (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  ix.  85.  MS.) 

"  Letters  in  Gray's  Life  of  Sydney,  291. 
*  Reyd,  v.  101.     Hoofd,  Yervolgli,  220.     Strada,  II.  446. 


1586.  CONDITION  OF  IRISH  AND  ENGLISH  TROOPS.  39 

Other  soldiers,  more  sophisticated  as  to  apparel,  were  lesa 
at  their  ease.  The  generous  Sidney  spent  all  his  means,  and 
loaded  himself  with  debt,  in  order  to  relieve  the  necessities 
of  the  poor  soldiers.  He  protested  that  if  the  Queen  would 
not  pay  her  troops,  she  would  lose  her  troops,  but  that  no 
living  man  should  say  the  fault  was  in  him.  "  What  relief  I 
can  do  them  I  will,"  he  wrote  to  his  father-in-law  ;  "  I  will 
spare  no  danger,  if  occasion  serves.  I  am  sure  that  no 
feature  shall  lay  injustice  to  my  charge."  ^ 

Very  soon  it  was  discovered  that  the  starving  troops  had  to 
contend  not  only  with  the  Queen's  niggardliness  but  with  the 
dishonesty  of  her  agents.  Treasurer  Norris  was  constantly 
accused  by  Leicester  and  Sidney  of  gross  peculation.  -Five 
per  cent.,  according  to  Sir  Philip,  was  lost  to  the  Zeeland 
soldiers  in  every  payment,  "  and  God  knows,"  he  said,  "  they 
want  no  such  hindrance,  being  scarce  able  to  keep  life  with 
their  entire  pay.  Truly  it  is  but  poor  increase  to  her  Ma- 
jesty, considering  what  loss  it  is  to  the  miserable  soldier." 
Discipline  and  endurance  were  sure  to  be  sacrificed,  in  the 
end,  to  such  short-sighted  economy.  "  When  soldiers,"  said 
Sidney,  "  grow  to  despair,  and  give  up  towns,  then  it  is  too 
late  to  buy  with  hundred  thousands  what  might  have  been 
saved  with  a  trifle."  ^ 

This  plain  dealing,  on  the  part  of  Sidney,  was  anything  but 
agi'eeable  to  the  Queen,  who  was  far  from  feeling  regret  that 
his  high-soaring  expectations  had  been  somewhat  blighted  in 
the  Provinces.  He  often  expressed  his  mortification  that  her 
Majesty  was  disposed  to  interpret  everything  to  his  dis- 
advantage. "I  understand,"  said  he,  ''that  I  am  called 
ambitious,  and  very  proud  at  home,  but  certainly,  if  they  knew 
my  heart,  they  would  not  altogether  so  judge  me."  ^  Eliza- 
beth had  taken  part  with  Hohenlo  against  Sir  Philip  in  the 
matter  of  the  Zeeland  regiment,  and  in  this  perhaps  she  was 
not  entirely  to  be  blamed.  But  she  inveighed  needlessly 
against  his  ambitious  seeking  of  the  office,  and — as  Walsing- 
ham  observed — "  she  was  very  apt,  upon  every  light  occasion, 

'  Letters,  iu  Gray,  290.  "  Ibid.  214,  321. 

'  Ibid.  290.     Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corrosp.'  345. 


40 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IX. 


to  find  fault  witli  him,"  ^  It  is  probable  that  his  coinplaints 
against  the  army  treasurer,  and  his  manful  defence  of  the 
"  miserable  soldiers/'  more  than  counterbalanced,  in  the 
Queen's  estimation,  his  chivalry  in  the  field. 

Nevertheless  he  had  now  the  satisfaction  of  having  gained 
an  important  city  in  Flanders  ;  and  on  subsequently  joining 
the  army  under  his  uncle,  he  indulged  the  hope  of  earning 
still  greater  distinction. 

I  Martin  Schenk  had  meanwhile  been  successfully  defending 
Rheinberg,  for  several  weeks,  against  Parma's  forces.  It  was 
necessary,  however,  that  Leicester,  notwithstanding  the  im- 
poverished condition  of  his  troops,  should  make  some  diver- 
sion, .while  his  formidable  antagonist  was  thus  carrying  all 
before  him. 

He  assembled,  accordingly,  in  the  month  of  August,  all  the 
troops  that  could  be  brought  into  the  field,  and  reviewed 
them,  with  much  ceremony,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Arn- 
heim.  His  army  barely  numbered  seven  thousand  foot  and 
two  thousand  horse,^  but  he  gave  out,  very  extensively,  that 
he  had  fourteen  thousand  under  his  command,^  and  he  was 
moreover  expecting  a  force  of  three  thousand  reiters,  and  as 
many  pikemen  recently  levied  in  Germany.  Lord  Essex  was 
general  of  the  cavalry.  Sir  William  Pelham  ^ — a  distinguished 


'  Letters,  in  Gray,  &c. ,  just  cited. 

'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  11  Oct. 
1586.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Huddleston 
to  Burghley,  G  Sept.  1586.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

^  Ibid.  Compare  Strada,  who  states 
the  number  of  Leicester's  forces  at 
13,000  foot  and  2,000  horse,  besides 
reinforcements  of  1,000  English  and 
Scotch  wlio  were  sliortly  expected. 
Bor,  II.  738.     Wagenaar,  viii.  135. 

*  Sir  William  Pelham  had  been  out 
of  favour  with  tlie  Queen  for  many 
montlis.  He  had  been  held  respon- 
sible for  some  abuses  in  the  ordnance 
office,  and  a  heavy  claim  made  upon 
him  by  the  crown  had  reduced  him 
to  insolvency.  The  Queen  was  ex- 
cessively indignant  at  his  conduct, 
nnd  refused  for  a  long  time  to  allow 
him  to  accept  the  responsible  post 
under  Leicester  which  tiie  Earl  was 
»axiou8  to  cooler  upon  biro.    Leicester, 


who  was  the  most  generous  of  men, 
sent  him  large  sums  of  money  to  extri- 
cate him  from  his  difficulties,  but  it 
was  many  months  before  the  Queen 
relented.  The  Earl  had  an  exalted 
opinion  of  Pelham's  military  capacity, 
knew  him  to  be  one  of  his  own  most 
devoted  adherents,  and  earnestly  de- 
sired his  support  to  keep  down  the 
hostility  and  insubordination  of  Sir 
John  Norris  and  his  brother^.  "  I 
begin  to  be  prettily  accompanied  now 
with  men,"  he  wrote  to  the  Queen, 
"only  lacking  governors  and  leaders, 
especially  a  marshal.  I  must  still  say 
to  your  Majesty  it  had  been  better  to 
have  wanted  the  use  of  20,000  than 
the  service  of  Sir  W.  Pelham  here  thus 
long.  It  is  not  only  an  insufferable 
want  to  all  our  people,  but  the  enemy 
hath  bragged  of  it.  I  do  assure  your 
Majesty,  by  the  allegiance  I  owe  you, 
I  know  the  Prince   of  Parma  batb 


158«. 


LEICESTER  TAKES  THE  FIELD. 


41 


soldier,  who  had  recently  arrived  out  of  Enj^land,  after  the 
most  urgent  solicitations  to  the  Queen,  for  that  end,  by  Lei- 
cester— was  lord-marshal  of  the  camp,  and  Sir  John  Norris 
was  colonel-general  of  the  infantry. 

After  the  parade,  two  sermons  were  preached  upon  the  hill- 
side to  the  soldiers,  and  then  there  was  a  council  of  war.  It 
was  decided — notwithstanding  the  Earl's  announcement  of 
his  intentions  to  attack  Parma  in  person — that  the  condition 
of  the  army  did  not  warrant  such  an  enterprise.  It  was 
thought  better  to  lay  siege  to  Zutphen.  This  step,  if  success- 
ful, would  place  in  the  power  of  the  republic  and  her  ally 
a  city  of  great  importance  and  strength.  In  every  event  the 
attempt  would  probably  compel  Farnese  to  raise  the  siege  of 
Berg. 

Leicester,  accordingly,  with  "his  brave  troop  of  able  and 
likely  men"' — five  thousand  of  the  infantry  being  English^ 
— advanced  as  far  as  Doesburg.  This  city,  seated  at  the  con- 
fluence of  the  ancient  canal  of  Drusus  and  the  Yssel,  five 
miles  above  Zutphen,  it  was  necessary,  as  a  preliminary  mea- 
sure, to  secure.     It  was   not    a   very   strong  place,     so  Aug. 

,  ,  9  Sept.i 

"fteing  rather  slightly  walled  with  brick,  and  with  a      1586. 
foss  drawing  not  more  than    three   feet  of  water.^      By  the 
30th  August  it  had  been  completely  invested. 


spoken  it  some  months  past,  that  he 
was  sure  neither  Pelham  nor  the  Lord 
Grey  should  come,  nor  that  any  more 
men  by  your  license  or  muster  should 
pass,  which  falls  out  somewhat  to  be 
true,  io  our  discomfort.  But  if  either 
Pelham  or  Lord  Grey,  or  rather  both 
may  come,  I  trust  your  Majesty  shall 
reap  the  greatest  honour  and  good  by 
it;  but  lirst  Sir  William,  for  he  is 
readiest.  For  God's  sake  and  your 
honour's  sake,  let  him  come.  We  have 
now  some  numbers  increased,  but  no 
man  fit  for  such  a  government  as  Sir 
W.  Pelham  is.  I  beseech  your  Majesty 
trust  me,  and  believe  me  there  is  not 
one,  no,  not  one  for  it,  whatsoever  you 
have  heard  or  may  hear,  or  of  tvhom- 
soever;  that  J  know  to  be  employed  at 
this  time  here.  I  find  it,  I  feel  it,  to 
my  great  hindrance  and  no  less  danger 
every  day.  I  know  here  be  worthy 
and   very  valiant  gentlemen,,   but  for  / 


so  great  a  charge,  believe  me,  tfiere  ii 
not  one  yet  here  for  it.  I  am  loath  to 
hinder  any  man.  It  hath  not  been 
my  custom  to  3^our  Majesty.  I  be- 
seech you  that  all  men  may  have  their 
deserts,  and  your  poor  army  here  com- 
forted. Let  all  the  haste  possible  be 
used  with  Sir  W.  Pelham,  on  whosa 
coming  with  that  worthy  gentleman 
Sir  W.  Stanley,  I  trust  your  Majesty 
shall  hear  well  of  us,"  &c.  &c.  It  was 
natural  that  Sir  John  Norris  should 
be  indignant  at  being  supplanted  by 
Pelham,  and  their  mutual  rivalry  did 
infinite    mischief        Leicester    to    the 

Queen,  -  June,    1586.      (S.    P.  Office 

24 

MS.)  Compare  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  37,  45, 
55,  125. 

'  Huddlestoa  to  Burghley,  MS.  be 
fore  cited. 

»  Ibid.  *  Ibid. 


42  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap  IX. 

Oq  the  same  night,  at  ten  o'clock,  Sir  William  Pelham 
came  to  the  Earl  to  tell  him  "  what  beastly  pioneers  the 
Dutchmen  were."  Leicester  accordingly  determined,  not- 
withstanding the  lord-marshal's  entreaties,  to  proceed  to  the 
trenches  in  person.  There  being  but  faint  light,  the  two  lost 
their  way,  and  soon  found  themselves  nearly  at  the  gate 
of  the  town.  Here,  while  groping  about  in  the  dark,  and 
trying  to  effect  their  retreat,  they  were  saluted  with  a  shot, 
which  struck  Sir  William  in  the  stomach.  For  an  instant, 
thinking  himself  mortally  injured,  he  expressed  his  satis- 
faction that  he  had  been  between  the  commander-in-chief 
and  the  blow,  and  made  other  "  comfortable  and  resolute 
speeches."  Very  fortunately,  however,  it  proved  that  the 
marshal  was  not  seriously  hurt,  and,  after  a  few  days,  he  was 
about  his  work  as  usual,  although  obliged — as  the  Earl  of 
Leicester  expressed  it — "  to  carry  a  bullet  in  his  belly  as  long 
as  he  should  live."  * 

Roger  Williams,  too,  that  valiant  adventurer — "^but  no 
more  valiant  than  wise,  and  worth  his  weight  in  gold,"  ac- 
cording to  the  appreciative  Leicester — was  shot  through  the 
arm.  For  the  dare-devil  Welshman,  much  to  the  Earl's 
regret,  persisted  in  running  up  and  down  the  trenches  "  with 
a  great  plume  of  feathers  in  his  gilt  morion,"  and  in  otherwise 
making  a  very  conspicuous  mark  of  himself  "  within  point- 
blank  of  a  caliver."^ 

Notwithstanding  these  mishaps,  however,  the  siege  went 
successfully  forward.      Upon    the   2nd    September    the    Earl 

Friday,  began  to  batter,  and  after  a  brisk  cannonade,  from 
Sept.    dawn  till  two  in    the    afternoon,  he   had   consider- 

1586.  ably  damaged  the  wall  in  two  places.  One  of  the 
breaches  was  eighty  feet  wide,  the  other  half  as  large,  but  the 
besieged  had  stuffed  them  full  of  beds,  tubs,  logs  of  wood, 
boards,  and  "  such  like  trash,"  by  means  whereof  the  ascent 
was  not  so  easy  as  it  seemed.^  The  soldiers  were  excessively 
eager  for  the  assault.  Sir  John  Norris  came  to  Leicester  to 
receive  his  orders  as  to  the  command  of  the  attacking  party. 

'  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Ccrrcsp.,  401,  407.  '  Ibid. 

'  Huddlestou  to  Burghley,  -  SepU  1586.     (S.  T.  Office  MS.) 


1586.  HE    REDUCES   DOESBURG.  43 

The  Earl  referred  the  matter  to  liim.  "  There  is  no  man," 
answered  Sir  John,  "  fitter  for  that  purpose  than  myself ;  for 
I  am  colonel-general  of  the  infantry.^ 

But  Leicester,  not  willing  to  indulge  so  unreasonable  a  pro- 
posal, replied  that  he  would  reserve  him  for  service  of  less 
hazard  and  greater  importance.  Norris  being,  as  usual, 
"  satis  prodigus  magnae  anima?,'  ^  was  out  of  humour  at  the 
refusal,  and  ascribed  it  to  the  Earl's  persistent  hostility  to 
liim  and  his  family.  It  was  then  arranged  that  the  assault 
upon  the  principal  breach  should  be  led  by  younger  officers,  to 
be  supported  by  Sir  John  and  other  veterans.  The  other 
breach  was  assigned  to  the  Dutch  and  Scotch — black  Norris 
scowling  at  them  the  wliile  with  jealous  eyes  ;  fearing  that 
they  might  get  the  start  of  the  English  party,  and  be  first  to 
enter  the  town."'  A  party  of  noble  volunteers  clustered  about 
Sir  John — Lord  Burgh,  Sir  Thomas  Cecil,  Sir  Philip  Sidney, 
and  his  brother  Robert  among  the  rest — most  impatient  for 
the  signal.  The  race  was  obviously  to  be  a  sharp  one.  The 
governor-general  forbade  these  violent  demonstrations,  but 
Lord  Burgh,  "  in  a  most  vehement  passion,  waived  the  coun- 
termand,"^ and  his  insubordination  was  very  generally  imi- 
tated. Before  the  signal  was  given,  however,  Leicester  sent 
a  trumpet  to  summon  the  town  to  surrender,  and  Igept 
could  with  difficulty  restrain  his  soldiers  till  the  i586. 
answer  should  be  returned.  To  the  universal  disappointment, 
the  garrison  agreed  to  surrender.  Norris  himself  then  stepped 
forward  to  the  breach,  and  cried  aloud  the  terms,  lest  the  re- 
turning herald,  who  had  been  sent  back  by  Leicester,  should 
offer  too  favourable  a  capitulation.^  It  was  arranged  that  the 
soldiers  should  retire  without  arms,  with  white  wands  in 
their  hands — the  officers  remaining  prisoners — and  that  the 
burghers,  their  lives,  and  property,  should  be  at  Leicester's 
disposal,"  The  Earl  gave  most  peremptory  orders  that  persons 
and  goods  should  be  respected,  but  his  commands  were  dis- 


-  Sept.  158G.    (S.  r.  Office  MS.) 


'  MS.  last  cited.  '  Ibid. 

'  Ibid.  *  Ibid. 

'  "  Lest  the  trumpet  should  offer 
too  largely,  I  .stepped  to  the  breach 
myself  and  proposed  the  conditions," 
4c.     Sir  John  Norris  to   Mr.  Wilkes,    1  x(,Ih  i<up.     (S.  P,  OlIicH  Uis) 


'  Leicester   to   the     Privy    Council 

3 

-  Sept.  1586.     Sir  .T.  Norris  to  Wilkes, 


44 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IX 


obeyed.  Sir  William  Stanley's  men  committed  frightful  dis- 
orders, and  thoroughly  rifled  the  town." 

"And  because/'  said  Norris,  "1  found  fault. herewith,  Sir 
William  began  to  quarrel  with  me,  hath  braved  me  extremely, 
refuseth  to  take  any  direction  from  me,  and  although  I  have 
sought  for  redress,  yet  it  is  j)roceeded  in  so  coldly,  that  he 
taketh  encouragement  rather  to  increase  the  quarrel  than  to 
leave  it." ' 

Notwithstanding  therefore  the  decree  of  Leicester,  the  ex- 
postulations and  anger  of  Norris,  and  the  energetic  efforts  of 
Lord  Essex  and  other  generals,  who  went  about  Smiting  the 
marauders  on  the  head,  the  soldiers  sacked  the  city,  and  com- 
mitted various  disorders,  in  spite  of  the  capitulation,- 

Doesburg  having  been  thus  reduced,  the  Earl  now  pro- 
ceeded toward  the  more  important  city  which  he  had  deter- 
mined to  besiege.  Zutphen,  or  South-Fen,  an  antique  town  of 
wealth  and  elegance,  was  the  capital  of  the  old  Landgraves 
of  Zutphen.  It  is  situate  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Yssel,  that 
branch  of  the  Rhine  which  flows  between  Gelderland  and 
Overyssel  into  the  Zuyder-Zee. 

The  ancient  river,  broad,  deep,  and  languid,  glides  through 
a  j)lain  of  almost  boundless  extent,  till  it  loses  itself  in  the 
flat  and  misty  horizon.  On  the  other  side  of  the  stream,  in 
the  district  called  the  Veluwe,^  or  bad  meadow,  were  three 
sconces,  one  of  them  of  remarkable  strength.  An  island 
between  the  city  and  the  shore  was  likewise  well  fortified. 
On  the  landward  side  the  town  was  protected  by  a  wall  and 
moat  sufficiently  strong  in  those  infant  days  of  artillery. 
Near  the  hospital-gate,  on  the  east,  was  an  external  fortress 
guarding  the  road  to  Warnsfeld.     This  was  a  small  viDage, 


'  Norris  to  Wilkes,  MS. 

'  Huddleston  to  Burghley,  3  Sept. 
1586.  (S.  P.  OfiQce  MS.)  Leicester  to 
Privy  Council,  6  Sept.  1586.  (S.  P. 
Off.  MS.)  Sir  John  Norris  to  Wilkes, 
6  Sept.  1586.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Com- 
pare Hoofd,  Vervolgh,  184.  Bor,  IL 
750.  Stowe,  736.  Bruce's  'Leyc. 
Corresp.'  406,  407. 

The  town  was  "  rifled,"  but  it  was 
"  but  ,poor,  with  nothing  to  answer  the 


need  and  greediness  of  the  soldiers," 
said  Huddleston,  adding  that  "  divers 
disorders  were  committed,  as  in  such 
cases  it  happeneth,  though  (God  be 
thanked)  none  specially  notorious." 

'  Veluwe,  'bad  meadow,'  in  opposi- 
tion to  Betuwe  (Batavia),  'good 
meadow.'  Bet  is  the  positive,  now 
obsolete  in  German,  Dutch,  and  Eng- 
lish,  of  the  comparative,  better. 


1586.  HE  LAYS  SIEGE  TO  ZUTPHEN.  45 

with  a  solitary  slender  church-spire,  shooting  up  above  a 
cluster  of  neat  one-storied  houses.  It  was  about  an  English 
mile  from  Zutphen,  in  the  midst  of  a  wide,  low,  somewhat 
fenny  plain,  which,  in  winter,  became  so  completely  a 
lake,  that  peasants  were  not  unfrequently  drowned  in  at- 
tempting to  pass  from  the  city  to  the  village.  In  summer, 
the  vague  expanse  of  country  was  fertile  and  cheerful  of 
aspect.  Long  rows  of  poplars  marking  the  straight  high- 
ways, clumps  of  pollard  willows  scattered  around  the  little 
meres,  snug  farm-houses,  with  kitchen-gardens  and  brilliant 
flower-patches  dotting  the  level  plain,  verdant  pastures  sweep- 
ing oif  into  seemingly  infinite  distance,  where  the  innumer- 
able cattle  seemed  to  swarm  like  insects,  wind-mills  swinging 
their  arms  in  all  directions,  like  protective  giants,  to  save  the 
country  from  inundation,  the  lagging  sail  of  market-boats 
shining  through  rows  of  orchard  trees — all  gave  to  the  en- 
virons of  Zutphen  a  tranquil  and  domestic  charm. 

Deventer  and  Kampen,  the  two  other  places  on  the  river, 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  States.  It  was,  therefore,  desirable 
for  the  English  and  the  patriots,  by  gaining  possession  of 
Zutphen,  to  obtain  control  of  the  Yssel ;  driven,  as  they  had 
been,  from  the  Meuse  and  Rhine. 

Sir  John  Norris,  by  Leicester's  direction,  took  possession  of 
a  small  rising-ground,  called  '  Gibbet  Hill,'  on  the  land-side, 
where  he  established  a  fortified  camp,  and  proceeded  to  invest 
the  city.  With  him  were  Count  Lewis  William  of  Nassau, 
and  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  while  the  Earl  himself,  crossing  the 
Yssel  on  a  bridge  of  boats  which  he  had  constructed,  reserved 
for  himself  the  reduction  of  the  forts  upon  the  Veluwe  side. 
;  Farnese,  meantime,  was  not  idle  ;  and  Leicester's  cal' 
culations  proved  correct.  So  soon  as  the  Prince  was  in- 
formed of  this  important  demonstration  of  the  enemy  he 
broke  up — after  brief  debate  with  his  officers — his  camp  be- 
fore Rheinberg,  and  came  to  Wesel.^  At  this  place  he  built 
a  bridge  over  the  Rhine,  and  fortified  it  with  two  block-houses. 
These  he  placed  under  command  of  Claude  Berlot,  w^ho  was 
ordered  to  watch  strictly  all  communication  up  the  river  with 

1  Strada,  II.  -148. 


46  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IX. 

the  city  of  Rhoinberg,  which  he  thus  kept  in  a  partially 
beleaguered  state.  Alexander  then  advanced  rapidly  by  way 
of  GroU  and  Burik,  both  which  places  he  took  possession  of, 
to  the  neighbourhood  of  Zutphen.  He  was  determined,  at 
every  hazard,  to  relieve  that  important  city  ;  and  although, 
after  leaving  necessary  detachments  on  the  way,  he  had  but 
tive  thousand  men  under  his  command,  besides  fifteen  hundred 
under  Verdugo — making  sixty-five  hundred  in  all — ^he  had 
decided  that  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  his  own  honour, 
required  him  to  seek  the  enemy,  and  to  leave,  as  he  said,  the 
issue  with  the  God  of  battles,  whose  cause  it  was.' 

Tassis,  lieutenant-governor  of  Gelderland,  was  ordered 
into  the  city  with  two  cornets  of  horse  and  six  hundred  foot. 
As  large  a  number  had  already  been  stationed  there.  Ver- 
dugo, who  had  been  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  Prince  at 
Borkelo,  a  dozen  miles  from  Zutphen,  with  four  hundred  foot 
and  two  hundred  horse,  now  likewise  entered  the  city,* 

On  the  night  of  29th  August  (St,  Nov.)  Alexander  himself 
entered  Zutphen  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  the  garrison 

29  Aug,    by  promise  of  relief,  and  of  ascertaining  the  position 

1586,  of  the  enemy  by  personal  observation.  His  presence 
as  it  always  did,  inspired  the  soldiers  with  enthusiasm,  so  that 
they  could  with  difficulty  be  restrained  from  rushing  forth  to 
assault  the  besiegers,^  In  regard  to  the  enemy  he  found 
that  Gibbet  Hill  was  still  occupied  by  Sir  John  Norris,  "  the 
best  soldier,  in  his  opinion,  that  they  had,"*  who  had  en- 
trenched himself  very  strongly,  and  was  supposed  to  have 
thirty-five  hundred  men  under  his  command.  His  position 
seemed  quite  impregnable.  The  rest  of  the  English  were  on 
the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  Alexander  observed,  with 
satisfaction,  that  they  had  abandoned  a  small  redoubt,  near 
the  leper-house,  outside  the  Loor-Gate,  through  which  the 
reinforcements  must  enter  the  city.  The  Prince  determined 
to  profit  by  this  mistake,  and  to  seize  the  opportunity  thus 
afforded  of  sending  those  much  needed  supplies.  During  the 
night  the  enemy  were  found  to  be  throwing  up  works  "  most 

•  Parma  to  Philip,  30  Oct.  1586.     (Arch,  de  Simarcas,  MS.) 
-  Ibid.     Compare  Strada,  II.  448,  450, 
3  Letter  to  Philip,  ubi  aup-  *  Ibid. 


1686. 


WHICH   PARMA   PREPARES   TO    RELIEVE. 


47 


furiously,"^  and  skirmishing  parties  were  sent  out  of  the 
town  to  annoy  them.  In  the  darkness  nothing  of  conse- 
quence was  eifucted,  but  a  Scotch  officer  was  captured,  who 
informed  the  Spanish  commander  that  the  enemy  was  fifteen 
thousand  strong — a  number  which  was  nearly  double  that  of 
Leicester's  actual  force.  In  the  morning  Alexander  returned 
to  his  camp  at  Borkelo — leaving  Tassis  in  command  of  the 
Veluwe  F(jrts,  and  Verdugo  in  the  city  itself— and  he  at  once 
made  rapid  work  in  collecting  victuals.  He  had  soon  wheat 
and  other  supplies  in  readiness,  sufficient  to  feed  four  thousand 
mouths  for  three  months,  and  these  he  determined  to  send 
into  the  city  immediately,  and  at  every  hazard. 

The  great  convoy  which  was  now  to  be  despatched  re- 
quired great  care  and  a  powerful  escort.  Twenty-five  hun- 
dred musketeers  and  pikemen,  of  whom  one  thousand  were 
Spaniards,  and  six  hundred  cavalry,  Epirotes,  Spaniards,  and 
Italians,  under  Hannibal  Gonzaga,  George  Crescia,  i  Oct.,  n.s., 
Bentivoglio,  Sesa,  and  others,  were  accordingly  de-  1586. 
tailed  for  this  expedition.^  The  Marquis  del  Vasto,  to  whom 
was  entrusted  the  chief  command,  was  ordered  to  march  from 
Borkelo  at  midnight  on  Wednesday,  October  1  (St.  Nov.). 
It  was  calculated  that  he  would  reach  a  certain  hillock  not 
far  from  Warnsfeld  by  dawn  of  day.  Here  he  was  to  pause, 
and  send  forward  an  officer  towards  the  town,  communicating 
his  arrival,  and  requesting  the  cooperation  of  Verdugo,  who  was 
to  make  a  sortie  with  one  thousand  men,  according  to  Alex- 
ander's previous  arrangements.  The  plan  was  successfully 
carried  out.  The  Marquis  arrived  by  daybreak  at  the  spot 
indicated,  and  despatched  Captain  de  Vega  who  contrived  to 
send  intelligence  of  the  fact.  A  trooper,  whom  Parma  had 
himself  £ent  to  Verdugo  with  earlier  information  of  the  move- 
ment, had  been  captured  on  the  way.  Leicester  had  therefore 
been  apprized,  at  an  early  moment,  of  the  Prince's  intentions, 


1  Parma  to  Pxxilip,  "  a  furia."  MS. 
before  cited. 

"These  are  Parma's  own  figures. 
(Letter  to  Pl'ilip,  as  above.)  Every 
historian    gives   a    ditterent   statemeul 


one  from  another.  Leicester  declared 
that  Crescia  told  him,  "upon  hia 
honour,  that  there  were  flfletn  cornets 
of  horse  and  3,000  loot."  Biuce'a 
'  Leyc.  Corresp.'  417. 


48  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IX. 

I)ut  he  was  not  aware  that  the  convoy  would  be  accompanied 
by  so  strong  a  force  as  had  really  been  detailed. 

He  had  accordingly  ordered  Sir  John  Norris,  who  com- 
manded on  the  outside  of  the  town  near  the  road  which  the 
Spaniards  must  traverse,  to  place  an  ambuscade  in  his  way. 
Sir  John,  always  ready  for  adventurous  enterprises,  took  a 
body  of  two  hundred  cavalry,  all  picked  men,  and  ordered 
Sir  William  Stanley,  with  three  hundred  pikemen,  to  follow. 
A  much  stronger  force  of  infantry  was  held  in  reserve  and 
readiness,  but  it  was  not  thought  that  it  would  be  required. 
The  ambuscade  was  successfully  placed,  before  the  dawn  of 
*Oct.  2,  :<r.s.,  Thursday  morning,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Warns- 

158G.  feld  church.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Earl  of  Lei- 
cester himself,  anxious  as  to  the  result,  came  across  the  river 
just  at  daybreak.  He  was  accompanied  by  the  chief  gentle- 
men in  his  camp,  who  could  never  be  restrained  when  blows 
were  passing  current. 

The  business  that  morning  was  a  commonplace  and  prac- 
tical though  an  important,  one — to  "  impeach  "  a  convoy  of 
wheat  and  barley,  butter,  cheese,  and  beef — but  the  names  of 
those  noble  and  knightly  volunteers,  familiar  throughout 
Christendom,  sound  like  the  roll-call  for  some  chivalrous 
tournament.  There  were  Essex  and  Audley,  Stanley,  Pel- 
ham,  Russell,  both  the  Sidneys,  all  the  Norrises,  men  whose 
valour  had  been  proved  on  many  a  hard-fought  battle-field. 
There,  too,  was  the  famous  hero  of  British  ballad  whose  name 
was  so  often  to  ring  on  the  plains  of  the  Netherlands — 

"  The  brave  Lord  Willoughby, 
Of  courage  fierce  and  fell, 
"Who  would  not  give  one  incl^  of  way 
For  all  the  devils  in  hell." 

Twenty  such  volunteers  as  these  sat  on  horseback  that  morn- 
ing around  the  stately  Earl  of  Leicester.  It  seemed  an  in- 
credible extravagance  to  send  a  handful  of  such  heroes  against 
an  army. 

But   the   English   commander-in-chief  had  been   listening 

.September   22 
October  2* 


1586.  THE  ENGLISH   mTERCEPl    THE   CONVOY.  49 

to  the  insidious  tongue  of  Roland  York — that  bold,  plausible, 
unscrupulous  partisan,  already  twice  a  renegade,  of  whom 
more  was  ere  long  to  be  heard  in  the  Netherlands  and  Eng- 
land. Of  the  man's  courage  there  could  be  no  doubt,  and  he 
was  about  to  fight  that  morning  in  the  front  rank  at  th(}  head 
of  his  company.  But  he  had,  for  some  mysterious  reason, 
been  bent  upon  persuading  the  Earl  that  the  Spaniards  were 
no  match  for  Enolishmen  at  a  hand-to-hand  contest.  When 
they  could  ride  freely  up  and  down,  he  said,  and  use  their 
lances  as  they  liked,  they  were  fonnidable.  But  the  English 
were  stronger  men,  better  riders,  better  mounted,  and  better 
armed.  The  Spaniards  hated  helmets  and  proof  armour, 
while  the  English  trooper,  in  casque,  cuirass,  and  greaves, 
was  a  living  fortress  impregnable  to  Spanish  or  Italian  light 
horsemen.  And  Leicester  seemed  almost  convinced  by  his 
reasoning.^ 

It  was  five  o'clock  of  a  chill  autumn  morning.  It  was 
time  for  day  to  break,  but  the  fog  was  so  thick  that  a  man  at 
the  distance  of  five  yards  was  quite  invisible.  The  oct.  2 
creaking  of  waggon-wheels  and  the  measured  tramp  ^^^^• 
of  soldiers  soon  became  faintly  audible  however  to  Sir  John 
Norris  and  his  five  hundred  as  they  sat  there  in  the  mist. 
Presently  came  galloping  forward  in  hot  haste  those  nobles 
and  gentlemen,  with  their  esquires,  fifty  men  in  all — Sidney, 
Willoughby,  and  the  rest — whom  Leicester  had  no  longer  been 
able  to  restrain  from  taking  part  in  the  adventure. 

A  force  of  infantry,  the  amount  of  which  cannot  be  satis- 
factorily ascertained,  had  been  ordered  by  the  Earl  to  cross 
the  bridge  at  a  later  moment.  Sidney's  cornet  of  horse  was 
then  in  Deventer,  to  which  place  it  had  been  sent  in  order 
to  assist  in  quelling  an  anticipated  revolt,  so  that  he  came, 
like  most  of  his  companions,  as  a  private  volunteer  and  knight- 
errant. 


'  Reyd,  v.  82,  83.  Bor,  II.  750,  751, 
Compare  Meteren,  xiii.  237,  who  sayg 
that  York  was  suspected  of  being 
secretly  in  league  with  Famese,  to 
contrive  this  ambuscade,  and  thus  to 
bring  so  many  English  nobles  of  dis- 
tinction to  death  or  captivity.     There 

VOL,  IL — E 


is  no  doubt  that  when  he  deserted  the 
Spanish  for  the  English  party,  he 
pledged  himself  to  Parma  to  do  him 
good  service,  and  that  he  was  always 
secretly  in  league  with  the  enemy. 
We  shall  see  at  a  later  day  whether 
he  was  ready  to  redeem  his  pledge. 


50 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IX. 


The  arrival  of  the  expected  convoy  was  soon  more  distinctly 
heard,  but  no  scouts  or  outposts  had  been  stationed  to  give 
timely  notice  of  the  enemy's  movements.^  Suddenly  the  fog, 
which  had  shrouded  the  scene  so  closely,  rolled  away  like  a 
curtain,  and  in  the  full  light  of  an  October  morning  the  Eng- 
lishmen found  themselves  face  to  face  with  a  compact  body  of 
more  than  three  thousand  men.  The  Marquis  del  Vasto  rode 
at  the  head  of  the  force,  surrounded  by  a  band  of  mounted 
arquebus  men.  The  cavalry,  under  the  famous  Epirote  chief 
George  Crescia,  Hannibal  Gronzaga,  Bentivoglio,  Sesa,  Conti, 
and  other  distinguished  commanders,  followed  ;  the  columns 
of  pikemen  and  musketeers  lined  the  hedge-rows  on  both 
sides  the  causeway  ;  while  between  them  the  long  train 
of  waggons  came  slowly  along  under  their  protection.^  The 
whole  force  had  got  in  motion  after  having  sent  notice  of  their 
arrival  to  Verdugo,  who,  with  one  or  two  thousand  men,  was 
expected  to  sally  forth  almost  immediately  from  the  city-gate. 

There  was  but  brief  time  for  deliberation.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  tremendous  odds  there  was  no  thought  of  retreat. 
Black  Norris  called  to  Sir  William  Stanley,  with  whom  he 
had  been  at  variance  so  lately  at  Doesburg. 

"  There  hath  been  ill-blood  between  us,"  he  said.  "  Let 
us  be  friends  together  this  day,  and  die  side  by  side,  if  need 
be,  in  her  Majesty's  cause." 

"If  you  see  me  not  serve  my  prince  with  faithful  courage 
now,"  replied  Stanley,  "account  me  for  ever  a  cow^ard. 
Living  or  dying  I  will  stand  or  lie  by  you  in  friendship." 

As  they  were  speaking  these  words  the  young  Earl  of 
Essex,  general  of  the  horse,  cried  to  his  handful  of  troopers  : — 

"  Follow  me,  good  fellows,  for  the  honour  of  England  and 
of  England's  Queen  !  "  ^ 

As  he  sj^oke  he  dashed,  lance  in  rest,  upon  the  enemy's 
cavalry,  overthrew  the  foremost  man,  horse  and  rider,  shivered 
his  own  spear  to  splinters,  and  then,  swinging  his  curtel-axe, 
rode  merrily  forward/     His  whole  little  troop,  compact  as  an 


'  Hoofd,  Vervolgh,  186. 
"^  Parma  to  PhiJip  II.  .30  Oct.  1586. 
(Ardi.    de    Simancas,    MS.)      Compare 


Strada,    II.    450,    452.       Bentivo^rlio, 
P.  II.  L.  iv.  311.     Bor,  II.  750,  751. 
'  Archer,  in  Stowe,  736.  "  Ibid, 


168(3. 


BATTLE  OF  WARNSPELD. 


51 


arrow-head,  flew  with  an  irresistible  shock  against  the  op- 
posing columns,  pierced  clean  through  them,  and  scattered 
them  in  all  directions.  At  the  very  first  charge  one  hundred 
English  horsemen  drove  the  Spanish  and  Albanian  cavalry 
back  upon  the  musketeers  and  pikemen.  Wheeling  with 
rapidity,  they  retired  before  a  volley  of  musket-shot,  by 
which  many  horses  and  a  few  riders  were  killed,  and  then 
formed  again  to  renew  the  attack,  '  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  on 
coming  to  the  field,  having  met  Sir  William  Pelham,  the 
veteran  lord  marshal,  lightly  armed,  had  with  chivalrous 
extravagance  thrown  off  his  own  cuishes,  and  now  rode  to  the 
battle  with  no  armour  but  his  cuirass.^  At  the  second  charge 
his  horse  was  shot  under  him,  but,  mounting  another,  he  was 
seen  everywhere  in  the  thick  of  the  fight,  behaving  himself 
with  a  gallantry  which  extorted  admiration  even  from  the 
enemy. 

For  the  battle  was  a  series  of  personal  encounters  in  which 
high  ofiicers  were  doing  the  work  of  private  soldiers.  Lord 
North,  who  had  been  lying  "  bed-rid  "  with  a  musket-shot  in 
the  leg,  had  got  himself  put  on  horseback,  and  "  with  one 
boot  on  and  one  boot  ofi","  bore  himself  "  most  lustily  "  through 
the  whole  afijiir.^  "I  desire  that  her  Majesty  may  know,"  he 
said,  "  that  I  live  but  to  serve  her.  A  better  barony  than  I 
have  could  not  hire  the  Lord  North  to  live  on  meaner  terms."  ^ 
Sir  William  Russell  laid  about  him  with  his  curtel-axe  to 
such  purpose  that  the  Spaniards  pronounced  him  a  devil 
and  not  a  man.  "  Wherever,"  said  an  eye-witness,  "  he  saw 
five  or  six  of  the  enemy  together,  thither  would  he  ;  and  with 
his  hard  knocks  soon  separated  their  friendship."  ^  Lord 
Willoughby  encountered  George  Crescia,  general  of  the 
famed  Albanian  cavalry,  unhorsed  him  at  the  first  shock,^ 
and  rolled  him  into  the  ditch.  "  I  yield  me  thy  prisoner," 
called  out  the  Epirote  in  French,  "for  thou  art  a  preux 
chevalier ;"  while  Willoughby,  trusting  to  his  captive's  word, 


'  Brooke's  Sidney  II.  31,  32. 
"  Archer,  in  Stowe,  ubi  sup.    Bruce's 
'Leyc.  Corresp.'  417. 


'  North  to  Burghley, 


29  May 
8  June 


1586. 


(S.  p.  Office  MS.) 

■•  Arclier,  in  Stowe,  737. 

5  Ibid.     Leicester  to  Burghley,  Sept 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


52 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IX, 


galloped  onward,  and  with  him  the  rest  of  the  little  troop,  till 
they  seemed  swallowed  up  by  the  superior  numbers  of  the 
enemy.  His  horse  was  shot  under  him,  his  basses  were  torn 
from  his  legs,  and  he  was  nearly  taken  a  prisoner,  but  fought 
his  way  back  with  incredible  strength  and  good  fortune.  Sir 
William  Stanley's  horse  had  seven  bullets  in  him,  but  bore 
his  rider  unhurt  to  the  end  of  the  battle.  Leicester  declared 
Sir  William  and  "old  Reade"  to  be  "worth  their  weight  in 
pearl." ' 

Hannibal  Gonzaga,  leader  of  the  Spanish  cavalry,  fell 
mortally  wounded.^  The  Marquis  del  Vasto,  commander  of 
the  expedition,  nearly  met  the  same  fate.  An  Englishman 
was  just  cleaving  his  head  with  a  battle-axe,  when  a  Spaniard 
transfixed  the  soldier  with  his  pike.^  The  most  obstinate 
struggle  took  place  about  the  train  of  waggons.  The  team- 
sters had  fled  in  the  beginning  of  the  action,  but  the  English 
and  Spanish  soldiers,  struggling  with  the  horses,  and  pulling 
them  forward  and  backward,  tried  in  vain  to  get  exclusive 
possession  of  the  convoy  which  was  the  cause  of  the  action.* 
The  carts  at  last  forced  their  way  slowly  nearer  and  nearer 
to  the  town,  while  the  combat  still  went  on,  warm  as  ever, 
between  the  hostile  squadrons.  The  action  lasted  an  hour 
and  a  half,  and  again  and  again  the  Spanish  horsemen 
wavered  and  broke  before  the  handful  of  English,  and  fell 
back  upon  their  musketeers.  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  in  the  last 
charge,  rode  quite  through  the  enemy's  ranks  till  he  came 
upon  their  entrenchments,  when  a  musket-ball  from  the  camp 
struck  him  upon  the  thigh,  three  inches  above  the  knee. 
Although  desperately  wounded  in  a  part  which  should  have 
been  protected  by  the  cuishes  which  he  had  thrown  aside,  he 
was  not  inclined  to  leave  the  field  ;  but  his  own  horse  had 
been  shot  under  him  at  the  beginning  of  the  action,  and  the  one 


'  "  I  will  leave  no  labour  nor  dan- 
ger," said  Lord  North,  "  but  serve  as  a 
private  soldier,  and  have  thrust  my- 
self for  service  on  foot  under  Captain 
Reade,  whom  I  find  a  noble  and  nota- 
ble soldier."  (North  to  Burjrhl^y,  MS. 
last  cited.)  This  is  the  mettle  the  gal- 
lants of  Elizabeth's  court  were    made 


of     Compare  'Leyc.  Corresp.' 417. 

''  "The  Count  Hannibal  Gonzaga 
was  killed,  witli  three  others  whose 
names  we  know  not,  but  they  had  cas- 
socks all  embroidered  and  laced  with 
silver  and  gold."  Leicest(»r  to  Burgh- 
ley,  Sept.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

»  Strada,  U.  452.  *  Ibid 


1586.  SIR   PHILIP   SIDNEY   WOUNDED.  53 

upon  which  he  was  now  mounted  became  too  restive  for  him, 
thus  crippled,  to  control.  He  turned  reluctantly  away,  and 
rode  a  mile  and  a  half  back  to  the  entrenchments,  suffering 
extreme  pain,  for  his  leg  was  dreadfully  shattered.  As  he 
past  along  the  edge  of  the  battle-field  his  attendants  brought 
him  a  bottle  of  water  to  quench  his  raging  thirst.  At  that 
moment  a  wounded  English  soldier,  "  who  had  eaten  his  last 
at  the  same  feast,"  looked  up  wistfully  in  his  face,  when 
Sidney  instantly  handed  him  the  flask,  exclaiming,  "Thy 
necessity  is  even  greater  than  mine." '  He  then  pledged  his 
dying  comrade  in  a  draught,  and  was  soon  afterwards  met  by 
his  uncle.  "  Oh,  PhilijJ,"  cried  Leicester,  in  despair,  "I  am 
truly  grieved  to  see  thee  in  this  plight."  But  Sidney  com- 
forted him  with  manful  words,  and  assured  him  that  death 
was  sweet  in  the  cause  of  his  Queen  and  country.  Sir  Wil- 
liam Russell,  too,  all  blood-stained  from  the  fight,  threw  his 
arms  around  his  friend,  wept  like  a  child,  and  kissing  }as 
hand,  exclaimed,  "  Oh  !  noble  Sir  Philip,  never  did  jAan 
attain  hurt  so  honourably  or  serve  so  valiantly  as  you."  ^  Sir 
William  Pelham  declared  "that  Sidney's  noble  courage  in 
the  face  of  our  enemies  had  won  him  a  name  of  continuing 
"honour."^ 

The  wounded  gentleman  was  borne  back  to  the  camp,  and 
thence  in  a  barge  to  Arnheim.  The  fight  was  over.  Sir  John 
Norris  bade  Lord  Leicester  "  be  merry,  for,"  said  he,  "  you  have 
had  the  honourablest  day.  A  handful  of  men  has  driven  the 
enemy  three  times  to  retreat."*  But,  in  truth,  it  was  now 
time  for  the  English  to  retire  in  their  turn.  Their  reserve 
never  arrived.  The  whole  force  engaged  against  the  thirty- 
five  hundred  Spaniards  had  never  exceeded  two  hundred  and 
fifty   horse   and   three   hundred    foot,    and   of    this    number 

'  Brooke's  Sidney,  II.  32.  It  is  to  I  or  North,  or  Norris,  or  Leicester — all 
be  regretted  that  Lord  Brooke  does  of  whom  speak  of  Sidney's  gallantry 
not  give  the  authority  for  this  beauti-  in  the  action,  but  not  one  of  whom 
ful  and  universally  cherished  anec-  |  was  acquainted  with,  or  thought  it 
dote.  I  have  searched  in  vain  for  its 
confirmation  through  many  contem- 
porary letters  and  chronicles.  There 
is  no  reason  for  rejecting  its  authen- 
ticity, but  it  would  have  been  an  ex- 
quisite pleasure  to  find  it  recorded, 
£>r  iostaoce,  iu  a  letter  from  Pelham. 


worth    while   to   mention   the  charac- 
teristic and  touching  trait. 

'  Stowe,  737.  „^  ^^  ^ 

'  Pelham    to    Walsingham,  ^ — 7~t 
158G.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
*  Stowe,  ubi  svp. 


54 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  IX. 


the  chief  work  had  been  done  by  the  fifty  or  sixty  volunteers 
and  their  followers.^  The  heroism  which  had  been  displayed 
was  fruitless,  except  as  a  proof — and  so  Leicester  wrote  to 
the  Palatine  John  Casimir — "  that  Spaniards  were  not  in- 
vincible." ^  Two  thousand  men  now  sallied  from  the  Loor- 
Gate,  under  Verdugo  and  Tassis,''  to  join  the  force  under 
Vasto,  and  the  English  were  forced  to  retreat.  The  whole 
convoy  was  then  carried  into  the  city,  and  the  Spaniards 
remained  masters  of  the  field.* 

Thirteen  troopers  and  twenty-two  foot  soldiers,  upon  the 
English  side,  were  killed.  The  enemy  lost  perhaps  two  hun- 
sept.  w.  dred  men.  They  were  thrice  turned  from  their 
1586.  position,  and  thrice  routed,  but  they  succeeded  at 
last  in  their  attempt  to  carry  their  convoy  into  Zutphen. 
Upon  that  day,  and  the  succeeding  ones,  the  town  was  com- 
pletely victualled.  Very  little,  therefore,  save  honour,  was 
gained  by  the  display  of  English  valour  against  overwhelm- 
ing numbers — five  hundred  against  near  four  thousand. 
Never  in  the  whole  course  of  the  war  had  there  been  such 


'  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  417. 

»  Reyd,  v.  83. 

»  Parma  to  Philip,  30  Oct.  1586. 
MS. 

*  Ibid.  Leicester  observes  in  the 
letter  to  Burghley  (Sept.  — ,  1586,  S.  P. 
Office  MS.)  that,  "notwithstanding 
all  these  troops,  the  Prince  did  not 
put  in  one  waggon,  save  thirty  which 
got  in  in  the  night."  Alexander, 
however,  states  expressly  the  reverse, 
and  congratulates  Philip  on  the  entire 
success  of  the  undertaking: — 

"Pero  nos  debemos  contentar  con 
lo  sucedido,  pues  allende  de  haber 
quedado  la  campana  por  nosotros,  y 
salido  con  nuestra  pretension,  y  a  la 
barba  de  tan  buen  numero  con  ianta 
poca  gente  (!)  haber  inetido  y  sacado 
tanto  carnage,"  &c.  Letter  to  Philip, 
30  Oct.  1586.  MS. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  whatever 
that  the  Prince  was  entirely  correct  in 
his  statement.  The  result  proves  it, 
if  there  could  be  any  question  of  it 
before.  It  is  difficult  to  see  how 
Leicester  could  be  mistaken,  but  ho 
had  a  temptation  to  misrepresent  an 
affair  in  which  his  own  bad  general- 


ship had  been  as  signal  as  the  heroism 
which  it  had  called  forth.  Certainly 
Zutphen,  on  that  and  the  succeeding  • 
days,  was  thoroughly  relieved.  The 
errors,  wilful  or  otherwise,  as  to  the 
numbers  engaged  and  respectively 
lost  were  greater  on  both  sides  than 
usual  on  such  occasions,  but  this  kind 
of  misstatement  has  always  been  uni- 
versal. 

Compare  Sidney  Papers,  I.  104, 
containing  a  letter  of  Leicester  to 
Ileneage;  I  have  not  found  the  ori- 
ginal. '  Strada,  IL  450,  452.  Bor,  IL 
750,  751.  Stowe,  737,  738.  Hoofd, 
Vervolgh,  186,  187.  Reyd,  v.  83,  84, 
Meteren,  xiii.  237.  Bentivoglio,  P.  II. 
L.  IV.  311,  etmuU.  al. 

See  also  R.  W.  Tadama,  Geschiedenia 
der  Stad  Zutphen  ('Arnhem  en  Zut- 
Iihen,'  1586),  an  interesting  work,  care- 
liilly  written,  and  of  great  research; 
composed  mainly  from  original  un- 
published documents.  I  desire  to  ex- 
press my  thanks  to  the  learned  author 
for  the  kindness  with  which  he  guided 
me  over  Zutphen  and  its  neighbour- 
hood, pointing  out  everything  con- 
nected with  the  battle  and  the  siege. 


1586. 


RESULTS  OF  THE   ENCOUNTER. 


55 


fighting,  for  the  troops  upon  both  sides  were  picked  men  and 
veterans.  For  a  long  time  afterwards  it  was  the  custom  of 
Spaniards  and  Netherlanders,  in  characterising  a  hardly-con- 
tested action,  to  call  it  as  warm  as  the  fight  at  Zutphen.' 

"  I  think  I  may  call  it,"  said  Leicester,  "  the  most  notable 
encounter  that  hath  been  in  our  age,  and  it  will  remain  to 
our  posterity  famous."  ^ 

Nevertheless  it  is  probable  that  the  encounter  would  have 
been  forgotten  by  posterity  but  for  the  melancholy  close  upon 
that  field  to  Sidney's  bright  career.  And  perhaps  the  Queen 
of  England  had  as  much  reason  to  blush  for  the  incompetency 
of  her  general  and  favourite  as  to  be  proud  of  the  heroism 
displayed  by  her  officers  and  soldiers. 

"  There  were  too  many  indeed  at  this  skirmish  of  the  better 
sort,"  said  Leicester ;  "  only  a  two  hundred  and  fifty  horse. 


'  Strada,  II.  451.      . 

'  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  41(1: — 
"  That  Thursday  may  run  amongst 
any  of  our  Thursdays,"  said  the  Earl, 
('Leyc.  Corresp.'  430),  adding,  with  a 
most  ingenuous  reference  to  himself, 
"  In  my  former  letters  I  forgot  07ie, 
wlio  not  only  on  that  day  but  at  every 
day's  service  hath  been  a  principal 
actor  himself.  A  tall,  wise,  rare  ser- 
vant li£  is,  as  any  I  know,  and  of  mar- 
vellous good  government  and  judg- 
ment. That  gentleman  may  take  a 
great  charge  upon  him,  I  warrant 
you."  Self-depreciation  was  not  the 
Earl's  foible. 

There  is  hardly  a  battle  on  record 
about  which  the  accounts  are  so  hope- 
lessly conflicting  as  are  those  which 
relate  to  the  battle  of  Zutphen.  The 
reason  is  obvious.  The  skirmish  was 
a  comparatively  unimportant  one. 
The  fate  of  Sidney  has  invested  it 
with  undying  interest,  but  it  was  not 
supposed  at  that  time  that  he  was 
mortivlly  wounded.  Lord  North,  whose 
letters  are  always  spirited,  wont  into 
the  field  in  such  a  disabled  condition 
that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  send 
any  account  of  the  action,  as  he  doubt- 
less would  otherwise  have  done,  to 
Lord  Burghloy.  Pelham,  Norris,  and 
Leicester,  are  all  meagre  on  this  occa- 
sion in  details.  Archer,  in  Stowe,  is 
fuller,  but  Parma,  in  his  letters  to 
Philip,    though    copious,    is    confused. 


As  a  specimen  of  conflicting  statistics 
it  may  be  observed  that  the  number  of 
English  actually  engaged,  according 
to  the  statement  of  the  commander-in- 
chief  to  his  government,  was  550, 
horse  and  foot  together.  The  Span- 
ish, according  to  Famese's  letter  to 
Philip,  was  about  3,100  in  all.  Strada 
gives  the  same  number,  writing  from 
other  letters  of  Parma,  and  puts  the 
English  at  3000  foot  and  400  horse, 
exactly  the  same  number  that  is  given 
in  the  MS.  letters  of  Simancas,  and 
about  seven  times  as  many  as  were 
really  in  the  field.  Leicester  puts  the 
Spaniards  at  1,200  horse  and  3,000 
foot — about  1,000  more  than  the  actual 
numbers.  No  doubt  the  numbers  en- 
gaged on  each  side  should  be  taken 
as  correctly  stated  by  the  respective 
generals.  There  were  therefore  about 
3,100  Spaniards  to  550  English. 

Leicester  gives  the  numlier  of  killed 
and  wounded  as  33  English  and  from 
250  to  350  Spaniards. 

Parma  states  the  number  of  Spaniards 
killed  as  9  (!),  wounded  29,  while  he 
reports  200  English  killed. 

It  seems  impossible  that  there 
could  have  been  less  than  150  or  200 
Spaniards  killed,  which  is  not  more 
than  half  the  number  claimed  by 
Leicester  on  the  authority  of  Spaniards 
themselves.  But  it  is  a  waste  of 
time  to  indulge  in  these  fhiitlesa 
calculations. 


56  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  IX. 

and  most  of  them  the  best  of  this  camp,  and  unaivares  to  me. 
I  was  offended  when  I  knew  it,  but  could  not  fetch  them 
back ;  but  since  they  all  so  well  escaped  (save  my  dear 
nephew),  I  would  not  for  ten  thousand  pounds  but  they  had 
been  there,  since  they  have  all  won  that  honour  they  have. 
Your  Lordshij)  never  heard  of  such  desperate  charges  as 
they  gave  upon  the  enemies  in  the  face  of  their  muskets."  ^ 

He  described  Sidney's  wound  as  "  very  dangerous,  the  bone 
being  broken  in  pieces  ;"  but  said  that  the  surgeons  were  in 
good  hope.  "I  pray  God  to  save  his  life,"  said  the  Earl, 
"  and  I  care  not  how  lame  he  be."  Sir  Philip  was  carried  to 
Arnheim,  where  the  best  surgeons  were  immediately  in  at- 
tendance upon  him.  He  submitted  to  their  examination  and 
the  pain  which  they  inflicted,  with  great  cheerfulness,  al- 
though himself  persuaded  that  his  wound  was  mortal.  For 
many  days  the  result  was  doubtful,  and  messages  were  sent 
day  by  day  to  England  that  he  was  convalescent — intelli- 
gence which  was  hailed  by  the  Queen  and  people  as  a  matter 
not  of  private  but  of  public  rejoicing.  He  soon  began  to  fail, 
however.  Count  Hohenlo  was  badly  wounded  a  few  days 
later  before  the  great  fort  of  Zutphen.  A  musket-ball  en- 
tered his  mouth,  and  passed  through  his  cheek,  carrying  off 
a  jewel  which  hung  in  his  ear.^  Notwithstanding  his  own 
critical  condition,  however,  Hohenlo  sent  his  surgeon,  Adrian 
van  den  Spiegel,  a  man  of  great  skill,  to  wait  upon  Sir 
Philip,^  but  Adrian  soon  felt  that  the  case  was  hopeless. 
Meantime  fever  and  gangrene  attacked  the  Count  himself; 
and  those  in  attendance  upon  him,  fearing  for  his  life,  sent  for 
his  surgeon.  Leicester  refused  to  allow  Adrian  to  depart,  and 
Hohenlo  very  generously  acquiescing  in  the  decree,  but,  also 
requiring  the  surgeon's  personal  care,  caused  himself  to  be 
transported  in  a  litter  to  Arnheim.* 

Sidney  was  first  to  recognise  the  symptoms  of  mortification, 
which  made  a  fatal  result  inevitable.  His  demeanour  during 
his  sickness  and  upon  his  death-bed  was  as  beautiful  as  his 

'  Letter  to  Burghley,  MS.  before  I  '  Letter  of  Hohenlo,  in  Bor,  HI 
cited.  123. 

*  Stowe,  738.     Bor,  II.  728.  ]       *  Letter  of  Hohenlo,  in  Bor,  III.  123. 


1586.  DEATH   OF   SIDNEY   AT   ARNHEIM.  57 

life.  He  discoursed  with  his  friends  concerning  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul,  comparing  the  doctrines  of  Plato  and  of 
other  ancient  philosophers,  whose  writings  were  so  familiar  to 
him,  with  the  revelations  of  Scripture  and  with  the  dictates 
of  natural  religion.  He  made  his  will  with  minute  and  ela- 
borate provisions,  leaving  bequests,  remembrances,  and  rings, 
to  all  his  friends.  Then  he  indulged  himself  with  music,  and 
listened  particularly  to  a  strange  song  which  he  had  himself 
composed  during  his  illness,  and  which  he  had  entitled 
*La  Cuisse  rompue.'  He  took  leave  of  the  friends  around 
him  with  perfect  calmness,  saying  to  his  brother  Robert, 
''  Love  my  memory.  Cherish  my  friends.  Above  all, 
govern  your  will  and  affections  by  the  will  and  word  of  your 
Creator  ;  in  me  beholding  the  end  of  this  world  with  all  her 
vanities."  ^ 

And  thus  this  gentle  and  heroic  spirit  took  its  flight. 

Parma,  after  thoroughly  victualling  Zutphen,  turned  his 
attention  to  the  German  levies  which  Leicester  was  expecting 
under  the  care  of  Count  Meurs.  "  If  the  enemy  is  reinforced 
by  these  six  thousand  fresh  troops,"  said  Alexander,  "  it  will 
make  him  master  of  the  field."  ^  And  well  he  might  hold 
this  opinion,  for,  in  the  meagre  state  of  both  the  Spanish  and 
the  liberating  armies,  the  addition  of  three  thousand  fresh 
reiters  and  as  many  infantry  would  be  enough  to  turn  the 
scale.  The  Duke  of  Parma — for,  since  the  recent  death  of 
his  father,  Farnese  had  succeeded  to  his  title  ^ — determined  in 
person  to  seek  the  German  troops,  and  to  destroy  them  if 
possible.  But  they  never  gave  him  the  chance.'*  Their 
muster-place  was  Bremen,  but  when  they  heard  that  the 
terrible  '  Holofernese '  was  in  pursuit  of  them,  and  that  the 
commencement  of  their  service  would  be  a  pitched  battle  with 
his  Spaniards  and  Italians,  they  broke  up  and  scattered  about 


'  Brooke's  Sidney,  II.  32,  40.  Sid- 
ney Papers,  104,  seq. 

"  Parma  to  Philip,  30  Oct.  1586. 
Arcli.  de  Simaiieas,  MS. 

^  Philip  II.  to  Parma,  19  Oct.  1586. 
(Arcliiv.  do  SirnaLcas,  M&^.)  "Ilciicc- 
ibrtli,"  said  the  King.  "I  will  bo  both 
father  and  mother  to  you." 


*  Bentivoglio  is  much  mistaken  (P. 
II.  L.  iv.  311)  in  giving  an  account  of 
a  pitched  battle  between  Alexander 
and  these  mercenaries,  in  which  they 
are  represented  as  having  been  utterly 
defeated.  The  victory  was  quite 
bloodless,  and  it  coat  the  victOT  orily 
a  couple  of  gold  chains. 


53 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


CUAP.  IX. 


the  country.  Soon  afterwards  the  Duke  tried  another 
method  of  effectually  dispersing  them,  in  case  they  still  re- 
tained a  wish  to  fulfil  their  engagement  with  Leicester.  He 
sent  a  messenger  to  treat  with  them,  and  in  consequence  two 
of  their  '  rittmeisters'  paid  him  a  visit.  He  offered  to  give 
them  higher  pay,  and  "  ready  money  in  place  of  tricks  and 
promises."  The  mercenary  heroes  listened  very  favourably 
to  his  proposals,  although  they  had  already  received — besides 
the  tricks  and  promises — at  least  one  hundred  thousand  florins 
out  of  the  States'  treasury.- 

After  proceeding  thus  far  in  the  negotiation,  however, 
Parma  concluded,  as  the  season  was  so  far  advanced,  that  it 
was  sufficient  to  have  dispersed  them,  and  to  have  deprived 
the  English  and  patriots  of  their  services.  So  he  gave  the 
two  majors  a  gold  chain  a-piece,  and  they  went  their  way 
thoroughly  satisfied.  "I  have  got  them  away  from  the 
enemy  for  this  year,"  said  Alexander  ;  "  and  this  I  hold  to 
be  one  of  the  best  services  that  has  been  rendered  for  many  a 
long  day  to  your  Majesty."^ 


I  Parma  to  Philip,  30  Oct.  1586.  MS. 
last  cited.  "  Meteren,  xiii.  236. 

^  Parma  to  Philip,  MS.  last  cited. 

According  to  Meteren  {ubi  sup.) 
this  mysterious  dispersion  of  the  Ger- 
man troops  was  owing  to  the  intrigues 
of  Leicester's  English  advisers,  who 
were  unwilling  that  he  should  send 
the  money  of  the  States  anywhere  but 
to  England,  and  who  therefore  by 
their  machinations  contrived  to  spirit 
away  this  auxiliary  force  just  at  the 
moment  when  by  its  junction  with  his 
own  army  the  Earl  was  about  to  have 
Farnese  in  his  power.  "  From  this 
time  forth,"  says  Meteren,  "it  was 
obvious  that  Leicester  was  governed 
entirely  by  English  counsels,"  and  so 
on.  It  has  just  been  shown  by  the 
Duke's  private  letters  that  the  gener- 
ally most  accurate  chronicler  was  mis- 
taken in  this  instance,  and  that  the 
deed  was  accomplished  by  Alexander's 
clever  management  alone.  Some  of 
the  German  princes  in  whose  terri- 
tories these  levies  had  been  made, 
were  honourably  indignant  at  the  trea- 
chery which  had  been  thus  practised  on 
the  States.  Some  of  the  officers  were 
punished  with  imprisonment,  deg;rada- 


tion,  and  loss  of  nobility  and  armoriai 
bearings,  and  the  mone^'  paid  as  their 
"  waart  geld "  was  sent  back  to  Hol- 
land. (Le  Petit,  '  Grand  Chronique,' 
IL  536.) 

Reyd  is  still  more  severe.  He 
maintains  that  Leicester  withheld  tho 
pay  which  the  States  had  furnished 
for  these  important  levies,  whose  ar- 
rival at  the  time  agreed  upon  would 
liavo  changed  the  fortune  of  the  war; 
and  that  he  secretly  prevented  their 
coming,  from  a  fear  that  they  would 
adhere  too  closely  to  Hohenlo  and 
Count  William  Lewis.  Count  Yssel- 
stein,  who  had  been  sent  by  the  Earl 
to  deal  with  tliese  mercenaries  and  to 
promise  their  money,  was  furious  at 
the  treachery  of  which  he  conceived 
Leicester  guilty,  and  did  not  scruple 
to  say  in  large  companies:  "Leicester 
has  done  two  great  things  in  his  life. 
He  has  made  my  old  page,  Martin 
Schenk  a  knight,  and  myself  a  liar." 
(Reyd,  '  Nederl.  Gcsch.'  v.  85.) 

Tho  suspicion,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
quite  groundless,  and  Ysselstein  and 
the  historian  (who  was  private  secre- 
tary to  Count  William  Lewis)  very 
much  mistakea. 


1586.  GALLANTRY  OF  EDWARD   STANLEY.  5t)  » 

During  the  period  which  intervened  between  the  action  at 
Warusfeld  and  the  death  of  Sidney,  the  siege-operations  be- 
fore Zutphen  had  been  continued.  The  city,  strongly  gar- 
risoned and  well  supplied  with  provisions,  as  it  had  been  by 
Parma's  care,  remained  impregnable  ;  but  the  sconces  beyond 
the  river  and  upon  the  island  fell  into  Leicester's  hands.' 
The  great  fortress  which  commanded  the  Veluwe,  and  which 
was  strong  enough  to  have  resisted  Count  Hohenlo  on  a 
former  occasion  for  nearly  a  whole  year,  was  the  scene  of 
much  hard  fighting.  It  was  gained  at  last  by  the  signal 
valour  of  Edward  Stanley,  lieutenant  to  Sir  William.  That 
officer,  at  the  commencement  of  an  assault  upon  a  not  very 
practicable  breach,  sprang  at  the  long  pike  of  a  Spanish 
soldier,  who  was  endeavoring  to  thrust  him  from  the  wall, 
and  seized  it  with  both  hands.  The  Spaniard  struggled  to 
maintain  his  hold  of  the  weapon,  Stanley  to  wrest  it  from  his 
grasp.  A  dozen  other  soldiers  broke  their  pikes  upon  his 
cuirass  or  shot  at  him  with  their  muskets.  Conspicuous  by 
his  dress,  being  all  in  yellow  but  his  corslet,  he  was  in  full 
sight  of  Leicester  and  of  five  thousand  men.  The  earth 
was  so  shifty  and  sandy  that  the  soldiers  who  were  to  follow 
him  were  not  able  to  climb  the  wall.  Still  Stanley  grasped 
his  adversary's  pike,  but,  suddenly  changing  his  plan,  he 
allowed  the  Spaniard  to  lift  him  from  the  ground.  Then, 
assisting  himself  with  his  feet  against  the  wall,  he,  much  to 
the  astonishment  of  the  spectators,  scrambled  quite  over  the 
parapet,  and  dashed  sword  in  hand  among  the  defenders  of 
the  fort.  Had  he  been  endowed  with  a  hundred  lives  it 
seemed  impossible  for  him  to  escape  death.  But  his  followers, 
stimulated  by  his  example,  made  ladders  for  themselves  of 
each  others'  shoulders,  clambered  at  last  with  great  exertion 
over  the  broken  wall,  overpowered  the  garrison,  and  made 
themselves  masters  of  the  sconce.  Leicester,  transported 
with  enthusiasm  for  this  noble  deed  of  daring,  knighted  Ed- 
ward Stanley  upon  the  spot,  besides  presenting  him  next  day 
with  forty  pounds  in  gold  and  an  annuity  of  one  hundred 

'  Slr.ida,  II.  453,  454.  Hoofd,  Tervolgh,  188.  Bor,  II.  752.  Wagenaai^ 
viiL  1.S6. 


60 


THE   UNITED   NETHBRLANDa 


CUAP.  IX 


marks  sterling  for  life.  "  Since  I  was  born,  I  did  never  see 
any  man  behave  himself  as  he  did/'  said  the  Earl.  "  I  shall 
never  forget  it,  if  I  live  a  thousand  year,  and  he  shall  have 
a  part  of  my  living  for  it  as  long  as  I  live."  ^ 

The  occupation  of  these  forts  terminated  the  military 
operations  of  the  year,  for  the  rainy  season,  precursor  of  the 
winter,  had  now  set  in.  Leicester,  leaving  Sir  William 
Stanley,  with  twelve  hundred  English  and  Irish  horse,  in  com- 
mand of  Deventer  ;  Sir  John  Burrowes,  with  one  thousand 
men,  in  Doesburg ;  and  Sir  Robert  Yorke,  with  one  thousand 
more,  in  the  great  sconce  before  Zutphen  ;  took  his  departure 
for  the  Hague.*  Zutphen  seemed  so  surrounded  as  to  au- 
thorize the  governor  to  expect  ere  long  its  capitulation. 
Nevertheless,  the  results  of  the  campaign  had  not  been 
encouraging.  The  States  had  lost  ground,  having  been 
driven  from  the  Meuse  and  Ehine,  while  they  had  with  diffi- 
culty maintained  themselves  on  the  Flemish  coast  and  upon 
the  Yssel. 

It  is  now  necessary  to  glance  at  the  internal  politics  of  the 
Republic  during  the  period  of  Leicester's  administration  and 
to  explain  the  position  in  which  he  found  himself  at  the  close 
of  the  year. 


'  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  428. 
Compare  Strada^  II.  455,  456.  Hoofd, 
Vervolgh,    188.     Meteren,    xiii.    237, 


who  says  that  Leicester  presented 
Stanley  with  a  life-rent  of  six  hundred 
florins  (£60).  '  Bor,  II.  753. 


1586.         SHOULD  ELIZABETH  ACCEPT  THE  SOVEREIGNTY  ?  61 


CHAPTER     X. 

Should  Elizabeth  accept  the  Sovereignty?  —  The  Effects  of  her  Anger  — 
Quarrels  between  the  Earl  and  the  States  —  The  Earl's  three  Counsellors  — 
Leicester's  Finance-Chamber — Discontent  of  the  Mercantile  Classes  — 
Paul  Buys  and  the  Opposition  —  Keen  Insight  of  Paul  Buys  —  Truchsess 
becomes  a  Spy  upon  liim  —  Intrigues  of  Buys  with  Denmark  —  His 
Imprisonment  —  The  Earl's  Unpopularity  —  His  Quarrels  with  the  States 
—  And  with  the  Norrises — His  Counsellors  "Wilkes  and  Clerke — ^Letter 
from  the  Queen  to  Leicester  —  A  Supper  Party  at  Hohenlo's  —  A  drunken 
Quarrel  —  Hohenlo's  Assault  upon  Edward  Norris  —  111  Effects  of  the 
Riot. 

The  brief  period  of  sunshine  had  been  swiftly  followed  by 
storms.  The  Governor  Absolute  had,  from  the  outset,  been 
placed  in  a  false  position.  Before  he  came  to  the  Nether- 
lands the  Queen  had  refused  the  sovereignty.  Perhaps  it 
was  wise  in  her  to  decline  so  magnificent  an  offer  ;  yet  cer- 
tainly her  acceptance  would  have  been  perfectly  honourable. 
The  constituted  authorities  of  the  Provinces  formally  made 
the  proposition.  There  is  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  whole 
population  ardently  desired  to  become  her  subjects.  So  far 
as  the  Netherlands  were  concerned,  then,  she  would  have 
been  fully  justified  in  extending  her  sceptre  over  a  free  people, 
who,  under  no  compulsion  and  without  any  diplomatic  chicane, 
had  selected  her  for  their  hereditary  chief  So  far  as  regarded 
England,  the  annexation  to  that  country  of  a  continental 
cluster  of  states,  inhabited  by  a  race  closely  allied  to  it  by 
blood,  religion,  and  the  instinct  for  political  freedom,  seemed, 
on  the  whole,  desirable. 

In  a  financial  point  of  view,  England  would  certainly  lose 
nothing  by  the  union.  The  resources  of  the  Provinces  were 
at  least  equal  to  her  own.  We  have  seen  the  astonishment 
which  the  wealth  and  strength  of  the  Netherlands  excited  in 
their  English  visitors.  They  were  amazed  by  the  evidences 
of  commercial  and  manufacturing  prosperity,  by  the  spectacle 
of  luxury  aod  advanced  culture,  which  met  them  on  every 


62 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X. 


side.  Had  the  Queen — as  it  had  been  generally  supposed — 
desired  to  learn  whether  the  Provinces  were  able  and  willing 
to  pay  the  expenses  of  their  own  defence  before  she  should 
definitely  decide  on  their  offer  of  sovereignty,  she  was  soon 
thoroughly  enlightened  upon  the  subject.'  Her  confidential 
agents  all  held  one  language.  If  she  would  only  accept  the 
sovereignty,  the  amount  which  the  Provinces  would  pay  was 
in  a  manner  boundless.  She  was  assured  that  the  revenue  of 
her  own  hereditary  realm  was  much  inferior  to  that  of  the 
possessions  thus  offered  to  her  sway.- 

In  regard  to  constitutional  polity,  the  condition  of  the 
Netherlands  was  at  least  as  satisfactory  as  that  of  England. 
The  great  amount  of  civil  freedom  enjoyed  by  those  countries 
— although  perhaps  an  objection  in  the  eyes  of  Elizabeth 
Tudor — should  certainly  have  been  a  recommendation  to  her 
liberty-loving  subjects.  The  question  of  defence  had  been 
satisfactorily  answered.  The  Provinces,  if  an  integral  part  of 
the  English  empire,  could  protect  themselves,  and  would 
become  an  additional  element  of  strength,  not  a  troublesome 
encumbrance. 

The  difference  of  language  was  far  less  than  that  which 
already  existed  between  the  English  and  their  Irish  fellow- 
subjects,  while  it  was  counterbalanced  by  sympathy,  instead 


'  Hoofd,  xxiii.  1039,  1042.  "Wage- 
naar,  viii.  102,  104;   141,  142. 

"  "  Neither  do  I  easily  see,"  wrote 
Richard  Cavendish,  "  how  the  cause 
may  be  remedied,  unless  it  may  please 
her  most  excellent  Majesty  to  take 
that  upon  her  which  the  whole  people 
(and  specially  they  of  the  wiser  sort) 
both   crave   and  cry   for,    namely,    the 

sovereignty T/iere  is  no 

doubt  but  the  revenues  will  suffice  to 
the  driving  of  the  enemy  out  of  these 
countries  for  ever,  and  afterward  in 
clear  profit  unto  her  Jfajesty  far  sur- 
mount the  receipts  at  homey  Caven- 
dish to  Burghley,  9  April,  1586.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

"The  people,"  said  Leicester,  "still 
pray  God  that  her  Majesty  will  be 
their  sovereign.     She  would  then  see 


what  a  contribution  they  will  all  bring 
forth."  Leicester  to  Burghley,  18 
June,  1586.     (S.  P.  OflBce  MS.) 

"  I  may  safely  say  to  your  Majesty," 
said  he  at  about  the  same  period, 
"  that  if  your  aid  had  been  in  such 
apparent  sort  to  the  countries  that 
they  might  assure  themselves  of  any 
certain  time  of  continuance  of  the 
same,  and  that  you  had  taken  their 
cause  indeed  to  heart,  I  am  verily 
persuaded  that  they  would  liave  given 
very  good  testimonies  by  their  very 
large  contributions  to  maintain  their 
wars  for  such  certaui  number  of  years 
to  be  set  down  as  your  Majesty  should 
appoint,  and  no  prince  nor  practice  of 
any  person  living  able  to  draw  them 
from  you."  Leicester  to  the  Queen, 
27  June,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1586.  SHOULD  ELIZABP]TH  ACCEPT  THE  SOVEREIGNTY  ?  63 

of  being  aggravated  by  mutual  hostility  in  the  matter  of 
religion. 

With  regard  to  the  great  question  of  abstract  sovereignty, 
it  was  certainly  impolitic  for  an  absolute  monarch  to  recog- 
nize the  right  of  a  nation  to  repudiate  its  natural  allegiance. 
But  Elizabeth  had  already  countenanced  that  step  by  assisting 
the  rebellion  against  Philip.  To  allow  the  rebels  to  transfer 
their  obedience  from  the  King  of  Spain  to  herself  was  only 
another  step  in  the  same  direction.  The  Queen,  should  she 
annex  the  Provinces,  would  certainly  be  accused  by  the  world 
of  ambition  ;  but  the  ambition  was  a  noble  one,  if,  by  thus 
consenting  to  the  urgent  solicitations  of  a  free  people,  she 
extended  the  region  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  raised 
up  a  permanent  bulwark  against  sacerdotal  and  royal  ab- 
solutism. 

A  war  between  herself  and  Spain  was  inevitable  if  she 
accepted  the  sovereignty,  but  peace  had  been  already  ren- 
dered impossible  by  the  treaty  of  alliance.  It  is  true  that 
the  Queen  imagined  the  possibility  of  combining  her  engage- 
ments towards  the  States  with  a  conciliatory  attitude  towards 
their  ancient  master,  but  it  was  here  that  she  committed  the 
gravest  error.  The  negotiations  of  Parma  and  his  sovereign 
with  the  English  court  were  a  masterpiece  of  deceit  on  the 
part  of  Spain.  We  have  shown,  by  the  secret  correspondence, 
and  we  shall  in  the  sequel  make  it  still  clearer,  that  Philip 
only  intended  to  amuse  his  antagonists  ;  that  he  had  already 
prepared  his  plan  for  the  conquest  of  England,  down  to  the 
minutest  details  ;  that  the  idea  of  tolerating  religious  liberty 
had  never  entered  his  mind  ;  and  that  his  fixed  purpose  was 
not  only  thoroughly  to  chastise  the  Dutch  rebels,  but  to 
deprive  the  heretic  Queen  who  had  fostered  their  rebellion 
both  of  throne  and  life.  So  far  as  regarded  the  Spanish 
King,  then,  the  quarrel  between  him  and  Elizabeth  was 
already  mortal  ;  while,  in  a  religious,  moral,  pohtical,  and 
financial  point  of  view,  it  would  be  difficult  to  show  that  it  was 
wrong  or  imprudent  for  England  to  accept  the  sovereignty 
over   his   ancient   subjects.      The    cause  of  human    freedom 


64  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  X. 

seemed  likely  to  gain  by  the  step,  for  the  States  did  not 
consider  themselves  strong  enough  to  maintain  the  inde- 
pendent republic  wliich  had  already  risen. 

It  might  be  a  question  whether,  on  the  whole,  Elizabeth 
made  a  mistake  in  declining  the  sovereignty.  She  was  cer- 
tainly wrong,  however,  in  wishing  the  lieutenant-general  of 
her  six  thousand  auxiliary  troops  to  be  clothed,  as  such, 
with  viceregal  powers.  The  States-General,  in  a  moment  of 
enthusiasm,  appointed  him  governor  absolute,  and  placed  in 
his  hands,  not  only  the  command  of  the  forces,  but  the  entire 
control  of  their  revenues,  imposts,  and  customs,  together 
with  the  appointment  of  civil  and  military  officers.  Such  an 
amount  of  power  could  only  be  delegated  by  the  sovereign. 
Elizabeth  had  refused  the  sovereignty  :  it  then  rested  with 
the  States.  They  only,  therefore,  were  competent  to  confer 
the  power  which  Elizabeth  wished  her  favourite  to  exercise 
simply  as  her  lieutenant-general. 

Her  wrathful  and  vituperative  language  damaged  her  cause 
and  that  of  the  Netherlands  more  severely  than  can  now  be 
accurately  estimated.  The  Earl  was  placed  at  once  in  a 
false,  a  humiliating,  almost  a  ridiculous  position.  The  au- 
thority which  the  States  had  thus  a  second  time  offered  to 
England  was  a  second  time  and  most  scornfully  thrust  back 
upon  them.  Elizabeth  was  indignant  that  "  her  own  man  " 
should  clothe  himself  in  the  supreme  attributes  which  she 
had  refused.  The  States  were  forced  by  the  violence  of  the 
Queen  to  take  the  authority  into  their  own  hands  again,  and 
Leicester  was  looked  upon  as  a  disgraced  man. 

Then  came  the  neglect  with  which  the  Earl  was  treated  by 
her  Majesty  and  her  ill-timed  parsimony  towards  the  cause. 
No  letters  to  him  in  four  months,  no  remittances  for  the 
English  troops,  not  a  penny  of  salary  for  him.  The  whole 
expense  of  the  war  was  thrown  for  the  time  upon  their  hands, 
and  the  English  soldiers  seemed  only  a  few  thousand  starving, 
naked,  dying  vagrants,  an  incumbrance  instead  of  an  aid.^ 

'  "  I  find  the  most  part  of  the  bands  I  tember,"  said  Quartermaster  Diggea, 
that  came  over  in   August   and   Sep-   |    "  more   than   half   wasted,    dead    and 


1586. 


THE  EFFECTS  OF  HER  ANGER. 


65 


The  States,  in  their  turn,  drew  the  purse-strings.  The 
two  hundred  thousand  florins  monthly  were  paid.  The  four 
hundred  thousand  florins  which  had  been  voted  as  an  addi- 
tional supply  were  for  a  time  held  back,  as  Leicester  expressly 
stated,  because  of  the  discredit  which  had  been  thrown  upon 
him  from  home.' 

The  military  operations  were  crippled  for  want  of  funds, 
but  more  fatal  than  everything  else  were  the  secret  negotia- 
tions for  peace.  Subordinate  individuals,  like  Grafigni  and 
De  Loo,  went  up  and  down,  bringing  presents  out  of  England 
for  Alexander  F^fnese,^  and  bragging  that  Parma  and  them- 
selves could  have  peace  whenever  they  liked  to  make  it,  and 
afiirming  that  Leicester's  opinions  were  of  no  account  what- 
ever. Elizabeth's  coldness  to  the  Earl  and  to  the  Nether- 
lands was  affirmed  to  be  the  Prince  of  Parma's  sheet-anchor  ; 
while  meantime   a    house   was    ostentatiously^  prepared    in 


gone,  and  many  of  the  remainder  sick, 
lame,  and  shrewdly  enfeebled,  fitter 
to  be  reheved  at  home  in  hospitals 
than  to  take  her  Majesty's  pay  here 
for  soldiers Our  soldiers,  not- 
withstanding great  numbers  of  them  be 
paid  with  earth  in  their  graves,  yet  the 
rest  are  so  ill  contented  of  their  due 
for  the  time  past,  that,  if  pay  come 
not  speedily,  before  they  be  drawn  to 
deal  with  the  enemy,  I  doubt  some 
worse  adventure  than  I  will  divine  be- 
forehand." '  Advertisement  of  the  pre- 
sent state  of  these  Low   Countries,  by 

T.  Digges,'  -  March,     1586.      (S.    P. 

OfBce  MS.) 

'  Strangely  enough,  Elizabeth  was 
under  the  impression  that  the  extra 
grant  of  400,000  florins  (40,000Z.)  for 
four  months  was  four  hundred  thou- 
sand pounds  sterling! "The  rest 

that  was  granted  by  the  States,  as  ex- 
traordinary to  levy  an  army,  which 
was  400,000  florins,  not  pounds,  as  I 
hear  your  Majesty  taketh  it.  It  is 
forty  thousand  pounds,  and  to  be  paid 
in  March,  April,  May,  and  June  last," 
&c.  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  11  Oct. 
1586.      (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

She  had  certainly  formed  already  an 
exalted   idea   of    tbe   capacity  of  the 

VOL.  11. — F 


Provinces  to  protect  themselves.  She 
had  in  a  year  paid  but  seventy  thou- 
sand pounds  herself,  and  believed  the 
States  able,  over  and  above  their  regu- 
lar contributions,  to  furnish  an  extra- 
ordinary supply  of  one  hundred  thou- 
sand pounds  a  month. 

*  Leicester   to  the   Queen,    6   June, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  "Amongst  all  the  enemy's  means 
to  persuade  his  discontented  and  ill-fed 
companions,"  said  Cavendish,  "  this 
seemeth  to  be  his  sheet-anchor,  name- 
ly, that  where  the  only  comfort  of  this 
people  dependeth  wholly  upon  her 
Maj.'s  most  gracious  relief  and  sup- 
port, now  is  the  disposition  thereof  in 
her  so  cooled,  as  she  very  faintly 
stretcheth  forth  her  hand  thereunto, 
which  evidently  appears,  as  well  by 
the  many  disgraces  which  here  my< 
Lord  hath  received  from  her  Maj.,  to 
the  great  blemish  of  his  authority,  as 
also   by    the    slack     payment   of   her 

troops and  so  long  as  my  Lord 

shall  be  unable  to  front  him  in  the 
field,  so  long  will  this  people  be  with- 
out hope,  and  the  enemy  inflamed  with 
assured  hope  of  victory."  Cavendish 
to  Burghley,  15  June,  1586.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 


66 


THE   UNITED    NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.   X 


Brussels  by  their  direction  for  the  reception  of  an  English 
ambassador,  who  was  every  moment  expected  to  arrive.* 
Under  such  circumstances  it  was  in  vain  for  the  governor- 
general  to  protest  that  the  accounts  of  secret  negotiations 
were  false,  and  quite  natural  that  the  States  should  lose  their 
confidence  in  the  Queen.  An  unfriendly  and  suspicious  atti- 
tude towards  her  representative  was  a  necessary  result,  and 
the  demonstrations  against  the  common  enemy  became  still 
more  languid.  But  for  these  underhand  dealings,  Grave, 
Venlo,  and  Neusz,  might  have  been  saved,^  and  the  current 
of  the  Meuse  and  Rhine  have  remained  in  ^he  hands  of  the 
patriots. 

The  Earl  was  industrious,  generous,  and  desirous  of  playing 
well  his  part.  His  personal  courage  was  undoubted,  and,  in 
the  opinion  of  his  admirers — 'themselves,  some  of  them,  men 
of  large  military  experience — his  ability  as  a  commander  was 
of  a  high  order."^  The  valour  displayed  by  the  English  nobles 
and  gentlemen  who  accompanied  him  was  magnificent, 
worthy  the  descendants  of  the  victors  at  Crecy,  Poictiers,  and 
Agincourt ;  and  the  good  behaviour  of  their  followers — with 
a  few  rare  exceptions — had  been  equally  signal.  But  now 
the  army  was  dwindling  to  a  ghastly  array  of  scarecrows,  and 
the  recruits,  as  they  came  from  England,  were  appalled  by 
the  spectacle  presented  by  their  predecessors.*  "  Our  old 
ragged  rogues  here  have  so  discouraged  our  new  men,"  said 
Leicester;  "as  I  protest  to  you  they  look  like  dead  men."^ 
Out  of  eleven  hundred  freshly-arrived  Englishmen,  five  hun- 


'  "  It  is  certainly  known  that  the 
enemy  hath  not  a  httle  prevailed  with 
that  stratagem,  causing  to  be  pub- 
lished that  there  was  a  treaty  of  peace 
between  her  Majesty  and  him,  and 
that  the  same  should  be  shortly  con- 
cluded ;  and  to  make  this  device  to 
carry  the  more  shew  of  truth,  he 
caused  a  house  to  be  prepared  in 
Brussels,  saying  that  it  was  for  an 
ambassador  coming  out  of  England  to 
conclude  the  peace,  by  which  means 
he  hath  contained  divers  towns  in 
terms  of  obedience  that  were  ready  to 


revolt,  in  respect  of  their  misery,  po- 
verty, and  famine."  Wilkes  to  Burgh- 
ley,  7  Aug.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  20  June, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

^  North  to  Burghley,  23  May,  1586. 
Same  to  same,  29  May,  1586.  Heneage 
to  Walsingham,  25  May,  1586.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

*  Leicester  to  Burghley,  18  June, 
1586.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Bruce'i 
'Leyc.  Corresp.'  338. 

*  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  338. 


1586. 


QUARRELS  BETWEEN  THE  EARL  AND  STATES. 


67 


dred  ran  away  in  two  days,'  Some  were  caught  and  hanged, 
and  all  seemed  to  prefer  hanging  to  remaining  in  the  service, 
while  the  Earl  declared  that  he  would  he  hanged  as  well 
rather  than  again  undertake  such  a  charge  without  being 
assured  payment  for  his  troops  beforehand. - 

The  valour  of  Sidney  and  Essex,  Willoughby  and  Pelham, 
Roger  Williams  and  Martin  Schenk,  was  set  at  nought  by 
such  untoward  circumstances.  Had  not  PhiUp  also  left  his 
army  to  starve  and  Alexander  Farnese  to  work  miracles, 
it  would  have  fared  still  worse  with  Holland  and  England, 
and  with  the  cause  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  in  the  year 
1586. 

The  States  having  resumed,  as  much  as  possible,  their 
former  authority,  were  on  very  unsatisfactory  terms  with  the 
governor-general.  Before  long,  it  was  impossible  for  the 
twenty  or  thirty  individuals  called  the  States  to  be  in  the 
same  town  with  the  man  whom,  at  the  commencement  of  the 
year,  they  had  greeted  so  warmly.^  The  hatred  between  the 
Leicester  faction  and  the  municipalities  became  intense,  for 
the  foundation  of  the  two  great  parties  which  were  long  to 
divide  the  Netherland  commonwealth  was  already  laid.  The 
mercantile  patrician  interest,  embodied  in  the  states  of  Hol- 
land and  Zeeland,  and  inclined  to  a  large  toleration  in  the 
matter  of  religion,  which  afterwards  took  the  form  of  Armi- 
nianism,  was  opposed  by  a  strict  Calvinist  party,  which  desired 
to  subject  the  political  commonwealth  to  the  reformed  church  ; 
which  nevertheless  indulged  in  very  democratic  views  of 
the  social  compact ;  and  which  was  controlled  by  a  few 
refugees  from  Flanders  and  Brabant,  who  had  succeeded  in 
obtaining  the  confidence  of  Leicester. 

Thus  the  Earl  was  the  nominal  head  of  the  Calvinist  demo- 
cratic party ;  while  young  Maurice  of  Nassau,  stadholder  of  Hol- 
land and  Zeeland,  and  guided  by  Barneveld,  Buys,  and  other 
leading  statesmen  of  these  Provinces,  was  in  an  attitude  pre- 


'  Leicester   to    Burghley,    MS.    last 

cited.     Bruce,  itbi  sup.  2  ibid. 

»  Doyley  to  Burghley,  8  Aug.   1586. 


(S.  P.  Office  MS.)     Compare  Wagenaar 
viii.  142,  143. 


C8  THE   UNITED   NETUEKLAiS^DS.  Cuap.  X 

cisely  the  reverse  of  the  one  which  he  was  destined  at  a  later 
and  equally  memorable  epoch  to  assume.  The  chiefs  of  the 
faction  which  had  now  succeeded  in  gaining  the  confidence 
of  Leicester  were  Reingault,  Burgrave,  and  Deventer,  all 
refugees. 

The  laws  of  Holland  and  of  the  other  United  States  were 
very  strict  on  the  subject  of  citizenship,  and  no  one  but  a 
native  was  competent  to  hold  office  in  each  Province.  Doubt- 
less, such  regulations  were  narrow-spirited  ;  but  to  fly  in  the 
face  of  them  was  the  act  of  a  despot,  and  this  is  what  Lei- 
cester did.  Reingault  was  a  Fleming.  He  was  a  bankrupt 
merchant,  who  had  been  taken  into  the  protection  of  Lamoral 
Egmont,  and  by  that  nobleman  recommended  to  Granvelle 
for  an  office  under  the  Cardinal's  government.  The  refusal 
of  this  favour  was  one  of  the  original  causes  of  Egmont's 
hostility  to  Granvelle.  Reingault  subsequently  entered  the 
service  of  the  Cardinal,  however,  and  rewarded  the  kindness 
of  his  former  benefactor  by  great  exertions  in  finding,  or 
inventing,  evidence  to  justify  the  execution  of  that  unfor- 
tunate nobleman.  He  was  afterwards  much  employed  by  the 
Duke  of  Alva  and  by  the  Grand  Commander  Requesens ; 
but  after  the  pacification  of  Ghent  he  had  been  completely 
thrown  out  of  service.  He  had  recently,  in  a  subordinate 
capacity,  accompanied  the  legations  of  the  States  to  France 
and  to  England,  and  had  now  contrived  to  ingratiate  him- 
self with  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  He  afiected  great  zeal  for 
the  Calvinistic  religion — an  exhibition  which,  in  the  old 
servant  of  Granvelle  and  Alva,  was  far  from  edifying — and 
would  employ  no  man  or  maid-servant  in  his  household 
until  their  religious  principles  had  been  thoroughly  examined 
by  one  or  two  clergymen.  In  brief,  he  was  one  of  those, 
who,  according  to  a  homely  Flemish  proverb,  are  wont  to 
hang  their  piety  on  the  bell-rope  ;  but,  with  the  exception 
of  this  brief  interlude  in  his  career,  he  lived  and  died  a 
Papist.^ 

•  Hoofd,  Vervolgh,  142,  143.     Reydani,  V.  89,  90. 


1686. 


THE   EARL'S   THREE    COUNSELLORS. 


69 


Gerard  Proninck,  called  De venter,  was  a  respectable  inha- 
bitant of  Buis-le-Duc,  who  had  left  that  city  after  it  had 
again  become  subject  to  the  authority  of  Spain.  He  was  of 
decent  life  and  conversation,  but  a  restless  and  ambitious 
demagogue.  As  a  Brabantine,  he  was  unfit  for  office  ;  and 
yet,  through  Leicester's  influence  and  the  intrigues  of  the 
democratic  party,  he  obtained  the  appointment  of  burgo- 
master in  the  city  of  Utrecht.  The  States-General,  however, 
always  refused  to  allow  him  to  appear  at  their  sessions  aa 
representative  of  that  city.^ 

Daniel  de  Burgrave  was  a  Flemish  mechanic,  who,  by  the 
exertion  of  much  energy  and  talent,  had  risen  to  the  post  of 
procureur-general  of  Flanders.  After  the  conquest  •  of  the 
principal  portion  of  that  Province  by  Parma,  he  had  made 
himself  useful  to  the  English  governor-general  in  various 
ways,  and  particularly  as  a  linguist.  He  spoke  English — a 
tongue  with  which  few  Netherlanders  of  that  day  were  fami- 
liar— and  as  the  Earl  knew  no  other,  except  (very  imper- 
fectly) Italian,  he  found  his  services  in  speaking  and  writing 
a  variety  of  languages  very  convenient.  He  was  the  governor's 
private  secretary,  and,  of  course,  had  no  entrance  to  the 
council  of  state,  but  he  was  accused  of  frequently  thrusting 
himself  into  their  hall  of  sessions,  where,  under  pretence 
of  arranging  the  Earl's  table,  or  portfolio,  or  papers,  he  was 
much  addicted  to  whispering  into  his  master's  ear,  listening 
to  conversation, — to  eaves-dropping,  in  short,  and  general 
intrusiveness.^ 

"  A  most  faithful,  honest  servant  is  Burgrave,"  said  Lei- 
cester ;  "  a  substantial,  wise  man.^  'Tis  as  sufficient  a  man 
as  ever  I  met  withal  of  any  nation  ;  very  well  learned, 
exceeding  wise,  and  sincere  in  religion.  I  cannot  commend' 
the  man  too  much.  He  is  the  only  comfort  I  have  had  of 
any  of  this  nation."  * 

These  three  personages  were  the  leaders  of  the  Leicester 


Hoofd,  Vervoigh,  &c.,  just  cited. 

Hoofd,  Royd.,  tibi  sup. 

Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  3G3,  422. 


*  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  2T  July, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


70 


TFIE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X 


faction.  They  had  much  influence  with  all  the  refugees  from 
Flanders,  Brabant,  and  the  Walloon  Provinces.  In  Utrecht, 
especially,  where  the  Earl  mainly  resided,  their  intrigues 
were  very  successful.  Deventer  was  appointed,  as  already 
stated,  to  the  important  post  of  burgomaster  ;  many  of  the 
influential  citizens  were  banished,  without  cause  or  trial ;  the 
upper  branch  of  the  municipal  government,  consisting  of 
the  clerical  delegates  of  the  colleges,  was  in  an  arbitraiy 
manner  abolished  ;  and  finally,  the  absolute  sovereignty  of 
the  Province,  without  condition,  was  offered  to  the  Queen  of 
England.^ 

Leicester  was  now  determined  to  carry  out  one  of  the  great 
objects  which  the  Queen  had  in  view  when  she  sent  him  to 
the  Netherlands.  She  desired  thoroughly  to  ascertain  the 
financial  resources  of  the  Provinces,  and  their  capacity  to 
defend  themselves."  It  was  supposed  by  the  States,  and 
hoped  by  the  Earl  and  by  a  majority  of  the  Netherland 
people,  that  she  would,  in  case  the  results  were  satisfactory, 
accept,  after  all,  the  sovereignty.  She  certainly  was  not  to 
be  blamed  that  she  wished  to  make  this  most  important 
investigation,  but  it  was  her  own  fault  that  any  new  machinery 
had  been  rendered  necessary.  The  whole  control  of  the 
finances  had,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year,  been  placed  in  the 
Earl's  hands,^  and  it  was  only  by  her  violently  depriving  him 
of  his  credit  and  of  the  confidence  of  the  country  that  he  had 
not  retained  it.  He  now  established  a  finance-chamber, 
under  the  chief  control  of  Reingault,  who  promised  him 
naountains  of  money,  and  who  was  to  be  chief  treasurer.*   Paul 


'  Bor,  II.  122. 

'  Hoofd,  1039,  1042.  Wagenaar,  viii. 
142. 

'  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  1585 ; 
"  And,"  said  he  to  the  Lord  Mayor  and 
Aldermen  of  London,  "you  may  all 
sleep  quietly  in  England,  so  long  as 
these  countries  may  be  held  in  their 
earnest  good-will." 

*  Bor,  II.  722. 

Leicester  to  Burghley,  28  June, 
1586.  Cavendish  to  same,  19  June,  1586. 


Leicester  to  the  Queen,  26  June,  1586. 
Same  to  same,  27  June,  1586.  Wilkes 
to  Lords  of  Council,  20  Aug.  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 

"The  Prince  of  Orange,"  said 
Cavendish  (MS.  nbi  sup.),  "  being  not 
ignorant  of  the  frauds  of  the  States, 
often  levelled  at  this  matter  (a  finance- 
council),  but  was  never  able  to  hit  it, 
because  they  knew  he  was  poor,  and 
had  no  way  else  to  live  but  upon  their 
alms- basket Amongst   other 


1586. 


LEICESTER'S   FINANCE-CHAMBER. 


71 


Buys  was  appointed  by  Leicester  to  fill  a  subordinate  position 
in  the  new  council.  He  spurned  the  offer  with  great  indig- 
nation, saying  that  Reingault  was  not  fit  to  be  his  clerk,  and 
that  he  was  not  likely  himself,  therefore,  to  accept  a  humble 
post  under  the  administration  of  such  an  individual.  This 
scornful  refusal  filled  to  the  full  the  hatred  of  Leicester 
against  the  ex- Advocate  of  Holland.^ 

The  mercantile  interest  at  once  took  the  alarm,  because  it 
was  supposed  that  the  finance-chamber  was  intended  to  crush 
the  merchants.  Early  in  April  an  Act  had  been  passed  by 
the  state-council,  prohibiting  commerce  with  the  Spanish 
possessions.  The  embargo  was  intended  to  injure  the  obe- 
dient Provinces  and  their  sovereign,  but  it  was  shown  that  its 
effect  would  be  to  blast  the  commerce  of  Holland.  It  for- 
bade the  exportation  from  the  republic  not  only  of  all  provi- 
sions and  munitions  of  war,  but  of  all  goods  and  merchandize 
whatever,  to  Spain,  Portugal,  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  or 
any  other  of  Philip's  territories,  either  in  Dutch  or  neutral 
vessels."     It  would  certainly  seem,  at  first  sight,  that  such  an 


things,  there  is  one  impost  granted  by 
favour  to  some  parties  for  100/.  by  tlie 
year,  which  is  indeed  worth  8,000^. 
With  these  tricks  have  they  enriched 
themselves,  all  wliich  devices  must 
now  quail."  If  such  stories,  whicli 
were  daily  whispered  into  Leicester's 
ears,  had  a  shadow  of  foundation,  it 
was  not  surprising  that  lie  should  ex- 
pect to  increase  the  revenue  by  a  more 
judicious  farming.  But  he  never 
found  his  "  mountains  of  gold,"  nor 
any  collector  who  could  turn  a  hun- 
dred pounds  into  eight  thousand.  "I 
have,"  said  Leicester  (Letters  to  the 
Queen,  uhi  sup.)^  "estiiblished,  against 
the  wills  of  some  here,  a  chamber  of 
finance,  by  Avhich  I  shall  be  sure  to 
be  privy  to  the  levying  and  bestowing 
of  all  their  revenues — a  matter  your 
Majesty  hath  often  sought  to  under- 
stand thereof  But,  with  all  the  wit 
and  means  I  could  use,  could  never 
certainly  bring  it  to  pass,  nor  never 
wUl,  but  by  this  only  way.  I  trust 
shortly  to  have  very  assured  know- 
ledge to  satisfy  your  Majesty  of  the 
States'    ability,    which    thing    I    have 


gone  about  from  the  beginning.  I 
hope,  within  twenty  days,  to  give 
your  Majesty  some  near  reckoning  of 
all  their  revenues  every  way.  Your 
Majesty  doth  suppose  I  deal  weakly 
with  these  men,  but  I  would  you  knew 
how  I  have  dealt  with  them  of  late, 
to  bring  the  office  of  finance  to  pass. 
I  had  a  good  will  to  have  dealt  long 
since  roundly  with  them,  I  confess, 
but  my  case  was  too  well  known  to 
them.  But  as  soon  as  my  heartening 
came  from  mine  old  supporter,  I  was 
found  a  more  shrew  than  your  Majesty 
will  beheve;  for  mine  old  patience 
hath  been  too  much  tried  since  I 
came  from  my  quiet  home  to  thia 
wayward  generation." 

"I  find  that  until  the  time  of  my 
coming  hither,"  said  Wilkes  (Letter 
to  Council,  uhi  sup.),  "  the  States  have 
been  contented  to  disguise  and  conceal 
the  truth  of  many  particularities, 
which  now  they  profess  to  discover, 
meaning,  as  they  say,  to  anatomise 
unto  her  Majesty  the  whole  state  of 
their  strength.  '  Bor,  II.  722. 

'^  Bor,  IL  703,  seq.  wlio  i.s,  however, 


72  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  X 

act  was  reasonable,  although  the  result  would  really  be,  not 
to  deprive  the  enemy  of  supplies,  but  to  throw  the  whole 
Baltic  trade  into  the  hands  of  tho  Bremen,  Hamburg,  and 
"Osterling"  merchants.  Leicester  expected  to  derive  a  con- 
siderable revenue  by  granting  passjiorts  and  licenses  to 
such  neutral  traders,  but  the  edict  became  so  unpopular 
that  it  was  never  thoroughly  enforced,  and  was  before  long 
rescinded.^ 

The  odium  of  the  measure  was  thrown  upon  the  governor- 
general,  yet  he  had  in  truth  opposed  it  in  the  state-council, 
and  was  influential  in  procuring  its  repeal.^ 

Another  important  Act  had  been  directed  against  the  mer- 
cantile interest,  and  excited  much  general  discontent.  The 
Netherlands  wished  the  staple  of  the  English  cloth  manufac- 
ture to  be  removed  from  Emden — the  petty  sovereign  of 
which  place  was  the  humble  servant  of  Spain — to  Amsterdam 
or  Delft.  The  desire  was  certainly  natural,  and  the  Dutch 
merchants  sent  a  committee  to  confer  with  Leicester.  He 
was  much  impressed  with  their  vievrs,  and  with  the  sagacity 
of  their  chairman,  one  Mylward,  "  a  wise  fellow  and  well 
languaged,  an  ancient  man  and  very  religious,"  as  the  Earl 
pronounced  him  to  be.^ 

Notwithstanding  the  wisdom  of  this  well-languaged  fellow, 
however,  the  Queen,  for  some  strange  reason,  could  not  be 


mistaken  in  ascribing  the  measure  to 
the  inspiration  of  Leicester. 

'  Bor,  II.,  703,  seq.  Wagenaar,  viii. 
147,  seq.  who  is  in  this  matter  even 
more  unjust  to  the  Earl  than  con- 
temporary authorities. 

"  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  11  Oct. 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  I  have  very  good  testimony  of  all 
the  council  here,"  said  the  Earl,  "tliat 
I  only  in  council  stood  against  ilie 
placard,  insomuch  it  lay  a  month  by, 
for  indeed  I  thought  it  unreasonable 
and  that  it  would  give  all  princes  just 
cause  of  offence  toward  this  country, 


presently  how  the  like  had  been  done, 
and  what  profit  it  would  bring,  pres- 
sing me  to  give  it  some  consideration 
in  council  to  be  debated.  It  went  so 
through  them  all  as  there  was  not  a 
man  spake  against  it,  yet  my  resolu- 
tion being  to  be  had,  I  would  give  no 
consent  till  I  had  advertised  your  Ma- 
jesty thereof,  which  they  all  liked  well. 
And  after  it  was  agreed  and  published, 
it  was  again  by  my  means  revoked  and 
qualified,  as  dotli  appear  by  record." 

Compare  Meteren,  xiii.  234™.  Wage- 
naar,  uhi  sup.  Bor,  uhi  sup.  who 
seems  to  be  mistaken  on  this  point. 


and,    by  all   duty   to   your    Majesty,  I  '        Tlie   real   author   of   the   edict   waa 


did  refuse  to  let  it  pass.  At  length, 
botfi  Slates  and  council  renewed  tlie 
jpatter  again  to  me,  and  pUowed  me 


Reingault.     (Meteren,  ubi  sup.) 

'  Leicester    to    Burghley,   29    July, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1586. 


DISCONTENT  OF  TIIK  MERCANTILE  CLASSES. 


73 


induced  to  change  the  staple  from  Emden,  although  it  wag 
shown  that  the  public  revenue  of  the  Netherlands  would 
gain  twenty  thousand  pounds  a  year  by  the  measure.  "  All 
Holland  will  cry  out  for  it,"  said  Leicester ;  "  but  I  had  rather 
they  cried  than  that  England  should  weep."^ 

Thus  the  mercantile  community,  and  especially  the  patri- 
cian families  of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  all  engaged  in  trade, 
became  more  and  more  hostile  to  the  governor-general  and 
to  his  financial  trio,  who  were  soon  almost  as  unpopular  as 
the  famous  Consulta  of  Cardinal  Granvelle  had  been.  It  was 
the  custom  of  the  States  to  consider  the  men  who  surrounded 
the  Earl  as  needy  and  unprincipled  renegades  and  adventurers. 
It  was  the  policy  of  his  advisers  to  represent  the  merchants 
and  the  States — which  mainly  consisted  of,  or  were  controlled 
by  merchants — as  a  body  of  corrupt,  selfish,  greedy  money- 
getters.^ 


'  Leicester  to  Burghley,  10  Aug. 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

^  "  The  ■wonderful  cunning  dealing 
of  iho.se  fellotvs  here  called  the  States 
concerning  the  finances  and  the  re- 
ceipt of  revenue,  whereupon  the  people 
rest  greatly  grieved,  and  themselves, 
as  is  thought,  no  less  enriched." 
Cavendish  to  Burghley,  9  April,  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"The  States  be  sly  persons,"  said 
Lord  North,  "inconstant  and  treacher- 
ous, the  most  of  them  Papists  (!),  and 
so  rich  as  they  will  do  any  turn  to 
serve  themselves.  If  they  again  find 
that  her  Majesty  likes  not  of  my 
Lord's  authority,  they  will  doubt  of 
their  own  safety,  practise  their  own 
peace,  and  leave  my  Ijord  and  all  his 
to  the  spirit  of  the  enemy.  North  to 
Burghley,  23  May,  1586.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 

"  These  be  dainty  and  dangerous 
people  to  deal  withal,"  said  Leicester, 
"  specially  when  they  shall  be  des- 
perate of  their  hope,  and  disappointed 
of  their  help.  I  must  say  truly  to 
your  Majesty  I  do  find  some  of  the 
best  sort  as  honest  and  as  thankful  as 
ever  I  knew  men,  and  some  others  as 
perverse  and  as  ingrate  as  might  well 
be   spared   out   of  all   good   company. 


There  are  also  men  who  are  able,  and 
do  most  hurt.  .  .  .  These  men  begin 
utterly  to  despair  of  your  Majesty's 
good  assistance,  and  an  apt  time  is 
oflered  now  for  the  lewd  and  bad 
disposed  persons  to  work  their  feat." 
Leicester  to  the  Queen,  6  June,  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"The  whole  people,"  said  Caven- 
dish, "  are  here  so  addicted  to  her 
Majesty,  and  in  respect  of  her  to  my 
Lord,  in  whom  they  find  such  inces- 
sant travail  and  care  for  her  service 
and  their  general  good,  and  in  respect 
of  whom  they  would  willingly  cashier 
or  rather  hang  all  those  called  States. 
Your  Lordship  may  think  I  write 
vehemently,  but  I  know  I  write  truly." 
Cavendish  to  Burghley,  19  June,  1686. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  It  will  be  a  harder  matter,"  said 
Leicester  again,  "  than  you  can  ima- 
gine, to  bring  this  State  in  that  tune 
it  was  three  months  past.  It  will 
require  a  whole  and  full  countenance 
from  her  Majesty  and  with  all  speed 
possible,  if  you  will  have  it  kept  from 
the  enemy.  And  beware  these  fellows 
do  not  prevent  her  Majesty.  If  they 
do,  you  can  consider  how  harmful  it 
is  like  to  prove,  and  though  they  he 
counted    didlards    and   drunkards,    they 


74 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X 


The  calumnies  put  in  circulation  against  the  States  by 
Reingault  and  his  associates  grew  at  last  so  outrageous,  and 
the  prejudice  created  in  the  mind  of  Leicester  and  his  imme- 
diate English  adherents  so  intense,  that  it  was  rendered 
necessary  for  the  States  of  Holland  and  Zeeland  to  write  to 
their  agent  Ortell  in  London,  that  he  might  forestall  the 
effect  of  these  perpetual  misrepresentations  on  her  Majesty's 
government.^      Leicester,    on    the    other    hand,    under    the 


have  shreivd  and  subtle  heads  as  ever  I 

foxind   anywhere The    best   man 

in  England  were  not  too  good,  as  mat- 
ters stand,  to  be  employed  hither,  either 
to  encourage  them  thoroughly,  or  to 
understand  their  estate  more  deeply." 
Leicester  to  Burghley,  20  July,  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  I  did  never  see  such  heady  people 
as  these  States  are,"  said  the  PJarl,  once 
more,  "  I  cannot  blame  the  common 
sort  to  misUke  them,  for  there  is  no 
reasoning     against     their     resolutions. 

There  must  be  very  wise  and 

good  handling  had  in  these  causes. 
There  is  no  more  such  people  to  deal 
withal  again.  I  mean  these  that  be 
rich  and  politic  fellows.  They  hunt 
after  their  own  wealth  and  surety, 
and  without  an  assurance  of  a  strange 
assistance  they  will  be  suddenly  gone, 
and  it  is  high  time  to  look  into  the 
course  her  Majesty  will  take  here- 
after." Same  to  same,  29  July,  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  They  have  given  to  my  Lord  of 
Leicester,"  said  Wilkes,  "  a  govern- 
ment with  the  word  absolute,  but  with 
so  many  restrictions  that  his  authority 
is  limited  almost  to  nothing,  and  he  is 
in  truth  for  the  politic  government 
but  their  servant;  having  reserved  to 
themselves,  besides  the  sovereignty, 
the  disposing  of  all  the  contributions 
(saving  the  monthly  allowance),  the 
church  goods,  confiscations,  choice  of 
officers  ....  and  to  keep  themselves 
from  rendering  account  of  anything, 
they  do  impugn  his  court  of  finances 
now  erected,  alleging  that  he  hath 
not  authority  to  erect  any  such  court, 
or  to  establish  offices  without  their 
license."  Wilkes  to  Lords  of  Council, 
20  Aug.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  The  exactions  and  excises  are  in- 


credible that  are  laid  on  this  people,'' 
said  Digges,  "  and  such  as  in  all  pro- 
bability do  amount  to  three  times  as 
much  (.')  as  the  200,000  florins  monthly 
which  they  allow  his  Excellency  to 
prosecute  the  war.  The  rest  they 
divide  among  themselves  .  .  .  giving 
great  stipends  to  Count  Hollock, 
Count  Maurice,  Count  Meurs,  Count 
William,  and  many  colonels.  But,  for 
all  this,  the  States  offer  that  there 
shall  be  new  impositions  to  levy 
more."  T.  Digges's  'Advertisement  of 
present    state   of  the   Low    Countries,' 

-  March,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  "  You  have  doubtless  understood," 
said  the  States,  "  of  the  erection  of 
the  finance-council  for  the  better  hus- 
banding of  the  money  furnished  by 
these  countries,  of  the  which  Jacques 
Ringault  is  ordained  treasurer.  .... 
Stephen  Perret  (a  seditious  person, 
often  imprisoned,  and  a  ft-audulent 
bankrupt),  being  come  out  of  Antwerp 
after  the  yielding  up  of  the  same, 
hath  kept  correspondence  with  Rin- 
gault, whilst  he  was  in  England. 
Very  shortly  after  the  coming  of  hift 
Excellency  into  these  countries,  he 
hath  sought  by  all  possible  means  to 
bring  him  in  suspicion  and  jealousy 
by  the  Estates  of  the  country,  and 
propounded  manifold  novelties  unto 
his  ICxceUency  wherebj^  to  levy  money, 
and  in  the  jjropounding  thereof  shame- 
fully slandered  (he  Estates  with  inju- 
rious, seditious,  and  unirxie  reports  and 
drifts.  After  Ringault's  arrival  here, 
he  hath  found  means  to  get  in  better 
credit  by  his  Excellency,  and,  laying 
their  heads  together,  and  either  being 
set  awork  by  the  enemy  or  else  thinking 
to  enrich  themselves  out  of  the  calamity 
and   misery   of   these   countries,   havo 


1586. 


PAUL   BUYS  AND  THE   OPPOSITION. 


75 


inspiration  of  his  artful  advisers,  was  vehement  in  his  en- 
treaties that  Ortell  should  be  sent  away  from  England.' 

The  ablest  and  busiest  of  the  opposition-party,  the  "  nimblest 
head"^  in  the  States-General  was  the  ex-Advocate  of  Hol- 
land, Paul  Buys.  This  man  was  then  the  foremost  statesman 
in  the  Netherlands.  He  had  been  the  firmest  friend  te  the 
English  alliance  ;  he  had  resigned  his  office  when  the  States 
were  offering  the  sovereignty  to  France,  and  had  been  on  the 
point  of  taking  service  in  Denmark.  He  had  afterwards  been 
prominent  in  the  legation  which  offered  the  sovereignty  to 
Elizabeth,  and,  for  a  long  time,  had  been  the  most  firm, 
earnest,  and  eloquent  advocate  of  the  English  policy.  Lei- 
cester had  originally  courted  him,  caressed  him,  especially  re- 
commended him  to  the  Queen's  fiivour,  given  him  money — as 
he  said,  "  two  hundred  pounds  sterling  thick  at  a  time" — and 


made  agreement  between  them  in 
April  last  tliat  all  that  which  they,  by 
means  of  any  new  invention  by  them 
already  propounded  or  yet  to  be  pro- 
pounded unto  his  Excellency,  should 
get  or  enjoy,  that  the  same  should  be 
divided  between  them.  And  after  that 
he  sought  of  his  Excellency  the  20th 
penny  of  all  that  which  should 
proceed  of  his  pretended  inventions. 
To  which  end  Ringault,  with  his  own 
hand,  has  drawn  an  octroi,  or  warrant, 
and  got  his  Excellency  to  sign  the 
same,  without  knowledge  of  the  coun- 
cil, or  any  of  the  secretaries,  namely, 
that  he  should  have  the  30th  penny. 
They  have  also  taken  great  pains  to 
change  the  course  of  tlio  common 
means,  which  so  laudalily  and  with 
such  great  travail  his  Excellency  of 
wortliy  memory  ("William  of  Orange) 
brought  in  train,  and  so  to  bring  it 
into  collectation,  thereby  to  intrude 
themselves  and  such  other  (having  no 
credit)  to  farm  any  of  the  said  general 
means  in  the  collectation.  The  fore- 
said Ferret  and  Ringault  have  also 
travailed  by  all  means  to  set  mis- 
understanding between  his  Excellency 
and  the  Estates  and  the  council  of 
state,  and  practised  many  unlawful 
devices  to  alter  the  estate  of  the 
countries,   and  to  get  bis   Excellency 


to  do  all  that  which  they  imagined  to 
serve  to  their  intent.  To  which  end 
they  have  used  many  unheard-of  and 
indecent  proceedings  without  order  of 
law,  and  against  the  privileges  and 
customs  of  these  countries,  and  against 
the  estate  and  welfare  of  the  same, 
through  a  company  of  inconstant  and 
base  persons,  for  the  greater  part 
being  strangers,  applying  unto  them- 
selves and  their  friends  (a  company  of 
strangers)  many  offices  and  receipts, 
thinking  to  deal  with  the  same  ac- 
cording to  their  own  pleasure  and 
appetite.  All  which  we  have  at  large 
imparted  to  Mr.  Wilkes,  slioiued  him 
the  original  pieces,  and  given  him  good 
instruction  by  writing  thereof,  to  the 
end  he  may  give  her  Majesty  and  her 
honourable  council  to  undei-staud  the 
personage  of  these  two  spirits."  States 
of  Holland  and  Zeeland  to  Ortell,  12 
Sept.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  "You  have  there  his  (Paul  Buys's) 
agent  Ortell.  It  were  well  he  were 
thence.  I  did  send  twice  for  him, 
but  he  excuseth  himself."  Leicester 
to  Burghley,  20  July,  1586.  (S.  P. 
OfBco  MS.)  Compare  'Leyc.  Corresp.' 
311. 

'  Bart.  Clerk  to  Burghley,  24  July 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


76 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X 


openly  pronounced  him  to  be  "in  ability  above  all  men,"' 
"  No  man  hath  ever  sought  a  man/'  he  said,  "  as  I  have 
sought  P.  B."- 

The  period  of  their  friendship  vras,  however,  very  brief. 
Before  many  weeks  had  passed  there  was  no  vituperative 
epithet  that  Leicester  was  not  in  the  daily  habit  of  bestowing 
upon  Paul.  The  Earl's  vocabulary  of  abuse  was  not  a  limited 
one,  but  he  exhausted  it  on  the  head  of  the  Advocate.  He 
lacked  at  last  words  and  breath  to  utter  what  was  like  him. 
He  pronounced  his  former  friend  "  a  very  dangerous  man, 
altogether  hated  of  the  people  and  the  States  ;"  "  a  lewd 
sinner,  nursled  in  revolutions;  "a  most  covetous,  bribing 
fellow,  caring  for  nothing  but  to  bear  the  sway  and  grow 
rich  ;"  "  a  nian  who  had  played  many  parts,  both  lewd  and 
audacious  ;"  "  a  very  knave,  a  traitor  to  his  country  ;"  "  the 
most  ungrateful  wretch  alive,  a  hater  of  the  Queen  and  of  all 
the  English  ;  a  most  unthankful  man  to  her  Majesty  ;  a  prac- 
tiser  to  make  himself  rich  and  great,  and  nobody  else ;" 
"  among  all  villains  the  greatest;"  "a  bolsterer  of  all  papists  and 
ill  men,  a  dissembler,  a  devil,  an  atheist,"  a  "most  naughty 
man,  and  a  most  notorious  drunkard  in  the  worst  degree." 

Where  the  Earl  hated,  his  liatred  was  apt  to  be  deadly,  and 
he  was  determined,  if  possible,  to  have  the  life  of  the  detested 
Paul,  "  You  shall  see  I  will  do  well  enougb  with  him,  and 
that  shortly,"  he  said,  "  I  will  course  him  as  he  was  not  so 
this  twenty  year.  I  will  warrant  him  hanged  and  one  or  two 
of  his  fellows,  but  you  must  not  tell  your  shirt  of  this  yet ;" 
and  when  he  was  congratulating  the  government  on  his 
having  at  length  procured  the  execution  of  Captain  Hemart, 
the  surrenderer  of  Grave,  he  added,  pithily,  "and  you  shall 
hear  that  Mr,  P,  B,  shall  follow."^ 


*  Leicester  to  Burghley,  10  Aug. 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

»  Ibid. 

3  Leicester  to  Burghley,  20  June, 
1586.  Same  to  same,  10  Aug  1586. 
Same  to  same,  20  July.  1586.  B. 
Clerk  to  same,  24  July.  "  (S.  P.  Office 
MSS.) 


Brace's  'Leyc,  Corresp.'  130,  291, 
303,  310,  311,  312,  352.  Cavendish 
observed  that  "  there  were  many  false 
brethren  in  the  higher  form  among 
tlie  people,  of  whom  he  feared  that 
Paul  Buys  would  not  prove  the 
puisne."  Cavendish  to  Burghley,  15 
June,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1586. 


KEEN   INSIGHT   OF   PAUL   BUYS. 


77 


Yet  the  Earl's  real  griefs  against  Buys  may  be  easily 
summed  up.  The  lewd  sinner,  nursled  in  revolutions,  had 
detected  the  secret  policy  of  the  Queen's  government,  and 
was  therefore  perpetually  denouncing  the  intrigues  going  on 
with  Spain.  He  complained  that  her  Majesty  was  tired  of 
having  engaged  in  the  Netherland  enterprise  ;  he  declared  that 
she  would  be  glad  to  get  fairly  out  of  it  ;  that  her  reluctance 
to  spend  a  farthing  more  in  the  cause  than  she  was  obliged 
to  do  was  hourly  increasing  upon  her  ;  that  she  was  deceiving 
and  misleading  the  States- Greneral  ;  and  that  she  was  hank- 
ering after  a  peace.  He  said  that  the  Earl  had  a  secret 
intention  to  possess  himself  of  certain  towns  in  Holland,  in 
which  case  the  whole  question  of  peace  and  war  would  be  in 
the  hands  of  the  Queen,  who  would  also  have  it  thus  in  her 
power  to  reimburse  herself  at  once  for  all  expenses  that  she 
had  incurred.' 

It  would  be  difficult  to  show  that  there  was  anything  very 
calumnious  in  these  charges,  which,  no  doubt,  Paul  was  in 
the  habit  of  making.  As  to  the  economical  tendencies  of 
her  Majesty,  sufficient  evidence  has  been  given  already  from 
Leicester's  private  letters.  "  Eather  than  spend  one  hundred 
pounds,"  said  Walsingham,  "  she  can  be  content  to  be  de- 
ceived of  five  thousand."  ^  That  she  had  been  concealing 
from  the  States,  from  Walsingham,  from  Leicester,  during 
the  whole  summer,  her  secret  negotiations  with  Spain,  has 
also  been  made  apparent.  That  she  was  disgusted  with 
the  enterprise  in  which  she  had  embarked,  Walsingham, 
Burghley,  Hatton,  and  all  the  other  statesmen  of  England, 
most  abundantly  testified.  Whether  Leicester  had  really  an 
intention  to  possess  himself  of  certain  cities  in  Holland — a 
charge  made  by  Paul  Buys,  and  denounced  as  especially 
slanderous  by  the  Earl — may  better  appear  from  his  own 
private  statements. 


"  Paul  Buys  —  still  g'lviug  out 
slanderous  speeches — for  that  1  only 
sought  to  .  .  .  get  their  towns  .... 
that  thereby,  whensoever  her  Majesty 
should  thuik  good  to  treat  for  peace, 


....  I   should    hereby    be    able    to 
compel  them  to  what  end  she  should 
think    good."     Leicester    to    Walsing^ 
ham,  20  July,  1586,  in  Bruce,  376. 
'  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  273. 


78 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X 


'''  This  I  will  do"  he  wrote  to  the  Queen,  "  and  I  hope  not 
to /ail  of  it,  to  get  into  my  hands  three  or  four  most  jirincipal 
places  in  North  Holland,  which  will  be  such  a  strength  and 
assurance  for  your  Majesty,  as  you  shall  see  you  shall  both 
rule  these  men  and  make  war  or  peace  as  you  list,  always 
provided — whatsoever  you  hear,  or  is — part  not  with  the 
Brill  ;  and  having  these  places  in  your  hands,  whatsoever 
should  chance  to  these  countries,  your  Majesty,  I  ivill  warrant 
sure  enough  to  make  what  peace  you  ivill  in  an  hour,  and  to 
have  your  debts  and  charges  readily  answered."  '  At  a  some- 
what later  moment  it  will  he  seen  what  came  of  these  secret 
designs.  For  the  present,  Leicester  was  very  angry  with 
Paul  for  daring  to  suspect  him  of  such  treachery. 

The  Earl  complained,  too,  that  the  influence  of  Buys  with 
Hohenlo  and  young  Maurice  of  Nassau  was  most  pernicious. 
Hohenlo  had  formerly  stood  high  in  Leicester's  opinion.  He 
was  a  "  plain,  faithful  soldier,  a  most  valiant  gentleman,"  and 
he  was  still  more  important,  because  about  to  many  Mary  of 
Nassau,  eldest  daughter  of  William  the  Silent,  and  coheiress 
with  Philip  William,  to  the  Buren  property.  But  he  had 
been  tampered  with  by  the  intriguing  Paul  Buys,  and  had 
then  Avished  to  resign  his  office  under  Leicester.  Being 
pressed  for  reasons,  he  had  "grown  solemn,"  and  withdrawn 
himself  almost  entirely. 

Maurice,  with  his  "  solemn  sly  wit,"  also  gave  the  Earl 
much  trouble,  saying  little,  but  thinking  much,  and  listening 
to  the  insidious  Paul.  He  "  stood  much  on  making  or  mar- 
ring," so  Leicester  thought,  "as  he  met  with  good  counsel." 
He  had  formerly  been  on  intimate  terms  with  the  governor- 
general,  who  affected  to  call  him  his  son  ;  but  he  had  subse- 
quently kept  aloof,  and  in  three  months  had  not  come  neat 
him.^     The  Earl  thought  that  money  might  do  much,  and  was 


'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  27  June, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  "  The  Count  Maurice  hath  not 
been  three  months  with  his  Lordship. 
He  is  utterly  discontented,  and  much 
advised    by   Ste.    Aldegonde,    who    is 


assuredly  the  King  of  Spain's,  and 
practiseth  (as  an  instrument  of  sedi- 
tion) to  animate  the  Count,  by  all 
means  possible,  to  thwart  my  Lord  in 
the  course  of  her  Majesty's  service. 
The  Count,  well  advised  by  Ste.  Aide- 


1586. 


TRUCHSESS   BECOMES   A   SPY   UPON   HIM. 


79 


anxious  for  Sir  Francis  Drake  to  come  home  from  the  Indies 
with  millions  of  gold,  that  the  Queen  might  make  both 
Hohenlo  and  Maurice  a  handsome  present  before  it  should  be 
too  late.^ 

Meantime  he  did  what  he  could  with  Elector  Truchsess  to 
lure  them  back  again.  That  forlorn  little  prelate  was  now 
poorer  and  more  wretched  than  ever.  He  was  becoming 
paralytic,  though  young,  and  his  heart  was  broken  through 
want.  Leicester,  always  generous  as  the  sun,  gave  him  money, 
four  thousand  florins  at  a  time,  and  was  most  earnest  that  the 
Queen  should  put  him  on  her  pension  list.'  "  His  wisdom, 
his  behaviour,  his  languages,  his  person,"  said  the  Earl,  "  all 
would  like  her  well.  He  is  in  great  melancholy  for  his  town 
of  Neusz,  and  for  his  poverty,  having  a  very  noble  mind.  If 
he  be  lost,  her  Majesty  had  better  lose  a  hundred  thousand 
pounds."  ^ 

The  melancholy  Truchsess  now  became  a  spy  and  a  go- 
between.  He  insinuated  himself  into  the  confidence  of  Paul 
Buys,  wormed  his  secrets  from  him,  and  then  communicated 
them  to  Hohenlo  and  to  Leicester;  "but  he  did  it  very 
wisely,"  said  the  Earl,  "  so  that  he  was  not  mistrusted."  * 
The  governor  always  aftected,  in  order  to  screen  the  elector 
from  suspicion,  to  obtain  his  information  from  persons  in 
Utrecht  ;  and  he  had  indeed  many  spies  in  that  city,  who 
diligently  reported  Paul's  table-talk.  Nevertheless,  that 
"noble  gentleman,  the  elector,"  said  Leicester,  hath  dealt 
most  deeply  with  him,  to  seek  out  the  bottom."  ^  As  the 
ex-Advocate  of  Holland  was  very  communicative  in  his  cups, 
and  very  bitter  against  the  governor-general,  there  was  soon 
such  a  fund  of  information  collected  on  the  subject  by  various 


gonde  and  Villiers,  repineth  secretly 
that  her  Majesty  should  have  any- 
thing to  do  in  tiie  government  of  the 
country.  It  is  to  be  feared  his  hidden 
malice  will  do  much  mischief,  and 
many  ill  ofiBces  in  the  common  cause 
now  in  hand."  'Matters  to  be  related 
to  her  Majesty  by  a  special  messenger 
from  the  Earl  of  Leicester,'  20  June, 
.586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


The  opinion  here  expressed  in  re- 
gard to  Sainto  Aldegonde  was  subse- 
quently and  distinctly  contradicted  by 
Wilkes. 

'  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  314. 

»  Ibid.  378. 

3  Ibid.  374. 

*  Ibid.  377. 

'  Ibid.  377. 


80  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  X, 

eaves-droppers,    that   Leicester   was   in  hopes   of   very   soon 
hanging  Mr.  Paul  Buys,  as  we  have  already  seen. 

The  hurthen  of  the  charges  against  the  culprit  was  his 
statement  that  the  Provinces  would  be  gone  if  her  Majesty 
did  not  declare  herself,  vigorously  and  generously,  in  their 
favour  ;  but,  as  this  was  the  perpetual  cry  of  Leicester  him- 
self, there  seemed  hardly  hanging  matter  in  that.  That 
noble  gentleman,  the  elector,  however,  had  nearly  saved 
the  hangman  his  trouble,  having  so  dealt  with  Hohenlo  as  to 
"  bring  him  into  as  good  a  mind  as  ever  he  was  ;"  and  the  first 
fruits  of  this  good  mind  were,  that  the  honest  Count — a  man 
of  prompt  dealings — walked  straight  to  Paul's  house  in  order 
to  kill  him  on  the  spot.^  Something  fortunately  prevented 
the  execution  of  this  plan  ;  but  for  a  time  at  least  the  ener- 
getic Count  continued  to  be  "  governed  greatly "  by  the  ex- 
archbishop,  and  "  did  impart  wholly  unto  him  his  most  secret 
heart." 

Thus  the  "  deep  wise  Truxy,"  as  Leicester  called  him,  con- 
tinued to  earn  golden  opinions,  and  followed  up  his  conversion 
of  Hohenlo  by  undertaking  to  "  bring  Maurice  into  tune  again 
also,"  and  the  young  Prince  was  soon  on  better  terms  with  his 
"  affectionate  father  "  than  he  had  ever  been  before.^ 

Paul  Buys  was  not  so  easily  put  down,  however,  nor  the 
two  magnates  so  thoroughly  gained  over.  Before  the  end  of 
the  season  Maurice  stood  in  his  old  position,  the  nominal  head 
of  the  Holland  or  patrician  party,  chief  of  the  opposition  to 
Leicester,  while  Hohenlo  had  become  more  bitter  than  ever 
against  the  Earl.  The  quarrel  between  himself  and  Edward 
I^  orris,  to  which  allusion  will  soon  be  made,  tended  to 
increase  the  dissatisfaction,  although  he  singularly  misun- 
derstood Leicester's  sentiments  throughout  the  whole  affair. 
Hohenlo  recovered  of  his  wound  before  Zutphen  ;  but,  on  his 
recovery,  was  more  malcontent  than  ever.^  The  Earl  was 
obliged  at  last  to  confess  that  ''he  was  a  very  dangerous  man, 
inconstant,  envious,  and  hateful  to  all  our  nation,  and  a  very 

'  Bruce'3  'Leyc.  Corresp,'  372. 
'  Ibid.  376.  »  Ibid.  378. 


1586.  INTRIGUES  OF  BUYS  WITH  DENMARK.  gl 

traitor  to  the  cause.  There  is  no  dealing  to  win  him,"  he 
added,  ''  I  have  sought  it  to  my  cost.  His  best  friends  tell  me 
he  is  not  to  be  trusted."  ^ 

Meantime  that  lewd  sinner,  the  indefatigable  Paul,  was 
plotting  desperately — so  Leicester  said  and  believed — to 
transfer  the  sovereignty  of  the  Provinces  to  the  King  of  Den- 
mark. Buys,  who  was  privately  of  opinion  that  the  States 
required  an  absolute  head,  "  though  it  were  but  an  onion's 
head,"^  and  that  they  would  thankfully  continue  under 
Leicester  as  governor  absolute  if  Elizabeth  would  accept  the 
sovereignty,  had  made  up  his  mind  that  the  Queen  would  never 
take  that  step.  He  was  therefore  disposed  to  oifer  the  crown 
to  the  King  of  Denmark,  and  was  believed  to  have  brought 
Maurice — who  was  to  espouse  that  King's  daughter'' — to  the 
same  way  of  thinking.  Young  Count  Rantzan,  son  of  a  dis- 
tinguished Danish  statesman,  made  a  visit  to  the  Netherlands 
in  order  to  confer  with  Buys.  Paul  was  also  anxious  to  be 
appointed  envoy  to  Denmark,  ostensibly  to  arrange  for  the 
two  thousand  cavalry,  which  the  King  had  long  before  pro- 
mised for  the  assistance  of  the  Provinces,  but  in  reality,  to 
examine  the  details  of  this  new  project  ;  and  Leicester  repre- 
sented to  the  Queen  very  earnestly  how  powerful  the  Danish 
monarch  would  become,  thus  rendered  master  of  the  narrow 
seas,  and  how  formidable  to  England/ 


'  Bruce's  *  Leyc.  Corresp.'  446. 

Wilkes  had  also  formed  an  unfa- 
vourable opinion  of  the  Count.  "  I  do 
not  tiud  that  the  States  or  people,"  he 
said,  "have  any  great  affection  for 
him.  The  man  is  doubtless  valiant, 
but  rjish,  bloody,  unfortunate,  and  sub- 
ject to  many  imperfections.  They 
would  willingly  bo  rid  of  him,  if  they 
might  without  danger."  Wilkes  to 
the  Lords  of  Council,  20  Aug.  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  Notes  by  Paul  Buys,  1586.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

'  Ibid. 

*  "  Paul  Buys  .  .  perceiving  of  late," 


tor  and  governor  as  he  would  be,  is 
secretly  workmg  to  make  a  king  in- 
deed over  those  two  countries,  Hol- 
land and  Zeeland,  and  one  he  doth 
insinuate  unto  men's  minds  already  all 
that  ever  he  can,  is  the  King  of  Den* 
mark — a  matter  not  unjike  to  come  to 
pass,  if  your  Maj.  shall  not  assure  thes© 
people  of  the  continuance  of  your 
favour,  which,  if  they  should  be,  all  the 
princes  of  the  world  cannot  win  them 
from  you.  But  this  lewd  sinner  loseth 
no  time,  where  he  can  be  heard,  to 
inform  men  how  fickle  a  trust  there  is 
to  be  had  of  your  Majesty's  favour  or 
promise,  repenting  withal  greatly  that 


said  Leicester,    "tliat  your  Maj.  mean-  ho   ever   procured    me  over,  being  in- 

eth    not    to   proceed   so    far    in   these  doer],  as  he  says,  since  fallen  out  in  no 

countries  as  ho    looked   for,   or    nithor    '    better    gniec    with    you If  the 

uot  finding  hiniself  the   absolute  direc-  [  King  should  have  these  two  provinces 
VOL   II. — G 


82 


T[1E   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X 


In  the  midst  of  these  plottings,  real  or  supposed,  a  party  of 
armed  men,  one  fine  summer's  morning,  suddenly  entered 
Paul's  bedroom  as  he  lay  asleep  at  the  house  of  the  burgo- 
master, seized  his  papers,  and  threw  him  into  prison  in  the 
wine-cellar  of  the  town-house.  "  Oh  my  papers,  oh  my  papers  \" 
cried  the  unfortunate  politician,  according  to  Leicester's  state- 
ment, "  the  Queen  of  England  will  for  ever  hate  me."  The 
Earl  disavowed  al]  participation  in  the  arrest ;  but  he  was 
not  believed.  He  declared  himself  not  sorry  that  the  measure 
had  been  taken,  and  promised  that  he  would  not  "  be  hasty 
to  release  him,"  not  doubting  that  "he  would  be  found  faulty 
enouofh."  Leicester  maintained  that  there  was  stuff  enough 
discovered  to  cost  Paul  his  head  ;  but  he  never  lost  his  head, 
nor  was  anything  treasonable  or  criminal  ever  found  against 
him.  The  intrigue  with  Denmark — never  proved — and  com- 
menced, if  undertaken  at  all,  in  utter  despair  of  Elizabeth's 
accepting  the    sovereignty,  was    the    gravest  charge.     He  re- 


absolutely  as  king,  you  must  assure 
yourself  be  will  be  lord  and  commander 
over  the  narrow  seas,  and  all  your 
traffics,  east  and  northward,  wholly 
under  his  restraint,  for  he  will  be  the 
only  mighty  prince  by  sea.  ...  I  refused 
P.  B.  to  go  to  the  King  as  ambassador, 
being  marvellous  earnest  therein  .  .  . 
but  I  trust  to  come  to  further  know- 
ledga  of  this  matter,  and  to  prevent 
Master  Buys  well  enough.  P.  B.  hath 
flatly  said  to  me,  of  late,  that  the  King 
of  Denmark  were  the  fittest  lord  for 
them  in  Christendom,  next  your  Ma- 
jesty." Leicester  to  the  Queen,  20 
June,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  It  is  feared,"  said  Cox,  specially 
deputed  by  Leicester  to  report  this 
matter  to  the  Queen's  government, 
"  that  the  King  of  Denmark  is  aliena- 
ted, and  would  be  glad  to  have  the 
sovereignty  of  these  countries  himself 
Paul  Buys  hath  not  spared  of  late  to 
intend  such  a  practice,  and  partici- 
pating the  same  with  Count  Maurice, 
alleging  plainly  to  his  Lordship,  that 
it  is  commonly  spoken  and  received  aa 
current  money,  that  her  Majesty  will 
abandon  that  cause  and  people  at 
Michaelmas,  and  this  being  so,  that  it 
were  fit  for   them  to  think  of  some 


other  prince,  who  might  protect  and 
defend  them,  before  they  should  fall 
into  further  misery.  He  was  of  opinion 
that  the  King  of  Denmark  would  most 
gladly  entertain  the  action.  He  was 
strong  in  shipping,  and  best  able,  in 
that  respect,  to  defend  the  best  part 
of  their  countries,  which  was  Holland 
and  Zoeland.  His  speeches  were  often 
intermingled  with  many  coloured  pro- 
testations, how  much  he  desired  that 
her  Maj.  would  continue  their  gracious 
lady  in  tiie  cause,  as  the  fittest  prin- 
cess to  yield  them  comfort  in  their 
calamities,  yet  hath  his  Lordship  been 
certainly  informed  that  he  practiseth 
with  all  earnestness  to  bring  this  mat- 
ter to  pass  for  the  King  of  Denmark, 
and  hath  greatly  desired  that  lie  may 
be  the  man  to  go  into  Denmark  to 
solicit  for  the  2000  horses  promised, 
for  the  end  he  may  better  disguise  his 
purpose  under  this  colour,"  &c.  'Mat- 
ters to  be  related  to  her  Majesty,'  20 
June,  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

Robert  Sidney  was  subsequently 
sent  to  Denmark  by  Leicester  to  look 
into  this  matter.  Wilkes  to  Lords  of 
Council,  20  Aug.  1586.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 


1586. 


HIS  IMPRISONMENT.— THE  EARL'S  UNPOPULARITY. 


83 


raained,  however,  six  months  in  prison,  and  at  the  beginning 
of  1587  was  released,  without  trial  or  accusation,  at  the 
request  of  the  English  Queen.^ 

The  States  could  hardly  he  blamed  for  their  opposition  to 
the  Earl's  administration,  for  he  had  thrown  himself  com- 
pletely into  the  arms  of  a  faction,  whose  object  was  to  vilipend 
/md  traduce  them,  and  it  was  now  difficult  for  him  to  recover 
the  functions  of  which  the  Queen  had  deprived  him.  "The 
government  they  had  given  from  themselves  to  me  stuck  in 
their  stomachs  always,"  he  said.  Thus  on  the  one  side,  the 
States  were  "  growing  more  stately  than  ever,"  and  were  always 
"jumbling  underhand,"  while  the  aristocratic  Earl,  on  his 
part,  was  resolute  not  to  be  put  down  by  "  churls  and  tinkers."^ 
He  was  sure  that  the  people  were  with  him,  and  that,  "  having 
always  been  governed  by  some  prince,  they  never  did  nor 
could  consent  to  be  ruled  by  bakers,  brewers,  and  hired  advo- 
cates. I  know  they  hate  them,"^  said  this  high-born  tribune 
of  the  people.  He  was  much  disgusted  with  the  many-headed 
chimasra,  the  monstrous  republic,  with  which  he  found  himself 
in  such  unceasing  conflict,  and  was  disposed  to  take  a  manful 
stand.  "  I  have  been  fain  of  late,"  he  said,  "  to  set  the  better 
leg  foremost,  to  handle  some  of  my  masters  somewhat  plainly, 
for  they  thought  I  would  droop  ;  and  whatsoever  becomes  of 
me,  you  shall  hear  I  will  keep  my  reputation,  or  die  for  it."* 

But  one  great  accusation  made  against  the  churls  and 
tinkers,  and  bakers  and  hired  advocates,  and  Mr.  Paul  Buys 
at  their  head,  was  that  they  were  liberal  towards  the  Papists. 
They  were  willing  that  Catholics  should  remain  in  the  country 
and  exercise  the  rights  of  citizens,  provided  they  conducted 
themselves  like  good  citizens.  For  this  toleration — a  lesson 
which  statesmen  like  Buys  and  Barneveld  had  learned  in  the 
school  of  William  the  Silent — tlie  opposition-party  were  de- 


'  Bor.  IL  726,  726,  889,  890. 
Hoofd,  Vervolgh,  165.  Wagenaar, 
viii.  161-163.  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.' 
352,  362-364,  386,  436. 

Leycester     to     Burghley,    20    July, 

VOL.       I.  — 3« 


1586.     B.    Clerk    to    same,    24    July, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 

'  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  312. 

'  Ibid.  424. 

*  Ibid.  312. 


84 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


CUAP.  X. 


nounced  as  bolsterers  of  Papists,  and  Papists  themselves  at 
heart,  and  "worshippers  of  idolatrous  idols."' 

From  words,  too,  the  government  of  Leicester  passed  to 
acts.  Seventy  papists  were  banished  from  the  city  of  Utrecht 
at  the  time  of  the  arrest  of  Buys.-  The  Queen  had  constantly 
enforced  upon  Leicester  the  importance  of  dealing  justly  with 
the  Catholics  in  the  Netherlands,  on  the  ground  that  they 
might  he  as  good  patriots  and  were  as  much  interested  in  the 
welfare  of  their  country  as  were  the  Protestants  ;^  and  he  was 
especially  enjoined  "  not  to  meddle  in  matters  of  religion." 
This  wholesome  advice  it  would  have  been  quite  impossible 
for  the  Earl,  under  the  guidance  of  Reingault,  Burgrave,  and 
Stephen  Perret,  to  carry  out.  He  protested  that  he  should 
have  liked  to  treat  Papists  and  Calvinists  "  with  indifference," 
but  that  it  had  proved  impossible  ;  that  the  Catholics  were 
perpetually  plotting  with  the  Spanish  faction,  and  that  no 
towns  were  safe  except  those  in  wdiich  Papists  had  been 
excluded  from  office.  "  They  love  the  Pope  above  all,"  he 
said,  "  and  the  Prince  of  Parma  hath  continual  intelhgence 
with  them."  Nor  was  it  Catholics  alone  who  gave  the 
governor  trouble.  He  was  likewise  very  busy  in  putting  down 
other  denominations  that  differed  from  the  Calvinists.  "Your 
Majesty  will  not  believe,"  he  said,  "  the  number  of  sects  that 
are  in  most  towns  ;  especially  Anabaptists,  Families  of  Love, 
G-eorgians,  and  I  know  not  what.  The  godly  and  good 
ministers  were  molested  by  them  in  many  places,  and  ready 
to  give  over  ;  and  even  such  diversities  grew  among  magis- 
trates in  towns,  being  caused  by  some  sedition-sowers  here."  * 
It  is  however,  satisfactory  to  reflect  that  the  anabaptists  and 
£imilies  of  love,  although  discouraged  and  frowned  upon,  were 
not  burned  alive,  buried  alive,  drowned  in  dungeons,  and 
roasted  at  slow  fires,  as  had  been  the  case  with  them  and  with 


*  Digges's  '  Advertisement  of  the 
present  State,'  Sec.  (S.  P.  Office  MS. 
before  cited. 

»B.    Clerk    to  Burghley,    24=    July, 


1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

3  Leicester   to  the   Queen,  26  Jun^ 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

♦  Ibid. 


1586.  HIS  QUARRELS  WITH  THE  STATES.  85 

every  other  Bpecies  of  Protestants,  by  thousands  and  tens  of 
thousands,  so  long  as  Charles  V.  and  Philip  II.  had  ruled  the 
territory  of  that  commonwealth.  Humanity  had  acquired 
something  by  the  war  which  the  Netherlanders  had  been 
waging  for  twenty  years,  and  no  man  or  woman  was  ever  put 
to  death  for  religious  causes  after  the  establishment  of  the 
republic. 

With  his  hands  thus  full  of  business,  it  was  difficult  for  the 
Earl  to  obey  the  Queen's  command  not  to  meddle  in  religious 
matters  ;  for  he  was  not  of  the  stature  of  William  the  Silent, 
and  could  not  comprehend  that  the  great  lesson  taught  by 
the  sixteenth  century  was  that  men  were  not  to  meddle  with 
men  in  matters  of  religion. 

But  besides  his  especial  nightmare — Mr.  Paul  Buys — the 
governor-general  had  a  whole  set  of  incubi  in  the  Norris 
family.  Probably  no  two  persons  ever  detested  each  other 
more  cordially  than  did  Leicester  and  Sir  John  Norris.  Sir 
John  had  been  commander  of  the  forces  in  the  Netherlands 
before  Leicester's  arrival,  and  was  unquestionably  a  man  of 
larger  experience  than  the  Earl.  He  had,  however,  as  Wal- 
singham  complained,  acquired  by  his  services  in  "  countries 
where  neither  disci j)line  military  nor  religion  carried  any 
sway,"  a  very  rude  and  licentious  kind  of  government. 
"  Would  to  God,"  said  the  secretary,  "  that,  with  his  value 
and  courage,  he  carried  the  mind  and  reputation  of  a  religious 
soldier."  ^  But  that  was  past  praying  for.  Sir  John  was 
proud,  untractable,  turbulent,  very  difficult  to  manage.  He 
hated  Leicester,  and  was  furious  with  Sir  William  Pelham, 
whom  Leicester  had  made  marshal  of  the  camp.^  He  com- 
plained, not  unjustly,  that  from  the  first  place  in  the  army,l 
which  he  had  occupied  in  the  Netherlands,  he  had  been 
reduced  to  the  fifth.^  The  governor-general — who  chose  to 
call  Sir  John  the  son  of  his  ancient  enemy,  the  Earl  of  Sussex — 
often  denounced  him  in  good  set  terms.  "  His  brother  Ed- 
ward is  as  ill  as  he,"  he  said,  "but  John  is  right  the  late  Earl 

'  Bruce's  'Loyc.  Corresp.'  222. 
*  "He  stomachs  greatly  the  Marshal,"  said  Leicester.    Ibid.  379.       *  Ibid.  380. 


86 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X. 


of  Sussex'  son  ;  he  will  so  dissemble  and  crouch,  and  so  cun- 
11  i ugly  carry  his  doings,  as  no  man  living  would  imagine  that 
there  were  half  the  malice  or  vindictive  mind  that  plainly  his 
words  prove  to  be."  *  Leicester  accused  him  of  constant 
insubordination,  insolence,  and  malice,  complained  of  being 
traduced  by  him  everywhere  in  the  Netherlands  and  in  Eng- 
land, and  declared  that  he  was  followed  about  by  "  a  pack  of 
lewd  audacious  fellows,"  whom  the  Earl  vowed  he  would  hang, 
one  and  all,  before  he  had  done  with  them.-  He  swore  openly, 
in  presence  of  all  his  camp,  that  he  would  hang  Sir  John  like- 
wise ;  so  that  both  the  brothers,  who  had  never  been  afraid  of 
anything  since  they  had  been  born  into  the  world,  affected  to 
be  in  danger  of  their  lives.^ 

The  Norrises  were  on  bad  terms  with  many  officers — with 
Sir  William  Pelham  of  course,  with  "  old  Reade,"  Lord  North, 
Roger  Williams,  Hohenlo,  Essex,  and  other  nobles — but  with 
Sir  Philip  Sidney,  the  gentle  and  chivalrous,  they  were 
friends.*  Sir  John  had  quarrelled  in  former  times — according 
to  Leicester — with  Hohenlo  and  even  with  the  "  good  and 
brave  "  La  None,  of  the  iron  arm  ;  "  for  his  pride,"  said  the 
Earl,  "  was  the  spirit  of  the  devil."  ^  The  governor  complained 
every  day  of  his  malignity,  and  vowed  that  he  "  neither  re- 
garded the  cause  of  God,  nor  of  his  prince,  nor  country."* 


'  Brace's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  301. 

"  '  Notes  of  Remembrances,  by  Mr. 
Edward  Norris,'  Sept.  1586.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

^  "  His  Excellency  did  not  only  not 
mislike  withal  that  Lord  North,  Cap- 
tain William,  and  others,  should  rail 
at  him,  but  in  his  own  presence  did 
suffer  divers  captains  and  noblemen  to 
brave  him,  and  did  himself  also  grow 
in  great  rages  against  him,  disallowing 
him  openly  for  wise  man,  honest  man, 
or  soldier;  preferring  many  men's 
wisdom  and  experience,  saying  his 
patience  and  slyness  should  not  save 
him,  not  sparing  openly  to  threaten 
him  to  hang  him  ;  so  that  of  every 
honest  man  it  is  feared  lest  some  mis- 
thief  shall  shortly  be  wraught  him.''  Ibid. 

*  Sir  John  Norris  to  Walsingham, 
25  Oct.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


'  Leicester  to  Wilkes,  22  Aug.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.)  6  Ibid. 

Wilkes,  on  the  contrary,  bad  a  very 
favourable  opinion  of  Norris,  and 
always  secretly  defended  him  to  the 
Queen's  government  against  Leicester's 
charges.  "  Besides  the  value,  wisdom, 
and  many  other  good  parts  that  are  in 
the  man,"  he  said,  "I  have  noted  a 
wonderful  patience  and  modesty  in 
bearing  many  apparent  injuries  done 
unto  him,  which  I  have  known  to  be 
countenanced  and  nourished,  contrary 
to  all  reason,  to  disgrace  him.  What- 
soever may  be  reported  maliciously  to 
his  disadvantage,  I  dare  avouch  that 
the  Queen  hath  not  a  second  subject  of 
his  place  and  quality  so  able  to  serve 
in  these  countries  as  he."  Wilkes  to 
Burghley,  17  Nov.  1586.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 


1586. 


AND  WITH  THE  NORRISES. 


87 


He  consorted  chiefly  with  Sir  Thomas  Cecil,'  governor  of 
Brill,  son  of  Lord  Burghley,  and  therefore  no  friend  to 
Leicester ;  but  the  Earl  protested  that  "  Master  Thomas 
should  bear  small  rule,"  ^  so  long  as  he  was  himself  governor- 
general.  "  Now  I  have  Pelham  and  Stanley,  we  shall  do  well 
enough,"  he  said,  "  though  ray  young  master  would  counte- 
nance him.  I  will  be  master  while  I  remain  here,  will  they, 
nill  they."-* 

Edward  Norris,  brother  of  Sir  John,  gave  the  governor 
almost  as  much  trouble  as  he  ;  but  the  treasurer  Norris,  uncle 
to  them  both,  was,  if  possible,  more  odious  to  him  than  all. 
He  was — if  half  Leicester's  accusations  are  to  be  believed — ■ 
a  most  infamous  peculator.  One-third  of  the  money  sent  by 
the  Queen  for  the  soldiers  stuck  in  his  fingers.  He  paid  them 
their  wretched  four-pence  a-day  in  depreciated  coin,  so  that 
for  their  "  naughty  money  they  could  get  but  naughty  ware."  * 
Never  was  such  "fleecing  nf  poor  soldiers,"  said  Leicester.^ 

On  the  other  hand.  Sir  John  maintained  that  his  uncle's 
accounts  were  always  ready  for  examination,  and  earnestly 
begged  the  home-government  not  to  condemn  that  functionary 
without  a  hearing.*'  For  himself,  he  complained  that  he  was 
uniformly  kept  in  the  background,  left  in  ignorance  of  im- 
portant enterprises,  and  sent  on  difficult  duty  with  inade- 
quate forces.  It  was  believed  that  Leicester's  course  was 
inspired  by  envy,  lest  any  military  triumph  that  might  be 
gained  should  redound  to  the  glory  of  Sir  John,  one  of  the 
first  commanders  of  the  age,  rather  than  to  that  of  the 
governor-general.  He  was  perpetually  thwarted,  crossed, 
calumniated,  subjected  to  coarse  and  indecent  insults,  even 
from  such  brave  men  as  Lord  North  and  Roger  Williams,  and 
in  the  very  presence  of  the  commander-in-chief,  so  that  his 
talents  were  of  no  avail,  and  he  was  most  anxious  to  be  gone 
from  the  country.^ 


'  Letter  to  Wilkes,  MS.  last  cited. 
'  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  380. 
»  Ibid. 

*  Ibid.  299,  303. 

*  Leicester  to  the  Queen,   27   June, 


1586.    (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

•  Sir  J.  Norris  to  Burghley,  25  May, 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  'Notes  of  Remembrance,'  by  Ed. 
Norris,    MS.   before  cited.     "His  Ex- 


88 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X 


Thus  with  the  tremendous  opposition  formed  to  his  govern- 
ment in  the  States-General,  the  incessant  bickerings  with  the 
Norrises,  the  peculations  of  the  treasurer,  the  secret  negotiations 
with  Spain,  and  the  impossibility  of  obtaining  money  from  home 
for  himself  or  for  his  starving  little  army,  the  Earl  was  in  any- 
thing but  a  comfortable  position.  He  was  severely  censured 
in  England  ;  but  he  doubted,  with  much  reason,  whether  there 
were  many  who  would  take  his  office,  and  spend  twenty 
thousand  pounds  sterling  out  of  their  own  pockets,  as  he  had 
done.^  The  Earl  was  generous  and  brave  as  man  could  be, 
full  of  wit,  quick  of  apprehension  ;  but  inordinately  vain, 
aiTogant,  and  withal  easily  led  by  designing  persons.  He 
stood  up  manfully  for  the  cause  in  which  he  was  embarked, 
and  was  most  strenuous  in  his  demands  for  money.  "  Per- 
sonally he  cared,"  he  said,  "  not  sixpence  for  his  post,  but 
would  give  five  thousand  sixpences,  and  six  thousand  shillings 
beside,  to  be  rid  of  it  ;"  ^  but  it  was  contrary  to  his  dignity  to 
"  stand  bucking  with  the  States  "  for  his  salary.  "  Is  it  reason," 
he  asked,  "  that  I,  being  sent  from  so  great  a  prince  as  our 
sovereign  is,  must  come  to  strangers  to  beg  my  entertainment. 
If  they  are  to  pay  me,  why  is  there  no  remembrance  made  of 
it  by  her  Majesty's  letters,  or  some  of  the  lords  ?  "  ^ 

The  Earl  and  those  around  him  perpetually  and  vehemently 
urged  upon  the  Queen  to  reconsider  her  decision,  and  accept 
the  sovereignty  of  the  Provinces  at  once.     There  was  no  other 


cellency    doth  wonderfully    hate    my 

brother I  only  gather  these 

causes,"  said  Captain  Norris:  "first, 
an  envy  of  some  unworthy  men  about 
him,  who  put  into  his  Excellency's 
iaad  that  as  long  as  Norris  were  here, 
the  honour  of  everything  would  be 
attributed  to  him,  and  that  he  would 
be  a  continual  hindrance  to  the  course 
that  his  Excellency  meant  to  hold 
concerning  some  things,  neither  should 
his  Excellency  have  any  absolute 
commandment  as  long  as  his  credit 
continued." 

'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  27  June, 
1586.  "I  pray  God  I  may  live  to  see 
you  employ  some  of  them  that  are 
thus   careless  of  me,   to   see  whether 


they  will  spend  20.000Z.  of  their  own 
for  you  in  seven  months ;  but  all  is 
in  mine  own  heart  so  little,  though 
the  greatest  portion  of  aU  my  land 
pay  for  it,  so  your  Majesty  do  well 
accept  of  it,"  &c. 

The  Earl  expended — according  to 
his  own  report  to  the  States — three 
hundred  thousand  florins  (30,000Z.)  in 
the  course  of  tlio  year  1587.  (Bor, 
IL  783.  Hoofd,  Yervdgh,  206.)  Of 
course,  he  had  a  claim  for  such  dis- 
bursements on  the  Queen's  exchequer, 
and  was  like  to  enforce  it  at  the  propei 
season. 

"^  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  378. 

»  Ibid.  323. 


1586.  HIS   COUNSELLORS  WILKES  AND  CLERE.  89 

remedy  for    the   distracted   state   of  the   country — no   othei 
safeguard   for  England.     The   Netherland  people  anxiously, 
eagerly  desired  it.     Her  Majesty  was  adored  by  all  the  inha- 
bitants, who  would  gladly  hang  the  fellows  called  the  States. 
Lord  North  was  of  this  opinion — so  was  Cavendish  :  Leicester 
Iiad  always  held  it.     "  Sure  I  am,"  he  said,  "  there  is  but  one 
way  for  our  safety,  and  that  is,  that  her  Majesty  may  take 
that  upon  her  which  I  fear  she  will  not."  ^     Thomas  Wilkes, 
who  now  made  his  appearance  on  the  scene,  held  the  same 
language.     This  distinguished  civilian  had  been  sent  by  the 
Queen,  early  in  August,  to  look  into  the  state  of  Netherland 
affairs.     Leicester  having  expressly  urged  the  importance  of 
selecting  as  wise  a  politician  as  could  be  found — because  the 
best  man  in  England  would  hardly  be  found  a  match  for  the 
dullards  and  drunkards,  as  it  was  the  fashion  there  to  call  the 
Dutch  statesmen  ^ — had  selected  Wilkes.     After  fulfilling  this 
important  special  mission,  he  was  immediately  afterwards  to 
return  to   the  Netherlands  as  English  member  of  the  state- 
council,  at  forty  shillings  a-day,  in  the  place  of  "  little  Hal 
Killigrew,"  whom  Leicester  pronounced  a  "  quicker  and  stouter 
fellow"  than  he  had  at  first  taken  him  for,  although  he  had 
always  thought  well  of  him.     The  other  English  counsellor. 
Dr.  Bartholomew  Clerk,  was  to  remain,  and  the  Earl  declared 
that  he  too,  whom  he  had  formerly  undervalued,  and  thought 
to  have  "  little  stuff  in  him,"  was  now  "  increasing  greatly  in 
understanding."  ^     But  notwithstanding  this  intellectual  pro- 
gress, poor   Bartholomew,   who  was    no  beginner,  was  most 
anxious  to  retire.     He  was  a  man  of  peace,  a  professor,  a 
doctor  of  laws,  fonder  of  the   learned   leisure  and  the  trim 
gardens  of  England  than  of  the  scenes  which  now  surrounded 
him.     "  I  beseech  your  good  Lordship  to  consider,"  he  dis- 
mally observed  to  Burghley,  "  what  a  hard  case  it  is  for  a  man 
that   these   fifteen   years    hath  had  vitam   sedentariam,  un- 


»  Leicester  to  Burghley,  10  Aug.  158G.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

•  Same  to  same,  20  July,  158G. 

*  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  375. 


90 


THE   UNITED    NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X 


worthily  in  a  place  judicial,  always  in  his  long  robe,  and  who, 
twenty-four  years  since,  was  a  public  reader  in  the  University 
(and  therefore  cannot  be  young),  to  come  now  among  guns 
and  drums,  tumbling  up  and  down,  day  and  night,  over  waters 
and  banks,  dykes  and  ditches,  upon  every  occasion  that 
falleth  out ;  hearing  many  insolences  with  silence,  bearing 
mauy  hard  measures  with  patience — a  course  most  different 
from  my  nature,  and  most  unmeet  for  him  that  hath  ever 
professed  learning."' 

Wilkes  was  of  sterner  stuff.  Always  ready  to  follow  the 
camp  and  to  face  the  guns  and  drums  with  equanimity,  and 
endowed  beside  with  keen  political  insight,  he  was  more 
competent  than  most  men  to  unravel  the  confused  skein  of 
Netherland  politics.  He  soon  found  that  the  Queen's  secret 
negotiations  with  Spain,  and  the  general  distrust  of  her  inten- 
tions in  regard  to  the  Provinces,  were  like  to  have  fatal  con- 
sequences. Both  he  and  Leicester  painted  the  anxiety  of  the 
Netherland  people  as  to  the  intention  of  her  Majesty  in  vivid 
colours.^ 

The  Queen  could  not  make  up  her  mind — in  the  very  midst 
of  the  Greenwich  secret  conferences,  already  described — to 
accept  the  Netherland  sovereignty.  "She  gathereth  from 
your  letter,"  wrote  Walsingham,  "  that  the  only  salve  for  this 
sore  is  to  make  herself  proprietary  of  the  country,  and  to  put 
in  such  an  army  as  may  be  able  to  make  head  to  the  enemy. 
These  two  things  being  so  contrary  to  her  Majesty's  disposi- 
tion— the  one,  for  that  it  breedeth  a  doubt  of  a  perpetual 
war,  the  other,  for  that  it  requireth  an  increase  of  charges — 
do  marvellously  distract  her,  and  make  her  repent  that  ever  she 
entered  into  the  action."^ 

Upon  the  great  subject  of  the  sovereignty,  therefore,  she 
was  unable  to  adopt  the  resolution  so  much  desired  by  Leicester 
and  by  the  people  of  the  Provinces  ;  but  she  answered  the 


'  B.  Clerk  to  Burghley,  11  Aug. 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

•*  Wilkes  to  the  Queen,  7  Aug.  1586. 
Leicester  to  the  Queen,  27  June,  1586. 


(S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 

•  Brace's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  340,  9tl) 
July,  1586. 


1586.  LETTER  FROM  THE  QUEEN  TO  LEICESTER.  91 

Earl's  communications  concerning  Maurice  and  Hohenlo.  Sir 
John  Norris  and  the  treasurer,  in  characteristic  but  affectionate 
language.     And  thus  she  wrote  : — 

"  Rob,  I  am  afraid  you  will  suppose,  by  my  wandering 
writings,  that  a  midsummer's  moon  hath  taken  large  posses- 
sion of  my  brains  this  month  ;  but  you  must  needs  take  things 
as  they  come  in  my  head,  though  order  be  left  behind  me. 
When  I  remember  your  request  to  have  a  discreet  and  honest 
man  that  may  carry  my  mind,  and  see  how  all  goes  there,  I 
have  chosen  this  bearer  (Thomas  Wilkes),  whom  you  know 
and  have  made  good  trial  of.  I  have  fraught  him  full  of  my 
conceipts  of  those  country  matters,  and  imparted  what  way  I 
mind  to  take  and  what  is  fit  for  you  to  use.  I  am  sure  you 
can  credit  him,  and  so  I  will  be  short  with  these  few  notes. 
First,  that  Count  Maurice  and  Count  Hollock  (Hohenlo)  find 
themselves  trusted  of  you,  esteemed  of  me,  and  to  be  carefully 
regarded,  if  ever  peace  should  happen,  and  of  that  assure  them 
on  my  word,  that  yet  never  deceived  any.  And  for  Norris 
and  other  captains  thsitvoluntarily,  without  commandment,  have 
many  years  ventured  their  lives  and  won  our  nation  honour  and 
themselves  fame,  let  them  not  be  discouraged  by  any  means, 
neither  by  new-come  men  nor  by  old  trained  soldiers  else- 
where. If  there  be  fault  in  using  of  soldiers,  or  making  of 
profit  by  them,  let  them  hear  of  it  without  open  shame,  and 
doubt  not  I  will  well  chasten  them  therefore.  It  frets  me  not 
a  little  that  the  poor  soldiers  that  hourly  venture  life  should 
want  their  due,  that  well  deserve  rather  reward  ;  and  look,  in 
whom  the  fault  may  truly  be  proved,  let  them  smart  therefore. 
And  if  the  treasurer  be  found  untrue  or  negligent,  according 
to  desert  he  shall  be  used.  But  you  know  my  old  wont,  that 
love  not  to  discharge  frorn  office  without  desert.  God  forbid  ! 
I  pray  you  let  this  bearer  know  what  may  be  learned  herein, 
and  for  the  treasure  I  have  joined  Sir  Thomas  Shirley  to  see 
all  this  money  discharged  in  due  sort,  where  it  needeth  and 
behoveth. 

"  Now  will  I  end,  that  do  imagine  I  talk  still  with  you,  and 
therefore  loathly  say  farewell  one  hundred  thousand  times  ; 


92 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X. 


tliougli  ever  I  pray  God  bless  you  from  all  harm,  and  save  you 
from  all  foes.  With  my  million  and  legion  of  thanks  for  all 
your  pains  and  cares, 

"  As  you  know  ever  the  same, 

"E.  R. 

"  P.  S.  Let  Wilkes  see  that  he  is  acceptable  to  you.  If  any- 
thing there  be  that  W.  shall  desire  answer  of  be  such  as  you 
would  have  but  me  to  know,  write  it  to  myself.  You  know  I 
can  keep  both  others'  counsel  and  mine  own.  Mistrust  not 
that  anything  you  would  have  kept  shall  be  disclosed  by  me, 
for  although  this  bearer  ask  many  things,  yet  you  may  answer 
him  such  as  you  shall  think  meet,  and  write  to  me  the  rest."  ^ 

Thus,  not  even  her  favourite  Leicester's  misrepresentations 
could  make  the  Queen  forget  her  ancient  friendship  for  "  her 
own  crow  ;"  but  meantime  the  relations  between  that  "bunch 
of  brethren,"  black  Norris  and  the  rest,  and  Pelham,  Hollock, 
and  other  high  officers  in  Leicester's  army,  had  grown  worye 
than  ever. 

One  August  evening  there  was  a  supper-party  at  Count 

Hollock's  ^  quarters  in  Gertruydenberg.     A  military  foray  into 

Aug.  6,    Brabant   had  just   taken  place,  under  the  lead  of 

158^.  the  Count,  and  of  the  Lord  Marshal,  Sir  William 
Pelham.  The  marshal  had  requested  Lord  Willoughby, 
with  his  troop  of  horse  and  five  hundred  foot,  to  join  in 
the  enterprise,  but,  as  usual,  particular  pains  had  been 
taken  that  Sir  John  Norris  should  know  nothing  of  the 
affair.'*  Pelham  and  Hollock — who  was  "greatly  in  love 
with  Mr.  Pelham"^ — had  invited  several  other  gentlemen 
high  in  Leicester's  confidence  to  accompany  the  expe- 
dition ;  and,  among  the  rest,  Sir  PJhilip  Sidney,  telling  him 


'  Queen  to  Leicester,  19  July,  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"^  It  has  been  already  stated  that 
Holicnlo  was  uniformly  called  Hollach 
or  Hollock  by  the  English  and  French, 
and  very  often  by  the  Nelherlanders. 
In  our  text,  sometimes  the  one,  some- 
times the  other,  appellation  is  u.^sed. 
The  reader  will  understand  tiiat  tliure 


was  but  one  of  the  name  in  the  Pro- 
vinces— Count  Philip  WDliam  Hohenio 
or  Hohenlohe,  oftener  called  Hollock. 

'  "  Whereunto  the  colonel-general 
must  not  in  anywise  be  made  privy." 
'  Advertisement  of  a  difference  at  Ger- 
truydenberg.' 8  Aug.  1586.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

*   Bruce's 'Leyc.  Corresp.' 374. 


1586.  A  SUPPER  PARTY  AT  HOHENLO'S.  93 

that  ho  "  should  see  some  good  service."  Sidney  came 
accordingly,  in  great  haste,  from  Flushing,  bringing  along 
with  him  Edward  Norris — that  hot-headed  young  man,  who, 
according  to  Leicester,  "  greatly  governed  his  elder  brother  " 
— but  they  arrived  at  Gertruydenberg  too  late.  The  foray  was 
over,  and  the  party — "  having  burned  a  village,  and  killed  some 
boors " — were  on  their  return.  Sidney,  not  perhaps  much 
regretting  the  loss  of  his  share  in  this  rather  inglorious  shoot- 
ing party,  went  down  to  the  water-side,  accompanied  by  Cap- 
tain Norris,  to  meet  Hollock  and  the  other  commanders. 

As  the  Count  stepped  on  shore  he  scowled  ominously,  and 
looked  very  much  out  of  temper. 

"  What  has  come  to  Hollock  ?"  whispered  Captain  Patton, 
a  Scotchman,  to  Sidney.  "  Has  he  a  quarrel  with  any  of  th« 
party  ?     Look  at  his  face  !     He  means  mischief  to  somebody." 

But  Sidney  was  equally  amazed  at  the  sudden  change  in 
the  Grerman  general's  countenance,  and  as  unable  to  ex- 
plain it. 

Soon  afterwards,  the  whole  party,  Hollock,  Lewis  William 
of  Nassau,  Lord  Carew,  Lord  Essex,  Lord  Willoughby,  both 
the  Sidneys,  Roger  Williams,  Pelham,  Edward  Norris,  and 
the  rest,  went  to  the  Count's  lodgings,  where  they  supped, 
and  afterwards  set  themselves  seriously  to  drinking. 

Norris  soon  perceived  that  he  was  no  welcome  guest  ;  for 
he  was  not — like  Sidney — a  stranger  to  the  deep  animosity 
which  had  long  existed  between  Sir  John  Norris  and  Sir 
William  Pelham  and  his  friends.  The  carouse  was  a  tre- 
mendous one,  as  usually  was  the  case  where  Hollock  was  the 
Amphitryon,  and,  as  the  jiotations  grew  deeper,  an  intention 
became  evident  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  company  to  behave 
unhandsomely  to  Norris. 

For  a  time  the  young  Captain  ostentatiously  restrained 
himself,  very  much  after  the  fashion  of  those  meek  individuals 
who  lay  their  swords  on  the  tavern-table,  with  "  God  grant  I 
may  have  no  need  of  thee  ! "  The  custom  was  then  prevalent 
at  banquets  for  the  revellers  to  pledge  each  other  in  rotation, 
each  draining  a  great  cup,  and  exacting  the  same  feat  from 


94  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  X. 

his  neighbour,  who  then  emptied  his  goblet  as  a  challenge  to 
Ms  next  comrade. 

The  Lord  Marshal  took  a  beaker,  and  called  out  to  Edward 
Norris.  "  I  drink  to  the  health  of  my  Lord  Norris,  and  of  my 
lady,  your  mother."     So  sayiug,  he  emptied  his  glass. 

The  young  man  did  not  accept  the  pledge. 

"  Your  Lordship  knows,"  he  said  somewhat  sullenly,  "  that 
I  am  not  wont  to  drink  deep.  Mr.  Sidney  there  can  tell  you 
that,  for  my  health's  sake,  I  have  drank  no  wine  these  eight 
days.  If  your  Lordship  desires  the  pleasure  of  seeing  me 
drunk,  I  am  not  of  the  same  mind.  I  pray  you  at  least  to 
take  a  smaller  glass. 

Sir  William  insisted  on  the  pledge.  Norris  then,  in  no 
very  good  humour,  emptied  his  cup  to  the  Earl  of  Essex. 

Essex  responded  by  draining  a  goblet  to  Count  Hollock. 

"  A  Norris's  father,"  said  the  young  Earl,  as  he  pledged 
the  Count,  who  was  already  veiy  drunk,  and  looking  blacker 
than  ever. 

"  An  'orse's  father — an  'orse's  father  !  "  growled  Hollock  ; 
"  I  never  drink  to  horses,  nor  to  their  fathers  either  :"  and 
with  this  wonderful  witticism  he  declined  the  pledge. 

Essex  explained  that  the  toast  was  Lord  Norris,  father  of 
the  Captain  ;  but  the  Count  refused  to  understand,  and  held 
fiercely,  and  with  damnable  iteration,  to  his  jest. 

The  Earl  repeated  his  explanation  several  times  with  no 
better  success.  Norris  meanwhile  sat  swelling  with  wrath, 
but  said  nothing. 

Again  the  Lord  Marshal  took  the  same  great  glass,  and 
emptied  it  to  the  young  Captain. 

Norris,  not  knowing  exactly  what  course  to  take,  placed 
the  glass  at  the  side  of  his  plate,  and  glared  grimly  at  Sir 
William. 

Pelham  was  furious.  Reaching  over  the  table,  he  shoved 
the  glass  towards  Norris  with  an  angry  gesture. 

"  Take  your  glass.  Captain  Norris,"  he  cried  ;  "  and  if  you 
have  a  mind  to  jest,  seek  other  companions.  I  am  not  to  be 
trifled  with  ;  therefore,  I  say,  pledge  me  at  once." 


1686.  A  DRUNKEN  QUARREL.  '  95 

"  Your  Lordship  shall  not  force  me  to  drink  more  wine 
than  I  list,"  returned  the  other.  "  It  is  your  pleasure  to  take 
advantage  of  your  military  rank.  Were  we  both  at  home,  you 
would  be  glad  to  be  my  companion." 

Norris  was  hard  beset,  and  although  his  language  was 
studiously  moderate,  it  was  not  surprising  that  his  manner 
should  be  somewhat  insolent.  The  veteran  Lord  Marshal, 
on  the  other  hand,  had  distinguished  himself  on  many 
battle-fields,  but  his  deportment  at  this  banqueting-table 
was  not  much  to  his  credit.  He  paused  a  moment,  and 
Norris,  too,  held  his  peace,  thinking  that  his  enemy  would 
desist. 

It  was  but  for  a  moment. 

"  Captain  Norris,"  cried  Pelham,  "  I  bid  you  pledge  me 
without  more  ado.  Neither  you  nor  your  best  friends  shall 
use  me  as  you  list.  I  am  better  born  than  you  and  your 
brother,  the  colonel-general,  and  the  whole  of  you." 

"  I  warn  you  to  say  nothing  disrespectful  against  my 
brother,"  replied  the  Captain.  "As  for  yourself,  I  know  how 
to  respect  your  age  and  superior  rank." 

"  Drink,  drink,  drink  ! "  roared  the  old  Marshal.  "  I  tell 
you  I  am  better  bom  than  the  best  of  you.  I  have  advanced 
you  all  too,  and  you  know  it ;  therefore  drink  to  me." 

Sir  William  was  as  logical  as  men  in  their  cups  are  prone 
to  be. 

"  Indeed,  you  have  behaved  well  to  my  brother  Thomas," 
answered  Norris,  suddenly  becoming  very  courteous,  "  and  for 
this  I  have  ever  loved  your  Lordship,  and  would  do  you  any 
service." 

"  Well,  then,"  said  the  Marshal,  becoming  tender  in  his 
turn,  "  forget  what  hath  past  this  night,  and  do  as  you  would 
have  done  before." 

"  Very  well  said,  indeed  !  "  cried  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  trying 
to  help  the  matter  into  the  smoother  channel  towards  which 
it  was  tending, 

Norris,  seeing  that  the  eyes  of  the  whole  company  were 
upon  them,  took  the  glass  accordingly,  and  rose  to  his  feet 


9G 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


CrfAP.   X. 


"  My  Lord  Marshal/'  he  said,  "  you  have  done  me  more 
wrong  this  night  than  you  can  easily  make  satisfaction  for. 
But  I  am  unwilling  that  any  trouble  or  offence  should  grow 
through  me.     Therefore  once  more  I  pledge  you." 

He  raised  the  cup  to  his  lips.  At  that  instant  Hollock,  to 
whom  nothing  had  been  said,  and  who  had  spoken  no  word 
since  his  happy  remark  about  the  horse's  father,  suddenly 
indulged  in  a  more  practical  jest  ;  and  seizing  the  heavy  gilt 
cover  of  a  silver  vase,  hurled  it  at  the  head  of  Norris.  It 
struck  him  full  on  the  forehead,  cutting  him  to  the  bone. 
The  Captain,  stunned  for  a  moment,  fell  back  in  his  chair, 
with  the  blood  running  down  his  eyes  and  face.  The  Count, 
always  a  man  of  few  words,  but  prompt  in  action,  now  drew 
his  dagger,  and  strode  forward,  with  the  intention  of  despatch- 
ing him  upon  the  spot.  Sir  Philip  Sidney  threw  his  arms 
around  Hollock,  however,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  others  in 
the  company,  succeeded  in  dragging  him  from  the  room. 
The  affair  was  over  in  a  few  seconds. 

Norris,  coming  back  to  consciousness,  sat  for  a  moment  as 
one  amazed,  rubbing  the  blood  out  of  his  eyes  ;  then  rose  from 
the  table  to  seek  his  adversary  ;  but  he  was  gone. 

Soon  afterwards  he  went  to  his  lodgings.  The  next  morn- 
ing he  was  advised  to  leave  the  town  as  speedily  as  possible  ; 
for  as  it  was  under  the  government  of  Hollock,  and  filled  with 
his  soldiers,  he  was  warned  that  his  life  would  not  be  safe 
there  an  hour.  Accordingly  he  went  to  his  boat,  accompanied 
only  by  his  man  and  his  page,  and  so  departed  with  his  broken 
head,  breathing  vengeance  against  Hollock,  Pelham,  Leicester, 
and  the  whole  crew,  by  whom  he  had  been  thus  abused. 

The  next  evening  there  was  another  tremendous  carouse  at 
the  Count's,  and,  says  the  reporter  of  the  preceding  scene, 
"  they  were  all  on  such  good  terms,  that  not  one  of  the  com- 
pany had  falling  band  or  ruff  left  about  his  neck.  All  were 
clean  torn  away,  and  yet  there  was  no  blood  drawn."  ^ 


'  '  Advertisement  of  a  Difference  at 
Gertruydenberg,'  8  August,  1586.  T. 
Doyley  to  Burghley,  8  Aug.  158f5. 
B.     Clerk     to    same,    11    Aug.     1586. 


E.  Norris  to  Leicester,  21  Nov.  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MSS.)  Compare  Bor.  IL 
786-788.  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.' 
390-392. 


1586. 


HOHENLO'S   ASSAULT   UPON   EDWARD   NORRIS. 


97 


Edward  Norris — so  soon  as  might  be  afterwards — sent  a 
cartel  to  the  Count,  demanding  mortal  combat  with  sword 
and  dagger.'  Sir  Philij)  Sidney  bore  the  message.  Sir  John 
Norris,  of  course,  warmly  and  violently  espoused  the  cause  of 
his  brother,  and  was  naturally  more  incensed  against  the  Lord 
Marshal  than  ever,  for  Sir  William  Pelham  was  considered 
the  cause  of  the  whole  affray.  ''Even  if  the  quarrel  is  to  be 
excused  by  drink,"  said  an  eye-witness,  "'tis  but  a  slender 
defence  for  my  Lord  to  excuse  himself  by  his  cups  ;  and  often 
drink  doth  be\\Tay  men's  humours  and  unmask  their  malice. 
Certainly  the  Count  Hollock  thought  to  have  done  a  pleasure 
to  the  company  in  killing  him."  ^ 

Nothing  could  be  more  ill-timed  than  this  quarrel,  or 
more  vexatious  to  Leicester.  The  Count — although  consider- 
ing himself  excessively  injured  at  being  challenged  by  a 
simple  captain  and  an  untitled  gentleman,  whom  he  had 
attempted  to  murder — consented  to  waive  his  privilege,  and 
grant  the  meeting. 

Leicester  interposed,,  however,  to  delay,  and,  if  possible,  to 
patch  up  the  affair.  They  were  on  the  eve  of  active  military 
operations,  and  it  was  most  vexatious  for  the  commander-in- 
chief  to  see,  as  he  said,  "  the  quarrel  with  the  enemy  changed 
to  private  revenge  among  ourselves."  The  intended  duel  did 
not  take  place,  for  various  influential  personages  succeeded  in 
deferring  the  meeting.  Then  came  the  battle  of  Zutphen. 
Sidney  fell,  and  Hollock  was  dangerously  wounded  in  the 
attack  which  was  soon  afterwards  made  upon  the  fort.     He 


I  have  painted  this  uproarious  scene 
thus  minutely  and  in  detail,  because 
its  consequences  upon  the  relations 
between  England  and  Holland,  be- 
tween Leicester,  the  Queen,  and  the 
Norrises,  Pelham,  Hohenlo,  and  others, 
were  so  long,  complicated,  and  im- 
portant, because  the  brawl,  although 
brutal  and  vulgar,  assumed  the  dignity 
of  a  political  matter;  because,  on  ac- 
count of  the  distinguished  person- 
ages engaged  in  it,  and  the  epoch 
at  which  it  occurred,  the  event  fur- 
.  nishes  us  with  a  valuable  interior  pic- 

VOL.  II. — H 


ture  of  English  and  Dutch  militaiy 
life;  and  because,  lastly,  in  the 
MSS.  which  I  have  consulted,  are 
preserved  the  ipsisslma  verba  of  the 
actors  in  the  riot.  It  is  superfluous  to 
repeat  what  has  so  often  been  stated, 
that  no  historical  personage  is  ever 
made,  in  the  text,  to  say  or  write  any- 
thing, save  what,  on  ample  evidence, 
he  is  Jcnown  to  have  said  or  written. 

'  Bor,  uhi  sup.  Brace's  'Leya 
Corresp.'  474. 

'  '  Advertisement,'  Ac.  MS.  already 
cited. 


98 


THE    UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X, 


was  still  pressed  to  afford  the  promised  satisfaction,  however, 
and  agreed  to  do  so  whenever  he  should  rise  from  his  bed.^ 

Strange  to  say,  the  Count  considered  Leicester,  throughout 
the  whole  business,  to  have  taken  part  against  him.^ 

Yet  there  is  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  Earl — who  de- 
tested the  Norrises,  and  was  fonder  of  Pelham  than  of  any 
man  living — uniformly  narrated  the  story  most  unjustly,  to 
the  discredit  of  the  young  Captain.  He  considered  him  ex- 
tremely troublesome,  represented  him  as  always  quarrelling 
with  some  one — with  Colonel  Morgan,  Roger  Williams,  old 
Reade,  and  all  the  rest — while  the  Lord  Marshal,  on  the  con- 
trary, was  depicted  as  the  mildest  of  men.  "  This  I  must 
say,"  he  observed,  "  that  all  present,  except  my  two  nephews 
(the  Sidneys),  who  are  not  here  yet,  declare  the  greatest  fault 
to  be  in  Edward  Norris,  and  that  he  did  most  arrogantly  use 
the  Marshal." '' 

It  is  plain,  however,  that  the  old  Marshal,  under  the  influ- 
ence of  wine,  was  at  least  quite  as  much  to  blame  as  the 
young  Captain  ;  and  Sir  Philip  Sidney  sufficiently  showed  his 
sense  of  the  matter  by  being  the  bearer  of  Edward  Norris's 
cartel.  After  Sidney's  death.  Sir  John  Norris,  in  his  letter 
of  condolence  to  Walsingham  for  the  death  of  his  illustrious 
son-in-law,  expressed  the  deeper  regret  at  his  loss  because  Sir 
Philip's  opinion  had  been  that  the  Nonises  were  wronged.* 
Hollock  had  conducted  himself  like  a  lunatic,  but  this  he  was 
apt  to  do  whether  in  his  cups  or  not.  He  was  always  for 
killing  some  one  or  another  on  the  slightest  provocation,  and. 


'  Bor,  II.  786-788.  Hoofd,  Vervolgh, 
209. 

'■'  Letter  of  Hohenlo,  in  Bor,  III. 
123  atq. 

*  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  391. 

"lu  all  actions,"  wrote  Sir  J.  Norris 
to  Bur^liley,  "  I  am  crossed,  and  sought 
to  be  disgraced,  and  suffered  to  be 
braved  by  the  worst  and  simplest  in 
the  company,  only  to  draw  me  into 
quarrels.  These  things  I  am  fain  to 
endure,  lest  the  hindrance  of  the  ser- 
vice should  be  laid  to  my  charge — a 
thing    greatly    sought   for.    ....    The 


dishonourable  violence  ofiFered  to  mj 
brother  in  Count  HoUock's  house,  is 
so  coldly  proceeded  in  as  I  fear  the 
despair  of  orderly  repairing  iiis  honour 
will  drive  him  to  a  more  dangerous 
course,  and,  in  truth,  it  is  used  as  if 
we  were  the  basest  in  the  company." 
Sir  J.  Norris  to  Burghley,  16  Aug.  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  J.  Norris  to  Walsingham,  25  Oct 
1586.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  B.  Clerk  to 
Burghley,  11  Aug.  1586.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 


158G. 


ILL   EFFECTS   OF   THE   RIOT. 


99 


while  the  dog-star  of  1586  was  raging,  it  was  not  his  fault  if 
he  had  not  already  despatched  both  Edward  Norris  and  the 
objectionable  "  Mr.  P.  B." 

For  these  energetic  demonstrations  against  Leicester's  ene- 
mies he  considered  himself  entitled  to  the  Earl's  eternal 
gratitude,  and  was  deeply  disgusted  at  his  apparent  coldness. 
The  governor  was  driven  almost  to  despair  by  these  quarrels. 

His  colonel-general,  his  lord  marshal,  his  lieutenant-gene- 
ral, were  all  at  daggers  drawn.  "  Would  God  I  were  rid 
of  this  place  !  "  he  exclaimed.  "What  man  living  would  go 
to  the  field  and  have  his  officers  divided  almost  into  mortal 
quarrel  ?  One  blow  but  by  any  of  their  lackeys  brings  us 
altogether  by  the  ears."  ^ 

It  was  clear  that  there  was  not  room  enough  on  the  Nether- 
land  soil  for  the  Earl  of  Leicester  and  the  brothers  Norris. 
The  Queen,  while  apparently  siding  with  the  Earl,  intimated 
to  Sir  J  obn  that  she  did  not  disapprove  his  conduct,  that  she 
should  probably  recall  him  to  England,  and  that  she  should 
send  him  back  to  the  Provinces  after  the  Earl  had  left  that 
country.^ 

Such  had  been  the  position  of  the  governor-general  to- 
wards the  Queen,  towards  the  States-General,  and  towards  his 
own  countrymen,  during  the  year  1586. 


'  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  392. 

'  "I  had  not  much  to  do,"  wrote 
Wilkes  to  Sir  John,  "to  re-establish 
in  her  Majesty  and  Mr.  Secretary  a 
singular  good  opinion  of  you  and  your 
actions.  .  .  .  Believe  me,  I  do  not  find 
any  man  on  that  side  equal  with  you 
in  her  Majesty's  grace.  Slie  protests 
to  me  she  will  not  have  your  safety 
hazarded  for  any  treasure,  and  hath 
resolved  to  revoke  you.  ...  I  do  find 
a  disposition  in  her  Majesty  to  return 
you  thither  again,  after  his  Excellency 
shall  be  come  home,  which  her  Majesty 
meaneth  directly,  although  there  is 
much  variety  of  opinion  here,  whether 
it  be  fit  to  revoke  him  or  not.    Such 


as  desire  the  good  of  that  Slate  do  hold 
that  question  affirmatively,  but  such  as 
do  not  love  him  (who  are  the  greater 
number)  do  maintain  the  negative. 
Her  Majesty  and  her  council  do  greatly 
stagger  at  the  excessive  charge  of  those 
wars  under  his  Excellency's  govern- 
ment for  the  past  six  months,  affirming 
(as  it  is  true)  that  the  realm  of  England 
is  not  able  to  supply  the  moiety  of  that 
charge,  notwithstanding  the  necessity 
of  the  defence  of  those  countries  is  so 
conjoined  with  her  Majesty's  own  safety 
as  the  same  is  not  to  be  abandoned." 
Wilkes  to  Sir  J.  Norris,  23  Sept.  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


iOO  THK    UxVlTED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuap  Xi 


CHAPTER     XI. 

Drake  in  the  Netherlands  —  Good  Results  of  his  Visit  —  The  Babington  Con- 
spiracy —  Leicester  decides  to  visit  England  —  Exchange  of  parting 
Compliments. 

* 

Late  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  an  Engh'shman  arrived 
in  the  Netherlands,  bearer  of  despatches  from  the  Queen. 
He  had  been  entrusted  by  her  Majesty  with  a  special  mission 
to  the  States-General,  and  he  had  soon  an  interview  with  that 
assembly  at  the  Hague. 

He  was  a  small  man,  apparently  forty-five  years  of  age,  of  a 
fair  but  somewhat  weather-stained  complexion,  with  light- 
brown,  closely-curling  hair,  an  expansive  forehead,  a  clear  blue 
eye,  rather  common-place  features,  a  thin,  brown,  pointed  beard, 
and  a  slight  moustache.  Though  low  of  stature,  he  was  broad- 
chested,  with  well-knit  limbs.  His  hands,  which  were  small 
and  nervous,  were  brown  and  callous  with  the  marks  of  toil. 
There  was  something  in  his  brow  and  glance  not  to  be  mis- 
taken, and  which  men  willingly  call  master  ;  yet  he  did  not 
seem  to  have  sprung  of  the  born  magnates  of  the  earth.  He 
wore  a  heavy  gold  chain  about  his  neck,  and  it  might  be 
observed  that  upon  the  light  full  sleeves  of  his  slashed  doublet 
the  image  of  a  small  ship  on  a  terrestrial  globe  was  curiously 
and  many  times  embroidered. 

It  was  not  the  first  time  that  he  had  visited  the  Nether- 
lands. Thirty  years  before  the  man  had  been  apprentice  on 
board  a  small  lugger,  which  traded  between  the  English  coast 
and  the  ports  of  Zeeland.  Emerging  in  early  boyhood  from 
his  parental  mansion — an  old  boat,  turned  bottom  upwards  on 
a  sandy  down — he  had  naturally  taken  to  the  sea,  and  his 
master,  dying  childless  not  long  afterwards,  bequeathed  to 
him  the  lugger.     But  in  time  his  spirit,  too  much  confined 


1586.  DllAKE  IN   THE  NETHERLANDS.  101 

by  coasting  in  the  narrow  seas,  had  taken  a  bolder  flight.  He 
had  risked  his  hard-earned  savings  in  a  voyage  with  the 
old  slave-trader,  John  Hawkins — whose  exertions,  in  what 
was  then  considered  an  honourable  and  useful  vocation,  had 
been  rewarded  by  Queen  Elizabeth  with  her  special  favour, 
and  with  a  coat  of  arms,  the  crest  whereof  was  a  negro's  head, 
proper,  chained — but  the  lad's  first  and  last  enterprise  in  this 
field  was  unfortunate.  Captured  by  Spaniards,  and  only 
escaping  with  life,  he  determined  to  revenge  himself  on  the 
whole  Spanish  nation  ;  and  this  was  considered  a  most  legiti- 
mate proceeding  according  to  the  "sea  divinity"  in  which  he 
had  been  schooled.  His  subsequent  expeditions  against  the 
Spanish  possessions  in  the  West  Indies  were  eminently  suc- 
cessful, and  soon  the  name  of  Francis  Drake  rang  through 
the  world,  and  startled  Philip  in  the  depths  of  his  Escorial. 
The  first  Englishman,  and  the  second  of  any  nation,  he 
then  ploughed  his  memorable  "  furrow  round  the  earth," 
carrying  amazement  and  destruction  to  the  Spaniards  as 
he  sailed,  and  after  three  years  brought  to  the  Queen 
treasure  enough,  as  it  was  asserted,  to  maintain  a  war  with 
the  Spanish  King  for  seven  years,  and  to  pay  himself 
and  companions,  and  the  merchant-adventurers  who  had 
participated  in  his  enterprise,  forty-seven  pounds  sterling 
for  every  pound  invested  in  the  voyage.  The  specula- 
tion had  been  a  fortunate  one  both  for  himself  and  for  the 
kingdom. 

The  terrible  Sea-King  was  one  of  the  great  types  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  The  self-helping  private  adventurer,  in 
his  little  vessel  the  '  Golden  Hind,'  one  hundred  tons  burthen^ 
had  waged  successful  war  against  a  mighty  empire,  and  had 
shown  England  how  to  humble  Philip.  When  he  again  set 
foot  on  his  native  soil  he  was  followed  by  admiring  crowds, 
and  became  the  favourite  hero  of  romance  and  ballad  ;  for  it 
was  not  the  ignoble  pursuit  of  gold  alone,  tlirough  toil  and 
peril,  which  had  endeared  his  name  to  the  nation.  The 
popular  instinct  recognized  that  the  true  means  had  been 
found  at  last  for  rescuing  England  and  Protestantism  from 


102  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XI 

the  overshadowing  empire  of  Spain.  The  Queen  visited  him 
in  his  '  Golden  Hind/  and  gave  him  the  honour  of  knight- 
hood. 

The  treaty  between  the  United  Netherlands  and  England 
had  been  followed  by  an  embargo  upon  English  vessels,  per- 
sons,  and  property,   in   the   ports   of  Spain ;    and, 

1585.  /»  /»  /»  1  1  • 

after  five  years  oi  unwonted  repose,  the  privateers- 
man  again  set  forth  with  twenty-five  small  vessels — of  which 
five  or  six  only  were  armed — under  his  command,  conjoined 
with  that  of  General  Carlisle.  This  time  the  voyage  was 
undertaken  with  full  permission  and  assistance  of  the  Queen 
who,  however,  intended  to  disavow  him,  if  she  should  find 
such  a  step  convenient.^  This  was  the  expedition  in  which 
Philip  Sidney  had  desired  to  take  part.  The  Queen  watched 
its  result  with  intense  anxiety,  for  the  fate  of  her  Netherland 
adventure  was  thought  to  be  hanging  on  the  issue.  "  Upon 
Drake's  voyage,  in  very  truth,  dependeth  the  life  and  death 
of  the  cause,  according  to  man's  judgment,"  said  Walsing- 
ham.^ 

The  issue  was  encouraging,  even  if  the  voyage — as  a  mer- 
cantile speculation — proved  not  so  brilliant  as  the  previous 
enterprises  of  Sir  Francis  had  been.  He  returned  in  the 
midsummer  of  1586,  having  captured  and  brandschatzed  St. 
Domingo  and  Carthagena,  and  burned  St.  Augustine,  "A 
fearful  man  to  the  King  of  Spain  is  Sir  Francis  Drake,"  said 
Lord  Burghley.^  Nevertheless,  the  Queen  and  the  Lord- 
Treasurer — as  we  have  shown  by  the  secret  conferences  at 
Greenwich — had,  notwithstanding  these  successes,  expressed  a 
more  earnest  desire  for  peace  than  ever. 

A  simple,  sea-faring  Englishman,  with  half-a-dozen  miser- 
able little  vessels,  had  carried  terror  into  the  Spanish  pos- 
sessions all  over  the  earth  :  but  even  then  the  great  Queen 
had  not  learned  to  rely  on  the  valour  of  her  volunteers  against 
her  most  formidable  enemy.^ 


'   '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  173.  I       »  Ibid  199. 

•  Ibid.  341.  I       *  For  the   life    and   adventures    of 


1586. 


GOOD   RESULTS   OF   HIS   VISIT. 


103 


Drake  was,  however,  bent  on  another  enterprise.  The  pre- 
parations for  PhiUp's  great  fleet  had  been  going  steadily 
forward  in  Lisbon,  Cadiz,  and  other  ports  of  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal, and,  despite  assurances  to  the  contrary,  there  was  a 
growing  belief  that  England  was  to  be  invaded.  To  destroy 
those  ships  before  the  monarch's  face,  would  be,  indeed,  to 
"  singe  his  beard."  But  whose  arm  was  daring  enough  for 
such  a  stroke  ?  Whose  but  that  of  the  Devonshire  skipper 
who  had  already  accomplished  so  much  ? 

And  so  Sir  Francis,  "  a  man  true  to  his  word,  merciful  to 
those  under  him,  and  hating  nothing  so  much  as  idleness,"^ 
had  come  to  the  Netherlands  to  talk  over  his  project  with  the 
States-General,  and  with  the  Dutch  merchants  and  sea-cap- 
tains.^ His  visit  was  not  unfruitful.  As  a  body  the  assembly 
did  nothing  ;  but  they  recommended  that  in  every  maritime 
city  of  Holland  and  Zeeland  one  or  two  ships  should  be  got 
ready,  to  participate  in  all  the  future  enterprises  of  Sir 
Francis  and  his  comrades.-' 

The  martial  spirit  of  volunteer  sailors,  and  the  keen  in- 
stinct of  mercantile  speculation,  were  relied  upon — exactly  as 


Drake,  see  Fuller,  'The  Holy  State  and 
the  Profane  State,'  in  voce.  Stowe's 
'Chronicle,'  805-812.  Em.  v.  Meteren, 
175,  seq.  "The  World  Encompassed," 
and  particularly  the  '  Life,  Voyages, 
and  Exploits  of  Admiral  Sir  Francis 
Drake.'     By  John  Barrow.     1843. 

1  Fuller. 

'  "Wagenaar,  viii.  233-234,  who  is, 
however,  mistaken  in  saying  that  "they 
had  no  ears  for  Drake  in  the  Nether- 
lands." 

*  "  The  voyage  of  Sir  Francis  Drake 
into  these  countries,"  wrote  Wilkes, 
"  is  not  likely  to  be  unfruitful,  although 
at  his  arrival  he  found  no  disposition 
in  the  States  and  people  at  all  to  assent 
of  his  motions.  They  cannot  yield  to 
assist  his  voyage  with  any  general 
contribution,  but  are  contented  to  deal 
with  the  inhabitants  of  the  principal 
maritime  towns,  to  furnish  in  every 
of  them  a  ship  or  two,  according  to 
the  ability  of  the  merchants  there  re- 
siding, from  whom  the  States-General, 
now  assembled  at  the   Hague,  do  ex- 


pect a  speedy  answer  and  resolution; 
so  as  if  her  Majesty  shall  determine 
that  Sir  F.  Drake  do  venture  again  to 
the  Indies,  it  w  twt  to  be  doubted  that 
he  shall  have  some  good  assistance  from 
hence.  Of  what  necessity  it  is  that  the 
Queen's  principal  enemy  be  attempted 
that  way,  your  honour  can  best  per- 
ceive; but  we  find  it  more  than  pro- 
bable here,  that  if  he  may  enjoy  his 
Indies  quietly,  he  will  make  her  Majesty 
and  these  countries  soon  iveary  of  their 
defence.  I  have  partly  instmcted  Sir 
F.  Drake  of  the  state  of  tliese  coun- 
tries. How  and  in  what  sort  my  Lord 
of  Leicester  departeth  lience,  he  hath 
best  discerned  by  his  own  experience, 
which,  because  it  is  long  to  bo  written, 
I  am  bold  to  refer  your  honour  to  his 
declaration.  I  do  find  the  state  of 
things  here  so  disjointed  and  unsettled, 
that  I  have  just  cause  to  fear  some 
dangerous  alteration  in  the  absence  of 
our  governor.  Therefore  I  beseech 
you,  as  you  tender  thi'  preservation  of 
her  Majesty's  estate,  depending,  as  you 


;jQ4  THK    UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XI, 

in  England — to  furnish  men,  ships,  and  money,  for  these 
daring  and  profitable  adventures.  The  foundation  of  a 
still  more  intimate  connection  between  England  and  Holland 
was  laid,  and  thenceforth  Dutchmen  and  Englishmen 
fought  side  by  side,  on  land  and  sea,  wherever  a  blow  was 
to  be  struck  in  the  cause  of  human  freedom  against  despotic 
Spain. 

The  famous  Babington  conspiracy,  discovered  by  Walsing- 
ham's  "  travail  and  cost,"  had  come  to  convince  the  Queen  and 
her  counsellors— if  further  proof  were  not  superfluous — that 
her  throne  and  life  were  both  incompatible  with  Philip's  deep 
designs,  and  that  to  keep  that  monarch  out  of  the  Nether- 
lands was  as  vital  to  her  as  to  keep  him  out  of  England. 
"  She  is  forced  by  this  discovery  to  countenance  the 
cause  by  all  outward  means  she  may,"  said  Walsingham, 
"  for  it  appeareth  unto  her  most  plain,  that  unless  she  had 
entered  into  the  action,  she  had  been  utterly  undone,  and  that 
if  she  do  not  prosecute  the  same  she  cannot  continue."^ 
The  Secretary  had  sent  Leicester  information  at  an  early 
day  of  the  great  secret,  begging  his  friend  to  "  make  the 
letter  a  heretic  after  he  had  read  the  same,"  and  express- 
ing the  opinion  that  "  the  matter,  if  well  handled,  would 
break  the  neck  of  all  dangerous  practices  during  her  Majesty's 
reign."  ^ 

The  tragedy  of  Mary  Stuart — a  sad  but  inevitable  por- 
tion of  the  vast  drama  in  which  the  emancipation  of  England 
and  Holland,  and,  through  them,  of  half  Christendom,  was 
accomplished — approached  its  catastrophe  ;  and  Leicester 
could  not  restrain  his  anxiety  for  her  immediate  execution. 
He  reminded  Walsingham  that  the  great  seal  had  been  put 
upon  a  warrant  for  her  execution  for  a  less  crime  seventeen 
years  before,  on  the  occasion  of  the  Northumberland  and 
Westmorland  rebellion.     "  For  who  can  warrant  these  villains 


know,  upon  the  maintenance  of  this,  that 
you  will  procure  some  speedy  resolu- 
tion at  home,  and  the  return  of  some 
governor  of  wisdom  and  value,  to  re- 
unite these  distracted  provinces,  who,  i  "  Ibid,  342 
for  lack  of  a  head,  are   apt  enough  to 


be  the  workers  of  their  own  ruin." 
Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  17  Nov.  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.'  341. 


1586. 


THE  BABINGTON  CONSPIRACY. 


105 


from  her,"  he  said,  "if  that  person  live,  or  shall  live  any 
time  ?  God  forbid  !  And  be  you  all  stout  and  resolute  in 
this  speedy  execution,  or  be  condemned  of  all  the  world  for 
ever.  It  is  most  certain,  if  you  will  have  your  Majesty  safe,  it 
must  be  done,  for  justice  doth  crave  it  beside  policy."  ^  His 
own  personal  safety  was  deeply  compromised.  "  Your  Lord- 
ship and  I,"  wrote  Burghley,  "  were  very  great  motes  in  the 
traitors'  eyes  ;  for  your  Lordship  there  and  I  here  should  first, 
about  one  time,  have  been  killed.  Of  your  Lordship  they 
thought  rather  of  poisoning  than  slaying.  After  us  two  gone, 
they  purposed  her  Majesty's  death."  ^ 

But  on  this  great  affair  of  state  the  Earl  was  not  swayed 
by  such  personal  considerations.  He  honestly  thought — as 
did  all  the  statesmen  who  governed  England — that  English 
liberty,  the  very  existence  of  the  English  commonwealth,  was 
impossible  so  long  as  Mary  Stuart  lived.^  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances he  was  not  impatient,  for  a  time  at  least,  to  leave 
the  Netherlands.  His  administration  had  not  been  very  suc- 
cessful. He  had  been  led  away  by  his  own  vanity,  and  by 
the  flattery  of  artful  demagogues,  but  the  immense  obstacles 
with  which  he  had  to  contend  in  the  Queen's  wavering  policy, 
and  in  the  rivalry  of  both  English  and  Dutch  politicians, 
have  been  amply  exhibited.  That  he  had  been  generous, 
courageous,  and  zealous,  could  not  be  denied  ;  and,  on  the 
whole,  he  had  accomplished  as  much  in  the  field  as  could 
have  been  expected  of  him  with  such  meagre  forces,  and  so 
barren  an  exchequer.^ 


'  Brace's  *  Leyc.  Corresp.'  431.  (10 
Oct.  1586.)     See  also  447. 

"That  the  proceediug  of  justice 
agaiust  the  Queen  of  Scots  is  defeiTed 
until  a  parliament,  whereat  I  do  greatly 
marvel  if  it  should  be  true,  considering 
how  dangerous  .such  delay  might  be, 
for  the  mischief  that  might  in  the 
meantime  be  practiced  against  her 
Majesty's  person.  Though  some  small 
branches  of  these  conspiracies  be  taken 
away,  yet  the  greater  boughs  are  not 
unknown  to  remain.  To  whom  it  were 
not  good,  in  my  opinion,  to  give  that 


opportunity  which  might  be  taken, 
while  a  parhament  may  be  called,  and 
such  a  cause  debated  and  determined," 
&c.  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  9  Sept 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  Bruce's  '  Leyc.  Corresp.'  412.  (15 
Sept.  1586.) 

'  One  of  the  Babington  conspirators, 
Ralph  Salisbury,  was  a  tenant  of  Lei- 
cester's, and  had  "  a  farm  under  the 
very  castle-wall  of  Denbigh."  Leicester 
to  Burghley,  29  Aug.  1586.  (S.  P. 
OfBce  MS.) 

*  "Oh   Lord  I    who  would  think  it 


106 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XI 


It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that  his  leaving  the  Nether- 
lands at  that  moment  was  a  most  unfortunate  step,  both  for 
his  own  reputation  and  for  the  security  of  the  Provinces. 
Party-spirit  was  running  high,  and  a  political  revolution  was 
much  to  be  dreaded  in  so  grave  a  position  of  affairs,  both 
in  England  and  Holland.  The  arrangements — and  particu- 
larly the  secret  arrangements  which  he  made  at  his  de- 
parture— were  the  most  fatal  measures  of  all ;  but  these  will 
be  described  in  the  following  chajiter. 

On  the  31st  October,  the  Earl  announced  to  the  state- 
council  his  intention  of  returning  to  England,  stating,  as  the 
31  Oct.    cause  of   this    sudden    determination,   that   he   had 

^^^^-  been  summoned  to  attend  the  parliament  then  sit- 
ting in  Westminster.  Wilkes,  who  was  of  course  present, 
having  now  succeeded  Killigrew  as  one  of  the  two  English 
members,  observed  that  "  the  States  and  council  used  but 
slender  entreaty  to  his  Excellency  for  his  stay  and  counte- 
nance there  among  them,  whereat  his  Excellency  and  we 
that  were  of  the  council  for  her  Majesty  did  not  a  little 
marvel."  ^ 

Some   weeks   later,   however,    upon   the   21st   November, 

Leicester  summoned  Barneveld,  and  five  other  of  the  States- 

21  Nov.    Greneral,    to  discuss  the    necessary  measures  for  his 

1586.  departure,  when  those  gentlemen  remonstrated  very 
earnestly  upon  the  step,  pleading  the  danger  and  confusion  of 
affairs  which  must  necessarily  ensue.  The  Earl  declared  that 
he  was  not  retiring  from  the  country  because  he  was  offended, 
although  he  had  many  causes  for  offence  :  and  he  then  alluded 
to  the  Navigation  Act,  to  the  establishment  of  the  finance- 
council,  and  spoke  of  Burgrave  and  Reingault,  for  his  em- 
ployment of  which  individuals  so  much  obloquy  had  been 
heaped  upon  his  head.     Burgrave  he  pronounced,  as  usual,  a 


possible,"  he  cried  on  one  occasion, 
"for  any  man  sent  as  we  are,  and  in 
action  for  that  realm  (of  England) 
chiefly,  and  for  all  Christendom  also, 
to  be  so  carelessly  and  overwillingly 
overthrown  for  ordinary  wants 


To-morrow  and  to-morrow  they  shall 
have.  .  .  .  What  opportunities  we  have 
lately  lost.  We  are  ready  to  eat  our 
own  flesh  for  anger,  but  that  cannot 
help."     'Leyc.  Corresp. '  366. 

'  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.' 443,  note. 


1586. 


LEICESTER  DECIDES  TO  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


107 


substantial,  wise,  faithful,  religious  personage,  entitled  to 
fullest  confidence  ;  while  Reingault — who  had  been  thrown 
into  prison  by  the  States  on  charges  of  fraud,  peculation,  and 
sedition — he  declared  to  be  a  great  financier,  who  had  pro- 
mised, on  penalty  of  his  head,  to  bring  great  sums  into  the 
treasury  for  carrying  on  the  war,  without  any  burthen  to  the 
community."  '  Had  he  been  able  to  do  this,  he  had  certainly 
a  claim  to  be  considered  the  greatest  of  financiers  ;  but  the 
promised  "mountains  of  gold"  were  never  discovered,  and 
Reingault  was  now  awaiting  his  trial.^ 

The  deputies  replied  that  the  concessions  upon  the  Navi- 
gation Act  had  satisfied  the  country,  but  that  Reingault  was 
a  known  instrument  of  the  Spaniards,  and  Burgrave  a  mis- 
chief-making demagogue,  who  consorted  with  malignants,  and 
sent  slanderous  reports  concerning  the  States  and  the  country 
to  her  Majesty.  They  had  in  consequence  felt  obliged  to 
write  private  despatches  to  envoy  Ortel  in  England,  not  be- 
cause they  suspected  the  Earl,  but  in  order  to  counteract  the 
calumnies  of  his  chief  advisers.     They  had  urged  the  agent 


'  Bor,  II.  777-779.  Hoofd,  207-209. 
Wagenaar,  viii.  183-187. 

'■'  "I  must  pray  you  and  require  you 
to  be  careful  in  satisfying  the  States 
touching  Reingault,"  said  Leicester: 
"  I  did  promise  upon  mine  honour  he 
should  be  brought  back  again,  and  so 
I  have  done,  but  I  will  be  no  btftcher 
to  the  greatest  monarch  in  the  world, 
much  less  the  betrayer  of  a  man's  life, 
whom  1  myself  caused  to  be  appre- 
hended to  please  them,  and  kept  liim 
in  safe  guard.  And  now  I  have  been 
advertised  of  the  intent  in  proceeding 
with  him,  and  with  what  violence,  and 
what  somj  of  themselves  have  sworn 
and  vowed  touching  his  death,  you 
know,  and  I  pray  you  declare,  for  as  I 
will  keep  promise  with  them  for  the 
prison  of  the  man,  so  do  I  look  to  have 
mine  own  honour  regarded  at  their 
hands,  seeing  more  malice  than  just 
desert  against  him.  I  take  the  man 
to  have  faults  enough,  but  not  capital." 
Leicester  to  Wilkes,  20  Nov.  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

Wilkes,    finding  that  the   States  of 


Holland  were  furious  against  Rein- 
gault, and  were  demanding  his  execu- 
tion, had  managed  to  place  him  under 
the  charge  of  the  provost-marshal  of 
the  English  troops  at  Utrecht.  When 
he  had  thus  saved  the  culprit's  life,  he 
informed  Barneveld  of  what  he  had 
done,  and  that  statesman  severely  cen- 
sured the  act,  on  the  ground  that 
grave  consequences  might  follow  this 
interposition  in  behalf  of  so  signal  an 
offender.  Keingault's  life  was  pre- 
served, however,  and  he  subsequently 
was  permitted  to  retire  to  the  Spanish 
Netherlands,  where  the  violent  demo» 
crat  and  Calvinist  ended  his  days  an 
obedient  subject  of  Philip  II.,  and  an 
exemplary  papist.  Wilkes  to  Leices- 
ter, 3  and  12  Dec.  1586.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.)     Reyd,  V.  82. 

Burgrave  accompanied  the  Earl  to 
England,  as  his  chief  secretary  and 
adviser  in  Netherland  matters,  while 
Deventer  remained  in  Utrecht,  prin- 
cipal director  of  the  Leicestrian  party, 
and  centre  of  all  its  cabals  againsi 
the  States. 


108  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XI, 

to  bring  tlie  imprisonment  of  Paul  Buys  before  her  Majesty, 
but  for  that  transaction  Leicester  boldly  disclaimed  all  re- 
sponsibility/ 

It  was  agreed  between  the  Earl  and  the  deputies  that, 
during  his  absence,  the  whole  government,  civil  and  military, 
should  devolve  upon  the  state-council,  and  that  Sir  John 
Norris  should  remain  in  command  of  the  English  forces.'' 

Two  days  afterwards  Leicester,  who  knew  very  well  that  a 
legation  was  about  to  proceed  to  England,  without  any  pre- 
vious concurrence  on  his  part,  summoned  a  committee  of  the 
States-General,  together  with  Barneveld,  into  the  state-coun- 
cil. Counsellor  Wilkes  on  his  behalf  then  made  a  speech,  in 
which  he  observed  that  more  ample  communications  on  the 
part  of  the  States  were  to  be  expected.  They  had  in  previous 
colloquies  touched  upon  comparatively  unimportant  matters, 
but  he  now  begged  to  be  informed  why  these  commissioners 
were  proceeding  to  England,  and  what  was  the  nature  of  their 
instructions.  Why  did  not  they  formally  offer  the  sovereignty 
of  the  Provinces  to  the  Queen  without  conditions  .?  That  step 
had  already  been  taken  by  Utrecht.'' 

The  deputies  conferred  apart  for  a  little  while,  and  then 
replied  that  the  proposition  made  by  Utrecht  was  notoriously 
factious,  illegal,  and  altogether  futile.  Without  the  sanction 
of  all  the  United  States,  of  what  value  was  the  declaration  of 
Utrecht  ?  Moreover  the  charter  of  that  province  had  been 
recklessly  violated,  its  government  overthrown,  and  its  leading 
citizens  banished.  The  action  of  the  Province  under  such 
circumstances  was  not  deserving  of  comment  ;  but  should  it 
appear  that  her  Majesty  was  desirous  of  assuming  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  Provinces  upon  reasonable  conditions,  the 
States  of  Holland  and  of  Zeeland  would  not  be  found  back- 
ward in  the  business.* 

Leicester  proposed  that  Prince  Maurice  of  Nassau  should 
go  with  him  to  England,  as  nominal  chief  of  the  embassy, 
and  some  of  the  deputies  favoured  the  suggestion.     It  waa 

*  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  kc,  MS.  just  cited.  *  Wagenaar,  viii.  181. 

'  Bor.  11.  780-783.  *  Ibid. 


1586.  EXOHAJSTGE    OF  PARTING    COMPLIMENTS.  109 

however,  vigorously  and  successfully  opposed  by  Barnevi'ld, 
who  urged  that  to  leave  the  country  without  a  head  in  such  a 
dangerous  position  of  affairs,  would  be  an  act  of  madness.' 
Leicester  was  much  annoyed  when  informed  of  this  decision. 
He  was  suspected  of  a  design,  during  his  absence,  of  converting 
Maurice  entirely  to  his  own  way  of  thinking.  If  unsuccessful, 
it  was  believed  by  the  Advocate  and  by  many  others  that  the 
Earl  would  cause  the  young  Prince  to  be  detained  in  England 
as  long  as  Philip  William,  his  brother,  had  been  kept  in 
Spain.  He  observed  peevishly  that  he  knew  how  it  had  all 
been  brought  about.- 

Words,  of  course,  and  '  handsome  compliments  were  ex- 
changed between  the  Governor  and  the  States-General  on  his 
departure.  He  protested  that  he  had  never  pursued  any 
private  ends  during  his  administration,  but  had  ever  sought 
to  promote  the  good  of  the  country  and  the  glory  of  the 
Queen,  and  that  he  had  spent  three  hundred  thousand  florins 
of  his  own  money  in  the  brief  period  of  his  residence  there.' 

The  Advocate,  on  part  of  the  States,  assured  him  that  they 
were  all  aware  that  in  the  friendship  of  England  lay  their 
only  chance  of  salvation,  but  that  united  action  was  the  sole 
means  by  which  that  salvation  could  be  effected,  and  the  one 
which  had  enabled  the  late  Prince  of  Orange  to  maintain  a 
contest  unequalled  by  anything  recorded  in  history.  There 
was  also  much  disquisition  on  the  subject  of  finance — the 
Advocate  observing  that  the  States  now  raised  as  much  in  a 
month  as  the  Provinces  in  the'  time  of  the  Emperor  used  to 
levy  in  a  year — and  expressed  the  hope  that  the  Queen  would 
increase  her  contingent  to  ten  thousand  foot,  and  two  thousand 
horse.  He  repudiated,  in  the  name  of  the  States- General  and 
his  own,  the  possibility  of  peace-negotiations  ;  deprecated  any 
allusion  to  the  subject  as  fatal  to  their  religion,  their  liberty, 
their  very  existence,  and  equally  disastrous  to  England  and 
to  Protestantism,  and  implored  the  Earl,  therefore,  to  use  all 


'   Bor,    ubi    sup.     Hoofd,    Yervolgh,    I       "^    Bor,  ubi  sup. 
206.     "Wageuaar,  viii.  185.  |        '   Bor,  II.  T85.     Hoofd,  ubi  sitp. 


110 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XI. 


his  influence  in  opposition  to  any  pacific  overtures  to  or  from 
Spain.  ^ 

On  the  24th  November,  acts  were  drawn  up  and  signed 
by  the  Earl,  according  to  which  the  supreme  government  of 

24  Nov.,   the  United  Netherlands  was  formally  committed  to 

1686.  the  state-council  during  his  absence.  Decrees  were 
to  be  pronounced  in  the  name  of  his  Excellency,  and  counter- 
signed by  Maurice  of  Nassau. 

On  the  following  day,  Leicester,  being  somewhat  indisposed, 
requested  a  deputation  of  the  States-Oeneral  to  wait  upon 
him  in  his  own  house.  This  was  done,  and  a  formal  and 
affectionate  farewell  was  then  read  to  him  by  his  secretary, 
Mr.  Atye.  It  was  responded  to  in  complimentary  fashion  by 
Advocate  Barneveld,  who  again  took  occasion  at  this  parting 
interview  to  impress  upon  the  governor  the  utter  impossi- 
bility, in  his  own  opinion  and  that  of  the  other  deputies,  of 
reconciling  the  Provinces  with  Spain.- 

Leicester  received  from  the  States — as  a  magnificent  part- 
ing present — a  silver  gilt  vase  "  as  tall  as  a  man,"  and  then 
departed  for  Flushing  to  take  shipping  for  England,^ 


'  Bor,  Hoofd,  "Wagenaar,  uhi  sup. 
Reyd,  v.  108,  109. 

"   Ibid.     Meteren,  xiii.  238. 

'  Bor,  II.  754.  Reyd,  HoU.  4  Oct. 
9  Nov.  442,  493.  Wagenaar,  viii. 
173. 

The  vase  or  cup  (kop)  as  it  was 
called,   had    cost    9000   florins.      Th« 


States  pronounced  it  "as  singular  a 
jewel  as  could  be  found  in  any  of  the 
surrounding  kingdoms."  It  was  said 
that  on  account  of  its  size,  it  could 
only  have  been  gilded  at  the  peril  of 
the  artisan's  life.  Van  Wyn  op  Wagea, 
viii.  62. 


1586.  ILL-TIMED  INTERREGNUM  IN  THE  PROVINCES.  HI 


CHAPTER    XII. 

Ill-timed  Interregnum  in  the  Provinces  —  Firmness  of  the  English  and  Dutch 
People  —  Factions  during  Leicester's  Government  —  Democratic  Theories 
of  the  Leicestriaiis  —  Suspicions  as  to  the  Earl's  Designs  ■ —  Extreme  Views 
of  the  Calviuists  —  Political  Ambition  of  the  Churcli  —  Antagonism  of  the 
Church  and  States  —  The  States  inclined  to  Tolerance  —  Desolation  of 
the  Obedient  Provinces  —  Pauperism  and  Famine  —  Prosperity  of  the 
Republic  —  The  Year  of  Expectation. 

It  was  not  unnatural  that  the  Queen  should  desire  the  pre- 
sence of  her  favourite  at  that  momentous  epoch,  when  the 
dread  question,  "  aut  fer  aut  feri"  had  at  last  demanded  its 
definite  solution.  It  was  inevitable,  too,  that  Leicester  should 
feel  great  anxiety  to  be  upon  the  spot  where  the  great  tragedy, 
so  full  of  fate  to  all  Christendom,  and  in  which  his  own 
fortunes  were  so  closely  involved,  was  to  be  enacted.  But 
it  was  most  cruel  to  the  Netherlands — whose  well-being  was 
nearly  as  important  to  Elizabeth  as  that  of  her  own  realm — 
to  plunge  them  into  anarchy  at  such  a  moment.  Yet  this 
was  the  necessary  result  of  the  sudden  retirement  of  Leicester. 
He  did  not  resign  his  government.  He  did  not  bind  him- 
self to  return.  The  question  of  sovereignty  was  still  unsettled, 
for  it  was  still  hoped  by  a  large  and  influential  party,  that  the 
English  Queen  would  accept  the  proposed  annexation.  It 
was  yet  doubtful,  whether,  during  the  period  of  abeyance,  the 
States-General  or  the  States-Provincial,  each  within  their 
sejjarate  sphere,  were  entitled  to  supreme  authority.  Mean- 
time, as  if  here  were  not  already  sufficient  elements  of  dis- 
sension and  doubt,  came  a  sudden  and  indefinite  interregnum, 
a  provisional,  an  abnormal,  and  an  impotent  government. 
To  the  state-council  was  deputed  the  executive  authority. 
But  the  state-council  was  a  creature  of  the  States-General, 
acting  in  concert  with  the  governor-general,  and  having  no 
actual  life  of  its  own.     It  was  a  board  of  consultation,  not  of 


112  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XII. 

decision,  for  it  could  neither  enact  its  own  decrees  nor  interpose 
a  veto  upon  the  decrees  of  the  governor. 

Certainly  the  selection  of  Leicester  to  fill  so  important  a 
post  had  not  been  a  very  fortunate  one  ;  and  the  enthusiasm 
which  had  greeted  him,  "as  if  he  had  been  a  Messiah/'  on 
his  arrival,  had  very  rapidly  dwindled  away,  as  his  personal 
character  became  known.  The  leading  politicians  of  the 
country  had  already  been  aware  of  the  error  which  they  had 
committed  in  clothing  with  almost  sovereign  powers  the 
delegate  of  one  who  had  refused  the  sovereignty.  They  were 
too  adroit  to  neglect  the  opportunity,  which  her  Majesty's 
anger  oflfered  them,  of  repairing  what  they  considered  their 
blunder.  When  at  last  the  quarrel,  which  looked  so  much 
like  a  lovers'  quarrel,  between  Elizabeth  and  '  Sweet  Robin,' 
had  been  appeased  to  the  satisfaction  of  Robin,  his  royal 
naistress  became  more  angry  with  the  States  for  circumscribing 
than  she  had  before  been  for  their  exaggeration  of  his  autho- 
rity. Hence  the  implacable  hatred  of  Leicester  to  Paul  Buys 
and  Barneveld. 

Those  two  statesmen,  for  eloquence,  learning,  readiness, 
administrative  faculty,  surpassed  by  few  who  have  ever 
wielded  the  destinies  of  free  commonwealths,  were  fully  equal 
to  the  task  thrown  upon  their  hands  by  the  progress  of  events. 
That  task  was  no  slight  one,  for  it  was  to  the  leading  states- 
men of  Holland  and  England,  sustained  by  the  indomitable 
resistance  to  despotism  almost  universal  in  the  English  and 
Dutch  nations,  that  the  liberty  of  Europe  was  entrusted  at 
that  momentous  epoch.  Whether  united  under  one  crown, 
as  the  Netherlands  ardently  desired,  or  closely  allied  for 
aggression  and  defence,  the  two  peoples  were  bound  indis- 
solubly  together.  The  clouds  were  rolling  up  from  the  fatal 
south,  blacker  and  more  portentous  than  ever  ;  the  artificial 
equilibrium  of  forces,  by  which  the  fate  of  France  was  kept 
in  suspense,  was  obviously  growing  every  day  more  uncertain  ; 
but  the  prolonged  and  awful  interval  before  the  tempest 
should  burst  over  the  lands  of  freedom  and  Protestantism, 
gave  at  least  time  for  the  prudent  to  prepare.     The  Armada 


158G.         FIRMNESS  OF  THE    ENGLISU  AND  DUTCH  PEOPLE.         113 

was  growing  every  day  in  the  ports  of  Spain  and  Portugal, 
and  Walsingham  doubted,  as  little  as  did  Buys  or  Barneveld, 
toward  what  shores  that  invasion  was  to  be  directed.  Eng- 
land was  to  be  conquered  in  order  that  the  rebellious  Nether- 
lands might  be  reduced  ;  and  '  Mucio  '  was  to  be  let  slip  upon 
the  unhappy  Henry  III.  so  soon  as  it  was  thought  probable 
that  the  Bearnese  and  the  Valois  had  sufficiently  exhausted 
each  other.  Philip  was  to  reign  in  Paris,  Amsterdam, 
London,  and  Edinburgh,  without  stirring  from  the  EscoriaL 
An  excellent  programme,  had  there  not  been  some  English 
gentlemen,  some  subtle  secretaries  of  state,  some  Devonshire 
skippers,  some  Dutch  advocates  and  merchants,  some  Zeeland 
fly-boatsmen,  and  six  million  men,  women,  jind  children,  on 
the  two  sides  of  the  North  Sea,  who  had  the  power  of  ex- 
pressing their  thoughts  rather  bluntly  than  otherwise  in 
different  dialects  of  old  Anglo-Saxon  speech. 

Certainly  it  would  be  unjust  and  ungracious  to  disparage 
the  heroism  of  the  great  Queen  when  the  hour  of  danger 
really  came,  nor  would  it  be  legitimate  for  us,  who  can  scan 
that  momentous  year  of  expectation,  1587,  by  the  light  of 
subsequent  events  and  of  secret  contemporaneous  record,  to 
censure  or  even  sharply  to  criticise  the  royal  hankering  for 
peace,  when  peace  had  really  become  impossible.  But  as  we 
shall  have  occasion  to  examine  rather  closely  the  secrets  of 
the  Spanish,  French,  English,  and  Dutch  councils,  during  this 
epoch,  we  are  likely  to  find,  perhaps,  that  at  least  as  great  a 
debt  is  due  to  the  English  and  Dutch  people,  in  mass,  for  the 
preservation  of  European  liberty  at  that  disastrous  epoch  as 
to  any  sovereign,  general,  or  statesman. 

For  it  was  in  the  great  waters  of  the  sixteenth  century  that 

the  nations  whose  eyes  were  open,  discovered  the  fountain  of 

perpetual  youth,  while  others,  who  were  blind,  passed  rapidly 

onward  to  decrepitude.     England  was,  in  many  respects,  a 

despotism  so  far  as  regarded    governmental   forms  ;    and  no 

doubt  the   Catholics  were  treated  with  greater  rigour  than 

could  be  justified  even  by  the  perpetual  and  most  dangerous 

machinations  of  the  seminary  priests  and   their   instigators 
VOL.  II. — I 


114  TfiE  tJNiTEt)  iJETHERLAIfDS.  Chap.  XIL 

against  the  throne  and  life  of  Elizabeth.  The  word  liberty 
was  never  musical  in  Tudor  ears,  yet  Englishmen  had  blunt 
tongues  and  sharp  weapons  which  rarely  rusted  for  want  of 
use.  In  the  presence  of  a  parliament,  and  the  absence  of  a 
standing  army,  a  people  accustomed  to  read  the  Bible  in  the 
vernacular,  to  handle  great  questions  of  religion  and  govern- 
ment freely,  and  to  bear  arms  at  will,  was  most  formidable  to 
despotism.  There  was  an  advance  on  the  olden  time.  A 
Francis  Drake,  a  John  Hawkins,  a  Roger  Williams,  might 
have  been  sold,  under  the  Plantagenets,  like  an  ox  or  an  ass. 
A  '  female  villain '  in  the  reign  of  Henry  III.  could  have  been 
purchased  for  eighteen  shillings — hardly  the  price  of  a  fatted 
pig,  and  not  o^e-third  the  value  of  an  ambling  palfrey — and 
a  male  villain,  such  an  one  as  could  in  Elizabeth's  reign 
circumnavigate  the  globe  in  his  own  ship,  or  take  imperial 
field-marshals  by  the  beard,  was  worth  but  two  or  three  pounds 
sterling  in  the  market.  Here  was  progress  in  three  centuries, 
for  the  villains  were  now  become  admirals  and  generals  in 
England  and  Holland,  and  constituted  the  main  stay  of  these 
two  little  commonwealths,  while  the  commanders  who  governed 
the  '  invincible '  fleets  and  armies  of  omnipotent  Spain,  were 
all  cousins  of  emperors,  or  grandees  of  bluest  blood.  Perhaps 
the  system  of  the  reformation  would  not  prove  the  least 
eifective  in  the  impending  crisis. 

It  was  most  important,  then,  that  these  two  nations  should 
be  united  in  council,  and  should  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder 
as  their  great  enemy  advanced.  But  this  was  precisely  what 
had  been  rendered  almost  impossible  by  the  course  of  events 
during  Leicester's  year  of  administration,  and  by  his  sudden 
but  not  final  retirement  at  its  close.  The  two  great  national 
parties  which  had  gradually  been  forming,  had  remained  in 
a  fluid  state  during  the  presence  of  the  governor-general. 
During  his  absence  they  gradually  hardened  into  tho,  forms 
which  they  were  destined  to  retain  for  centuries.  In  the 
history  of  civil  liberty,  these  incessant  contests,  these  oral  and 
written  disquisitions,  these  sharp  concussions  of  opinion,  and 
the  still  harder  blows,  which,  unfortunately,  were  dealt  on  a 


1586.  FACTIONS  DURING  LEICESTER'S  GOVERNMEl^T.  115 

few  occasions  by  the  combatants  upon  each  other,  make  the 
year  1587  a  memorable  one.  The  great  questions  of  the 
origin  of  government,  the  balance  of  dynastic  forces,  the 
distribution  of  powers,  were  dealt  with  by  the  ablest  heads, 
both  Dutch  and  English,  that  could  be  employed  in  the  service 
of  the  kingdom  and  republic.  It  was  a  war  of  protocols, 
arguments,  orations,  rejoinders,  apostilles,  and  pamphlets, 
very  wholesome  for  the  cause  of  free  institutions  and  the 
intellectual  progress  of  mankind.  The  reader  may  perhaps 
be  surprised  to  see  with  how  much  vigour  and  boldness  the 
grave  questions  which  underlie  all  polity,  were  handled  so 
many  years  before  the  days  of  Kussell  and  Sidney,  of  Montes- 
quieu and  Locke,  Franklin,  Jefferson,  Rousseau,  and  Voltaire  ; 
and  he  may  be  even  more  astonished  to  find  exceedingly 
democratic  doctrines  propounded,  if  not  believed  in,  by  trained 
statesmen  of  the  Elizabethan  school.  He  will  be  also  apt  to 
wonder  that  a  more  fitting  time  could  not  be  found  for  such 
philosophical  debate  than  the  epoch  at  which  both  the  king- 
dom and  the  re})ublic  were  called  upon  to  strain  every  sinew 
against  the  most  formidable  and  aggressive  despotism  that  the 
world  had  known  since  the  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

The  great  dividing-line  between  the  two  parties,  that  of 
Leicester  and  that  of  Holland,  which  controlled  the  action  of 
the  States-General,  was  the  question  of  sovereignty.  After 
the  declaration  of  independence  and  the  repudiation  of  Philip, 
to  whom  did  the  sovereignty  belong  ?  To  the  people,  said 
the  Leicestrians.  To  the  States-General  and  the  States-Pro- 
vincial, as  legitimate  representatives  of  the  people,  said  the 
Holland  party.  Without  looking  for  the  moment  more  closely 
into  this  question,  which  we  shall  soon  find  ably  discussed  by 
the  most  acute  reasoners  of  the  time,  it  is  only  important  at 
present  to  make  a  preliminary  reflection.  The  Earl  of  Lei- 
cester, of  all  men  in  the  world,  would  seem  to  have  been 
precluded  by  his  own  action,  and  by  the  action  of  his  Queen, 
from  taking  ground  against  the  States.  It  was  the  States 
who,  by  solemn  embassy,  had  offered  the  sovereignty  to 
Elizabeth.     She   liad  not    accepted   the   offer,    but   she   had 


116 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIT 


deliberated  on  the  subject,  and  certainly  she  had  never  ex- 
pressed a  doubt  whether  or  not  the  offer  had  been  legally- 
made.  By  the  States,  too,  that  governor-generalship  had 
been  conferred  upon  the  Earl,  which  had  been  so  thankfully 
and  eagerly  accepted.  It  was  strange,  then,  that  he  should 
deny  the  existence  of  the  power  whence  his  own  authority 
was  derived.  If  the  States  were  not  sovereigns  of  the  Nether- 
lands, he  certainly  was  nothing.  He  was  but  general  of  a 
few  thousand  English  troops. 

The  Leicester  party,  then,  proclaimed  extreme  domoctatic 
principles  as  to  the  origin  of  government  and  the  sovereignty 
of  the  people.  They  sought  to  strengthen  and  to  make  almost 
absolute  the  executive  authority  of  their  chief,  on  the  ground 
that  such  was  the  popular  will  ;  and  they  denounced  with 
great  acrimony  the  insolence  of  the  upstart  members  of  the 
States,  half  a  dozen  traders,  hired  advocates,  churls,  tinkers, 
and  the  like— as  Leicester  was  fond  of  designating  the  men 
who  opposed  him — in  assuming  these  airs  of  sovereignty.^ 

This  might,  perhaps,  be  philosophical  doctrine,  had  its 
supporters  not  forgotten  that  there  had  never  been  any  pre- 
tence at  an  expression  of  the  national  will,  except  through 
the  mouths  of  the  States.  The  States-General  and  the  States- 
Provincial,  without  any  usurpation,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact 
and  of  great  j^olitical  convenience,  had,  during  fifteen  years, 
exercised  the  authority  which  had  fallen  from  Phili2)'s  hands. 
The  people  hitherto  had  acquiesced  in   their  action,  and  cer- 


*  "They  which  have  all  authority 
in  this  State,"  said  an  honest  German 
traveller,  who  liappened  to  be  in  Arn- 
beim  that  winter,  "are  for  the  most 
part  merchants,  orators  of  towns, 
mechanic  men,  ignorant,  loving  gain 
naturally,  without  respect  of  honour; 
....  born  to  obey  rather  than  com- 
mand, wlio  having  once  tasted  the 
sweetness  of  authority,  have  by  little 
and  little  persuaded  themselves  that 
they  are  sovereigns ;  insulting  over 
the  people,  and  controlling  him  to 
whom  they  had  by  oath  referred  the 
absolute  and  general  government  .  .  . 
Seeing  that  the  sovereignty  really  be- 
longs to  the  people,  to  whom  they  are 


but  servants  and  deputies  ....  I 
see  no  other  remedy  for  this  mischief, 
but  that  tlie  people  be  wary  how  they 
give  such  power  and  autliority,  and 
suffer  it  to  continue  so  long  in  the 
hands  of  men  of  mechanic  and  bose 
condition,  who,  grown  proud  with  the 
command,  abuse  it  daily,  as  well 
against  the  people  as  against  the  go- 
vernors, to  whom  the  people  have  re- 
ferred the  government  both  over 
tliemselves  and  over  tlie  whole  estate." 
Raymond  Stockeler  to  a  friend  in 
England,  15  Feb.  1587.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.)  The  letter  is  printed  in  Grim- 
stone's  'Netherlands,'  pp.  949,  seq. 


168a  DEMOCRATIC   THEORIES   OF   THE   LEICESTRIANS.  JI7 

tainly  there  had  not  yet  been  any  call  for  a  popular  conven- 
tion, or  any  other  device  to  ascertain  the  popular  will.  It 
was  also  difficult  to  imagine  what  was  the  exact  entity  of  this 
abstraction  called  the  "  people "  by  men  who  expressed  such 
extreme  contempt  for  '' merchants,  advocates,  town-orators, 
churls,  tinkers,  and  base  mechanic  men,  born  not  to  command 
but  to  obey."  Who  were  the  people  when  the  educated 
classes  and  the  working  classes  were  thus  carefully  eliminated  ? 
Hardly  the  simple  peasantry ^ — the  boors— who  tilled  the  soiL 
At  that  day  the  agricultural  labourers  less  than  all  others 
dreamed  of  popular  sovereignty,  and  more  than  all  others 
submitted  to  the  mild  authority  of  the  States.  According  to 
the  theory  of  the  Netherland  constitutions,  they  were  sup- 
posed— and  they  had  themselves  not  yet  discovered  the 
fallacies  to  which  such  doctrines  could  lead — to  be  repre- 
sented by  the  nobles  and  country-squires  who  maintained  in 
the  States  of  each  Province  the  general  farming  interests  of 
the  republic.  Moreover,  the  number  of  agricultural  peasants 
was  comparatively  small.  The  lower  classes  were  rather 
accustomed  to  plough  the  sea  than  the  land,  and  their 
harvests  were  neaped  from  that  element,  which  to  Hol- 
landers and  Zeelanders  was  less  capricious  than  the  solid 
earth.  Almost  every  inhabitant  of  those  sea-born  territories 
was,  in  one  sense  or  another,  a  mariner  ;  for  every  highway 
was  a  canal ;  the  soil  was  percolated  by  rivers  and  estuaries, 
pools  and  meres  ;  the  fisheries  were  the  nurseries  in  which 
still  more  daring  navigators  rapidly  learned  their  trade,  and 
every  child  took  naturally  to  the  ocean  as  to  its  legitimate 
home. 

The  "  people,"  therefore,  thus  enthroned  by  the  Leicestrians 
ovei'  all  the  inhahitants  of  the  country,  appeared  to  many  eyes 
rather  a  misty  abstraction,  and  its  claim  of  absolute  sove- 
reignty a  doctrine  almost  as  fantastic  as  that  of  the  divine 
right  of  kings.  The  Netherlanders  were,  on  the  whole,  a  law- 
abiding  people,  preferring  to  conduct  even  a  revolution 
according  to  precedent,  very  much  attached  to  ancient  usages 
and  traditions,  valuing  the  liberties,  as  they  called  them,  which 


118  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIL 

they  had  wrested  from  what  had  been  superior  force,  with 
their  own  right  hands,  preferring  facts  to  theories,  and  feeling 
competent  to  deal  with  tyrants  in  the  concrete  rather  than 
to  annihilate  tyranny  in  the  abstract  by  a  bold  and  generalizing 
phraseology.  Moreover  the  opponents  of  the  Leicester  party 
complained  that  the  principal  use  to  which  this  newly  dis- 
covered "  people  "  had  been  applied,  was  to  confer  its  absolute 
sovereignty  unconditionally  upon  one  man.  The  people  was 
to  be  sovereign  in  order  that  it  might  immediately  abdicate 
in  favour  of  the  Earl.' 

Utrecht,  the  capital  of  the  Leicestrians,  had  already  been 
deprived  of  its  constitution.  The  magistracy  was,  according 
to  law,  changed  every  year.  A  list  of  candidates  was  fur- 
nished by  the  retiring  board,  an  equal  number  of  names 
was  added  by  the  governor  of  the  Province,  and  from  the 
catalogue  thus  composed  the  governor  with  his  council 
selected  the  new  magistrates  for  the  year.  But  De  Villiers, 
the  governor  of  the  Province,  had  been  made  a  prisoner 
by  the  enemy  in  the  last  campaign  ;  Count  Moeurs  had 
been  appointed  provisional  stadholder  by  the  States  ;  and, 
during  his  temporary  absence  on  public  affairs,  the  Lei- 
cestrians had  seized  upon  the  government,  excluded  all 
the   ancient    magistrates,    banished     many    leading    citizens 

'  Even  Leicester  himself  was  asto-  j  M.   Modet  and  M.  Rataller,  but  they 

nished  at  the  subserviency  of  the  de-  ]  loth   stole  mvay    secretly   from    hence, 

mocratic   party.     ''I   remember,"   said  !  and  surely  this  proceeding  is  not  very 

his  confidential  secretary,    "  that  your  j  well   lilied    here  of  the    best   sort,   as 

Excellency  told    me  once  a  very  wise  \  though  he   would  have  prevented  the 

word — that     those     of     Utrecht     had  i  otlier  party,  and  make  his  own  reasons 

given    you    more    authority    tfian   they  j  good  tirst  to  your  Excellency."     Othe- 

could  well  do."  man   to   Leicester,    7   Jan.  1587.     (Br. 


"Your  council,"  he  said  further, 
"  cannot  allow  of  all  the  doings  of  M. 
Deventer  and  of  M.  Modet.  True 
it  is  that  they  both  and  all  those  of 
Utrecht  do  love  you  with  all  their 
hearts,  but  they  do  many  things  very 
rashly,  and  do  disunite  themselves 
from  the  generality  of  the  United 
Provinces.  Insomuch  that,  at  this 
present,  those  of  the  magistrates  of 
Utrecht  have  disunited  themselves 
from  the  States  of  their  own  Province, 
and  work  every  day  one  again.st  an- 
other  I  had  written  to  you  by 


Mus.  Galba,  C.  xi.  p.  72,  MS.) 

"Cupimus  ut  sua  Excellentia  (Lei- 
cestrius)  absolute  imperet,  et  pro  sua 
discretione,  salva  religione  et  privi- 
legiis  suam  Majestatem  non  oflend- 
entibus."  So  ran  a  petition,  to  which 
Deventer  procured  signatures  among 
tlie  Utrecht  citizens,  and  then  handed 
it  to  Leicester.  "  Such  a  government 
as  that  would  be,"  says  a  Frisian  con- 
temporary, "  was  never  seen  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  could  hardly  bo 
Ibuiid  in  Christendom."     Reyd,  v.  86. 


1586  SUSPICIONS  AS  TO  THE  EARL'S   DESIGNS.  119 

from  the  town,  and  installed  an  entirely  new  board,  with 
Gerard  Proninck,  called  Deventer,  for  chief  burgomaster, 
who  was  a  Brabantine  refugee  just  arrived  in  the  Province, 
and  not  eligible  to  office  until  after  ten  years'  residence/ 

It  was  not  unnatural  that  the  Netherlanders,  who  remem- 
bered the  scenes  of  bloodshed  and  disorder  produced  by  the 
memorable  attempt  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou  to  obtain  possession 
of  Antwerp  and  other  cities,  should  be  suspicious  of  Leicester. 
Anjou,  too,  had  been  called  to  the  Provinces  by  the  voluntary 
action  of  the  States.  He  too  had  been  hailed  as  a  Messiah 
and  a  deliverer.  In  him  too  had  unlimited  confidence  been 
reposed,  and  he  had  repaid  their  alFection  and  their  gratitude 
by  a  desperate  attempt  to  obtain  the  control  of  their  chief 
cities  by  the  armed  hand,  and  thus  to  constitute  himself 
absolute  sovereign  of  the  Netherlands.  The  inhabitants  had, 
after  a  bloody  contest,  averted  the  intended  massacre  and  the 
impending  tyranny  ;  but  it  was  not  astonishing  that — so  very 
few  years  having  elapsed  since  those  tragical  events — they 
should  be  inclined  to  scan  severely  the  actions  of  the  man 
who  had  already  obtained  by  unconstitutional  means  the 
mastery  of  a  most  important  city,  and  was  supposed  to  harbour 
designs  upon  all  the  cities. 

No  doubt  it  was  a  most  illiberal  and  unwise  policy  for  the 
inhabitants  of  the  independent  States  to  exclude  from  office 
the  wanderers,  for  conscience'  sake,  from  the  obedient  Pro- 
vinces. They  should  have  been  welcomed  heart  and  hand 
by  those  who  were  their  brethren  in  religion  and  in  the  love 
of  freedom.  Moreover,  it  was  notorious  that  Hohenlo,  lieu- 
tenant-general under  Maurice  of  Nassau,  was  a  German,  and 
that  by  the  treaty  with  England,  two  foreigners  sat  in  the 
state  council,  while  the  army  swarmed  with  English,  Irish, 
and  German  officers  in  high  command.  Nevertheless,  violently 
to  subvert  the  constitution  of  a  Province,  and  to  place  in 
posts  of  high  responsibility  men  who  were  ineligible — some 
whose  characters  were  suspicious,  and  some  who  were  known 

•  Bor,  II.  xxi.  722,  T35.     Reyd,  v.  85,  86.     "Wagenaar,  viii.  166,  168. 


120 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIL 


to  be  dangerous,  and  to  banish  large  numbers  of  respectable 
burghers — was  the  act  of  a  despot.' 

BesideB  their   democratic   doctrines,   the   Leicestrians   pro- 
claimed and  encouraged  an    exclusive   and   rigid    Calvinism. 

It  would  certainly  be  unjust  and  futile  to  detract  from  the 
rast  debt  which  the  republic  owed  to  the  Geneva  Church. 
The  reformation  had  entered  the  Netherlands  by  the  Walloon 
gate.  The  earliest  and  most  eloquent  preachers,  the  most 
impassioned  converts,  the  sublimest  martyrs,  had  lived, 
preached,  fought,  suiFered,  and  died  with  the  precepts  of 
Calvin  in  their  hearts.  The  fire  which  had  consumed  the 
last  vestige  of  royal  and  sacerdotal  despotism  throughout  the 
independent  republic,  had  been  lighted  by  the  hands  of 
Calvinists. 
Throughout  the  blood-stained  soil  of  France,  too,  the  men  who 


■  It  was  especially  unfortunate  that 
Leicester  should  fall  so  completely 
into  the  control  of  Deventer.  That 
subtle  politician  filled  the  governor's 
mind  full  with  spite  against  the  States- 
General,  inspiring  him  perpetually 
with  jealousy  of  all  bodies  or  indi- 
viduals that  interfered  with  his  hopes 
of  attaining  arbitrary,  perhaps  sove- 
reign power.  "The  States-General," 
Deventer  whispered  in  Leicester's 
ear,  "are  becoming  more  presumptuous 
daily.  They  have  dared  to  return  our 
old  members  to  the  assembly  whom 
we "  (after  the  municipal  revolution) 
"had  recalled.  They  have  released 
Paul  Buys.  We  are  all  marvellously 
scandalized,  for  truly  these  States 
assume  more  jurisdiction  than  was 
ever  done  by  the  greatest  tyrant  that 
ever  usurped  in  this  land.  You  shall 
hear   many   particulars    by   an    agent 

which  it  is  best  not  to  write     

Let  her  Majesty  reflect  that  hefs  will 
be  the  shame,  on  her  head  descends  the 
Scorn,  and  ruin  to  her  realm  will  be  the 
result.  Let  her  break  up  this  con- 
spiracy by  a  sudden  and  heroic  reso- 
lution, let  her  send  your  Excellency 
hither,  with  plenty  of  money  and  sol- 
diers, and  We  on  our  side  will  take 
care  not  to  be  dishonoured  suddenly, 
whOe  waiting  for  your  return." 

Such    were    the    prudent    counsels 


given  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  by  Leices- 
ter's chief  adviser,  in  a  moment  full 
of  darkness  and  difficulty.  To  seize 
by  violence  on  the  cities  of  the  Pro- 
vinces, to  subvert  their  ancient  con- 
stitutions, to  enact,  in  short,  all  that 
had  been  done  or  attempted  by  former 
tyrants,  was  the  object  proposed  to 
the  English  sovereign  and  the  English 
governor.  G.  de  Proninck  to  Lei- 
cester, 20  Jan.  1587.  (Br.  Mus.,  Galba 
C.  xi.  95,  MS.) 

Otheman,  too,  boldly  assured  the 
Quoen^  in  a  letter  addressed  directly 
to  her  Majesty,  that  the  "root  of  the 
whole  evil  in  the  Netherlands  was  the 
ochlocracy  and  bad  government  of  the 
State,"  and  that  the  reformation  could 
only  come  from  her.  He  was  also  of 
opinion  that  the  country  had  been 
badly  handled  for  a  long  time.  "I 
believe,  madam,"  he  observed,  "that 
this  sick  person  has  had  so  many 
diseases  for  twenty  years,  and  has  had 
so  many  different  doctors — some  with- 
out experience  and  otliers  without 
fidclity-^that  the  more  despairing  the 
patient  is  of  his  own  case,  the  more 
honour  it  will  be  to  th»  one  who  curea 
him ;  and  'tis  your  Majesty  alone  who 
can  now  administer  the  remedy." 
Otheman  to  the  Queen,  15  Feb.  1587, 
(Br.  Mus.,  Galba  C.  xi.  p.  263,  MS.) 


1586.  EXTREME   VIEWS   OF   THE   CALVINISTS.  121 

were  fighting  the  same  great  battle  as  were  the  Netherlanders 
against  Philip  II.  and  the  Inquisition,  the  valiant  cavaliers  of 
Dauphiny  and  Provence,  knelt  on  the  ground,  before  the 
battle,  smote  their  iron  breasts  with  their  mailed  hands, 
uttered  a  Calvinistic  prayer,  sang  a  psalm  of  Marot,  and  then 
charged  upon  Guise,  or  upon  Joyeuse,  under  the  white  plume 
of  the  Boarnese.  And  it  was  on  the  Calvinist  weavers  and 
clothiers  of  Rocholle  that  the  great  Prince  relied  in  the  hour 
of  danger  as  much  as  on  his  mountain  chivalry.  In  England 
too,  the  seeds  of  liberty,  wrapped  up  in  Calvinism  and  hoarded 
through  many  trying  years,  were  at  last  destined  to  float  over 
land  and  saa,  and  to  bear  large  harvests  of  temperate  freedom 
for  great  commonwealths,  which  were  still  unborn.  Never^ 
thelesa  there  was  a  growing  aversion  in  many  parts  of  the 
States  for  the  rigid  and  intolerant  spirit  of  the  reformed 
religion.  There  were  many  men  in  Holland  who  had  already 
imbibed  the  true  lesson — the  only  one  worth  learning  of  the 
reformation^ — liberty  of  thought  ;  but  toleration  in  the  eyes  of 
the  extreme  Calvinistic  party  was  as  great  a  vice  as  it  could 
be  in  the  estimation  of  Papists.  To  a  favoured  few  of  other 
habits  of  thought,  it  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  a  virtue  ;  but 
the  day  was  still  far  distant  when  men  were  to  scorn  the  very 
word  toleration  as  an  insult  to  the  dignity  of  man  ;  as  if  for 
any  human  being  or  set  of  human  beings,  in  caste,  class, 
synod,  or  church,  the  right  could  even  in  imagination  be 
conceded  of  controlling  the  consciences  of  their  fellow- 
creatures. 

But  it  was  progress  for  the  sixteenth  century  that  there 
were  individuals,  and  prominent  individuals,  who  dared  to 
proclaim  liberty  of  conscience  for  all.  William  of  Orange 
was  a  Calvinist,  sincere  and  rigid,  but  he  denounced  all 
oppression  of  religion,  and  opened  wide  the  doors  of  the 
commonwealth  to  Papists,  Lutherans,  and  Anabaptists  alike. 
The  Earl  of  Leicester  was  a  Calvinist,  most  rigid  in  tenet, 
most  edifying  of  conversation,  the  acknowledged  head  of  the 
Puritan  party  of  England,  but  he  was  intolerant  and  was 
influenced  only  by  the  most  intolerant  of  his  sect.     Certainly 


122 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XII. 


it  would  have  required  great  magnanimity  upon  his  part  to 
assume  a  friendly  demeanour  towards  the  Papists.  It  is 
easier  for  us,  iu  more  favoured  ages,  to  rise  to  the  heights 
of  philosophical  abstraction,  than  for  a  man  placed  as  was 
Leicester,  in  the  front  rank  of  a  mighty  battle,  in  which 
the  triumph  of  either  religion  seemed  to  require  the  bodily 
annihilation  of  all  its  adversaries.  He  believed  that  the 
success  of  a  Catholic  conspiracy  against  the  life  of  Elizabeth 
or  of  a  Spanish  invasion  of  England,  would  raise  Mary  to  the 
throne  and  consign  himself  to  the  scaffold.  He  believed  that 
the  subjugation  of  the  independent  Netherlands  Avould  place 
the  Spaniards  instantly  in  England,  and  he  frequently  received 
information,  true  or  false,  of  Popish  plots  that  were  ever 
hatching  in  various  parts  of  the  Provinces  against  the  English 
Queen.^  It  was  not  surprising,  therefore,  although  it  was 
unwise,  that  he  should  incline  his  ear  most  seriously  to  those 
who  counselled  severe  measures  not  only  against  Papists, 
but  against  those  who  were  not  persecutors  of  Papists,  and 
that  he  should  allow  himself  to  be  guided  by  adventurers, 
who  wore  the  mask  of  religion  only  that  they  might  plunder 
the  exchequer  and  rob  upon  the  highway. 

Under  the  administration  of  this  extreme  party,  therefore, 
the  Papists  were  maltreated,  disfranchised,  banished,  and 
plundered."     The  distribution  of  the  heavy  war-taxes,  more 


'  "  May  it  please  your  sacred  Ma- 
jesty," wrote  Wilkes,  "there  is  come 
into  my  bands  the  copy  of  a  letter 
written  by  the  Prince  of  Parma  to  the 
Bishop  of  Liege,  dated  24th  of 
last  month ;  by  the  which,  among 
other  things,  doth  appear,  that  there 
is  yet  some  bloody  purpose  in  hand  to 
be  executed  upon  your  Majesty's 
sacred    person,    as  by   the    same   here 

inclosed    doth    appear It   is 

signitied  by  the  letter,  that,  although 
the  exterior  of  the  treasons  and  prac- 
tices plotted  and  contrived  against 
your  Slajesty  be  discovered,  yet  the 
core  and  marrow  thereof  is  not  as  yet 
uncovered  or  known,  whereby  your 
enemies  doubt  not  but  to  achieve  in 
time   their   wicked    and  horrible   pur- 


poses against  you."  "Wilkes  to  the 
Queen,  17  Dec.  1586.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 

It  can  hardly  excite  surprise  that 
the  Queen,  receiving  almost  every 
week  such  intimations  out  of  the 
Spanish  Netherlands  of  attempts 
against  her  liti?,  should  desire  to  deal 
severely  with  seminary  priests  and 
their  associates  coming  from  those 
regions. 

'  Yet,  strange  to  say,  it  was  Lord 
Buckhurst's  opinion  that  the  oppo- 
nents of  the  Catholic  rehgion  were 
but  a  small  minority  of  the  Dutch 
people.  "For  the  commonwealth  of 
these  Provinces,"  wrote  that  envoy, 
"consisting  of  divers  parts  and  pro- 
fessions, as,  namely,  Protestants,  Puri- 


(580. 


POLITICAL  AMfelTlON   OF  THE   CHURCH. 


123 


than  two-thirds  of  which  were  raised  in  Holland  only,  was 
confided  to  foreigners,  and  regulated  mainly  at  Utrecht,  where 
not  one-tenth  part  of  the  same  revenue  was  collected.  This 
naturally  excited  the  wrath  of  the  merchants  and  manu- 
facturers of  Holland  and  the  other  Provinces,  who  liked  not 
that  these  hard-earned  and  lavishly-paid  subsidies  should  be 
meddled  with  by  any  but  the  cleanest  hands. 

The  clergy,  too,  arrogated  a  direct  influence  in  political 
affairs.  Their  demonstrations  were  opposed  by  the  anti- 
Leicestrians,  who  cared  not  to  see  a  Geneva  theocracy  in  the 
place  of  the  vanished  Papacy.  They  had  as  little  reverence  in 
secular  affairs  for  Calvinistic  deacons  as  for  the  college  of 
cardinals,  and  would  as  soon  accept  the  infallibility  of 
Sixtus  V.  as  that  of  Herman  Modet.  The  reformed  clergy 
who  had  dispossessed  and  confiscated  the  property  of  the 
ancient  ecclesiastics  who  once  held  a  constitutional  place  in 
the  Estates  of  Utrecht — although  many  of  those  individuals 
were  now  married  and  had  embraced  the  reformed  religion — 
who  had  demolished,  and  sold  at  public  auction,  for  12,300 
florins,^  the  time-honoured  cathedral  where  the  earliest 
Christians    of    the    Netherlands    had    worshipped,    and    St. 


tans,  Anabaptists,  and  Spanish  hearts, 
which  are  no  small  number,  it  is  most 
certain,  that,  dividing  this  in  five 
parts,  the  Protestants  and  Puritans  do 
hardly  contain  even  one  part  of  five: 
although,  at  this  present,  the  Pro- 
testants and  Puritans,  by  having  the 
rule  and  sovereignty  in  their  hands, 
do  wholly  wage  and  command  the 
captains  and  soldiers."  Buckhurst  to 
ihe  Queen,  27  May,  1587.  Printed  in 
'Cabala,  or  Mysteries  of  State,'  p.  37. 

And  again,  in  a  letter  to  Walsing- 
ham,  the  same  diplomatist  remarl\s 
that  tlie  real  object  of  tlie  revolt  of 
the  Netherlanders  was  not  to  defend 
their  religious  but  their  civil  freedom, 
and  that  Catholics  and  Protestants 
were  all  united  to  that  end.  "If  her 
Majesty,"  he  said,  "should  not  only 
refuse  the  sovereignty,  but  not  give 
sufficient  aid,  it  is  in  a  manner  certain 
that  the  people,  not  being  the  fifth 
man    a    Protestant,    and    not    making 


their  war  in  truth  for  religion,  but 
for  their  country  and  liberty  only,  and 
to  resist  the  tyranny  of  the  Spaniards, 
whose  hatred  is  ingraft  in  the  hearts 
of  them  all,  when  they  shall  see  her 
Majesty  fail  in  their  defence,  will  turn 
and  revolt  to  the  enemy,"  &c.  &c. 
Ibid.  p.  11,  13.     13  April,  1587. 

These  sweeping  statements  may  not 
be  strictly  accurate,  but  there  is  no 
doubt  that  Buckhurst  was  struck  by 
the  general  and  growing  feeUng  of 
mutual  toleration  among  the  adherents 
to  the  various  forms  of  religion  in 
Holland,  and  by  the  instinct  which 
prompted  the  whole  commonwealth 
to  strike  for  civil  and  religious  liberty 
in  one.  Compare  Kluit,  'Holl.  Staats- 
reg.'  II.  360,  who  states  expressly  that 
the  majority  of  every  town  and  village 
in  the  Provinces  were,  in  heart,  faith- 
ful to  the  Roman  Catholic  religion. 

'  Bor,  IIL  xxiii.  108. 


124 


TFK   UNJTKD   NETHERLANDa 


Chap.  XIJ 


Willibrod  had  ministered,  were  roundly  rebuked,  on  more 
than  one  occasion,  by  the  blunt  Hollanders  for  meddling  with 
matters  beyond  their  sphere.^ 


'  Bor,  III.  xxiii.  108. 

"  There  ia  a  controversy,"  wrote 
Wilkos,  "  within  tlie  town  and  pro- 
vince of  Utrecht  (their  eatate  bemg 
compounded  of  tlie  nobiUty,  clergy, 
and  towns,  containing  three  several 
members)  between  •  the  towns  and  the 
clergy,  whom  tho  towns  have  inhibited 
to  appear  any  more  iu  the  public 
assemblies,  meaning  to  cass  them 
upon  pretence  that  the  clergy,  their 
third  member,  is  a  hindrance  to  their 
good  proceedings.  The  nobility  taketh 
part  with  the  clerg}^  and  do  not  tliink 
it  fit  nor  agreeable  with  order  or 
justice  that  one  third  member,  inferior 
to  the  other  two,  should  take  upon 
him  to  depose  the  first  member,  being 
the  clergy,  without  the  authority  of 
the  sovereign  governor  or  the  general 
assent  of  the  Union.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  garboile,  it  was  thought 
fit  by  this  council  to  depute  the  Count 
Moeurs,  Mons.  de  Meetkerk,  and 
Doctor  Hottman,  persons  of  judgment, 

to   hear   the    controversy and 

as  they  Were  travailing  to  reduce  them 
to  an  accord,  there  came  a  letter  to 
the  captains  of  the  bourgeoisie  of  the 
town  of  Utrecht  (being  the  princijjal 
movers  of  this  dissension),  written  by 
Mr.  Herle,  by  which  they  have  taken 
heart  to  persist  obstinately  in  their 
purpose,  persuading  themselves  that 
their  proceedings  will  be  avowed  by 
her  Majesty.  And  albeit  this  letter 
do  not  directly  touch  the  matter,  yet 
the  large  promises  he  maketh  in  her 
Majesty's  name  of  her  absolute  pur- 
pose to  embrace  their  cause,  '  avec  la 
pleine  main,'  as  he  termeth  it,  hath 
been  occasion  that  they  have  uttered 
ia  public  speeches  that  the  letters  of 
her  Majesty's  ambassador  Herle  hath 
given  them  sufficient  hope  that  her 
Majesty  will  not  mislike  of  their 
doings  in  going  about  to  banish 
Popery  out  of  that  Province,  which 
they  make  to  be  a  show  and  counte- 
nance of  their  dealings;  but,  as  I  am 
informed,  tho  most  part  of  those  that 
are  of  this  clergy,  and  do  hold  the 
ecclesiastical  livings,  are  married  and 
of  the  rehgiou.     And  in  truth,  as  far 


as  I  can  perceive,  their  quarrel  is  not 
against  the  persons  of  the  ecclesiastics, 
because  they  are  contented  that  the 
persons  shall  continue  in  their  assem- 
blies, but  against  the  livings,  which 
they  mean  to  convert  to  some  other 
uses.  And  although,  for  mine  own 
poor  opinion,  I  think  the  church- 
livings  were  most  fitl}'  to  be  converted 
to  the  defence  of  the  public  caase, 
yet  the  manner  of  the  doing  thereof 
should  be  speedily  prevented,  for  all 
men  of  judgment  here  are  of  opinion 
that  if  it  be  not  staj-ed,  it  will  hazard 
the  loss  of  the  town,  and  consequently 
of  the  whole  Province.  I  am  informed 
that  the  magistrates  of  Utrecht  have 
despatched  towards  my  lord-general 
and  her  Majesty  one  Herman  Modet, 
their  chief  minister,  to  acquaint  them 
with  the  matter,  and  to  make  good 
their  proceedings.  The  said  Modet, 
by  the  report  of  M.  de  Villiers,  the 
minister,  and  Saravia,  a  great  learned 
preacher  of  Leyden,  is  taken  to  bo 
the  greatest  mutyne  in  ah  these  coun- 
tries ;  and  it  is  avouched  by  them  and 
others  of  the  best  condition  that  he 
was  the  only  occasion  of  the  loss  of 
Ghent,  upon  the  like  matter  begun  by 
him  witliin  the  town.  The  Prince  of 
Orange,  in  his  time,  could  never  brook 
the  same  Modot,  and,  as  the  Count 
Maurice  telleth  me,  he  did  always 
oppose  himself  against  the  counsel 
and  designs  of  the  Prince  his  father. 
I  thought  it  not  unfit  to  give  you  this 
taste  of  the  condition  of  Modet,  be- 
cause I  know  that  my  Lord  North, 
Mr.  KUligrew,  and  Mr.  "\^"ebbe  have 
greatly  supported  him  in  his  humours 
at  Utrecht,  and  it  is  not  to  be  doubted 
that  they  Will  do  the  like  at  home." 
WUkes  to  "Walsinghara,  Dec.  24,  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

Such  letters,  written  on  the  spot, 
by  a  man  thoroughly  acquainted  with 
Netherland  pohtics,  and  the  expe- 
rienced faithful  representative  of  her 
Majesty  in  the  state-council,  explain 
the  intrigues  and  the  instruments  of 
the  Leicestrian  party.  It  was  by 
honest  and  lucid  expositions  like 
these,    that    the    writer    incurred    tho 


1586. 


ANTAGONISM  OF  THE  CHURCH  AND  STATES. 


125 


The  party  of  the  States-General,  as  opposed  to  the  Leicester 
party,  was  guided  by  the  statesmen  of  Holland.  At  a 
somewhat  later  period  was  formed  the  States-right  party, 
which  claimed  sovereignty  for  each  Province,  and  by  necessary 
consequence  the  hegemony  throughout  the  confederacy,  for 
Holland.  At  present  the  doctrine  maintained  was  that  the 
sovereignty  forfeited  by  Philip  had  naturally  devolved  upon 
the  States-General.  The  statesmen  of  this  party  repudiated 
the  calumny  that  it  had  therefore  lapsed  into  the  hands  of 
half  a  dozen  mechanics  and  men  of  low  degree.  The  States 
of  each  Province  were,  they  maintained,  composed  of  nobles 
and  country-gentlemen,  as  representing  the  agricultural 
interest,  and  of  deputies  from  the  '  vroedschappen,'  or  mu- 
nicipal governments,  of  every  city  and  smallest  town. 

Such  men  as  Adrian  Van  der  Werff,  the  heroic  burgo- 
master of  Leyden  during  its  famous  siege,  John  Van  der 
Does,  statesman,  orator,  soldier,  poet,  Adolphus  Meetkerke, 
judge,  financier,  politician,  Carl  Roorda,  Noel  de  Caron, 
diplomatist  of  most  signal  ability,  Floris  Thin,  Paul  Buys, 
and  Olden-Barneveld,  with  many  others,  who  would  have  done 
honour  to  the  legislative  assemblies  and  national  councils  in 
any  country  or  any  age,  were  constantly  returned  as  members 
of  the  different  vroedschaps  in  the  commonwealth. 

So  far  from  its  being  true  then  that  half  a  dozen  ignorant 
mechanics  had  usurped  the  sovereignty  of  the  Provinces,  after 
the  abjuration  of  the  Spanish  King,  it  may  be  asserted  in 
general  terms,  that  of  the  eight  hundred  thousand  inhabitants 
of  Holland  at  least  eight  hundred  persons  were  always 
engaged  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  that  these 
individuals  were  perpetually  exchanged  for  others,  and  that 
those  whose  names  became  most  prominent  in  the  politics  of 
the  day  were  remarkable  for  thorough  education,  high  talents, 
and  eloquence  with  tongue  and  pen.^  It  was  acknowledged 
by  the  leading  statesmen  of  England  and  France,  on  repeated 


deadly  hatred  of  the  Earl,  and  was  in 
danger  of  losing  his  life.  (Compare 
Bor  aad  Reyd,  ubi  sup.     Le  Petit,  II. 


xiv.  533.     Wagenaar,  viii.  168.) 

'  Kluit,    'lioll,    Staatsregering,'    II, 
203, 


126  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIL 

occasions  throughout  the  sixteenth  century,  that  the  diplo- 
matists and  statesmen  of  the  Netherlands  were  even  more 
than  a  match  for  any  politicians  who  were  destined  to 
encounter  them,  and  the  profound  respect  which  Leicester 
expressed  for  these  solid  statesmen,  these  '^substantial,  wise, 
well-languaged "  men,  these  "  big  fellows,"  so  soon  as  he 
came  in  contact  with  them,  and  before  he  began  to  hate  them 
for  outwitting  him,  has  already  appeared.  They  were  gene- 
rally men  of  the  people,  born  without  any  of  the  accidents  of 
fortune  ;  but  the  leaders  had  studied  in  the  common  schools, 
and  later  in  the  noble  universities  of  a  land  where  to  be 
learned  and  eloquent  was  fast  becoming  almost  as  great  an 
honour  as  to  be  wealthy  or  high  born. 

The  executive,  the  legislative,  and  the  judiciary  depart- 
ments were  more  carefully  and  scientifically  separated  than 
could  perhaps  have  been  expected  in  that  age.  The  lesser 
municipal  courts,  in  which  city-senators  presided,  were 
subordinate  to  the  supreme  court  of  Holland,  whose  officers 
were  appointed  by  the  stadholders  and  council  ;  the  supplies 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  States-Provincial,  and  the  supreme 
administrative  authority  was  confided  to  a  stadholder  appointed 
by  the  States. 

The  States-General  were  constituted  of  similar  materials 
to  those  of  which  the  States-Provincial  were  constructed,  and 
the  same  individuals  were  generally  prominent  in  both. 
They  were  deputies  appointed  by  the  Provincial  Estates,  were 
in  truth  rather  more  like  diplomatic  envoys  than  senators, 
were  generally  bound  very  strictly  by  instructions,  and  were 
often  obliged,  by  the  jealousy  springing  from  the  States-right 
principle,  to  refer  to  their  constituents,  on  questions  when 
the  times  demanded  a  sudden  decision,  and  when  the  necessary 
delay  was  inconvenient  and  dangerous. 

In  religious  matters,  the  States-party,  to  their  honour, 
already  leaned  to  a  wide  toleration.  Not  only  Catholics  were 
not  burned,  but  they  were  not  banished,  and  very  large 
numbers  remained  in  the  territory,  and  were  quite  undisturbed 
in  religious  matters,  within   their   own   doors.     There  were 


1586.  THE  STATES  INCLINED  TO  TOLERANCE.  127 

even  men  employed  in  public  affairs  who  were  suspected  of 
papistical  tendencies^  although  their  hostility  to  Spain  and 
their  attachment  to  their  native  land  could  not  fairly  be 
disputed.  The  leaders  of  the  States-party  had  a  rooted 
aversion  to  any  political  influence  on  the  part  of  the  clergy 
of  any  denomination  whatever.  Disposed  to  be  lenient  to  all 
forms  of  worship,  they  were  disinclined  to  an  established 
church,  but  still  more  opposed  to  allowing  church-influence 
in  secular  aflfairs.  As  a  matter  of  course,  political  men  with 
such  bold  views  in  religious  matters  were  bitterly  assailed 
by  their  rigid  opponents.  Barneveld,  with  his  "  nil  scire 
tutissima  fides,"  was  denounced  as  a  disguised  Catholic  or  an 
infidel,  and  as  for  Paul  Buys,  he  was  a  "  bolsterer  of  Papists, 
an  atheist,  a  devil,"  as  it  has  long  since  been  made  manifest. 

Nevertheless  these  men  believed  that  they  understood  the 
spirit  of  their  country  and  of  the  age.  In  encouragement  to 
an  expanding  commerce,  the  elevation  and  education  of  the 
masses,  the  toleration  of  all  creeds,  and  a  wide  distribution  of 
political  functions  and  rights,  they  looked  for  the  salvation  of 
their  nascent  republic  from  destruction,  and  the  maintenance 
of  the  true  interests  of  the  people.  They  were  still  loyal  to 
Queen  Elizabeth,  and  desirous  that  she  should  accept  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Provinces.  But  they  were  determined 
that  the  sovereignty  should  be  a  constitutional  one,  founded 
upon  and  limited  by  the  time-honoured  laws  and  traditions 
of  their  commonwealth  ;  for  they  recognised  the  value  of  a 
free  republic  with  an  hereditary  chief,  however  anomalous 
it  might  in  theory  appear.  They  knew  that  in  Utrecht 
the  Leicestrian  party  were  about  to  offer  the  Queen  the 
sovereignty  of  their  Province,  without  conditions,  but  they 
were  determined  that  neither  Queen  Elizabeth  nor  any  other 
monarch  should  ever  reign  in  the  Netherlands,  except  under 
conditions  to  be  very  accurately  defined  and  well  secured. 

Thus  contrasted,  then,  were  the  two  great  parties  in  the 
Netherlands,  at  the  conclusion  of  Leicester's  first  year  of 
administration.  It  may  easily  be  understood  that  it  was  not 
an  auspicious  moment  to  leave  the  country  without  a  chief. 


J[28  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chai-.  XII. 

The  strength  of  the  States-party  lay  in  Holland,  Zeeland, 
Friesland.  The  main  stay  of  the  democratic  or  Leicester 
faction  was  in  the  city  of  Utrecht,  but  the  Earl  had  many 
partizans  in  Gelderland,  Friesland,  and  in  Overyssel,  the 
capital  of  which  Province,  the  wealthy  and  thriving  Deventer, 
second  only  in  the  republic  to  Amsterdam  for  commercial 
and  political  importance,  had  been  but  recently  secunsd  for 
the  Provinces  by  the  vigorous  measures  of  Sir  William 
Pelham. 

The  condition  of  the  republic  and  of  the  Spanish  Provinces 
was,  at  that  moment,  most  signally  contrasted.  If  the  effects 
of  despotism  and  of  liberty  could  ever  be  exhibited  at  a 
single  glance,  it  was  certainly  only  necessary  to  look  for  a 
moment  at  the  picture  of  the  obedient  and  of  the  rebel 
Netherlands. 

Since  the  fall  of  Antwer]!,  the  desolation  of  Brabant, 
Flanders,  and  of  the  Walloon  territories  had  become  com- 
plete. The  King  had  recovered  the  great  commercial 
capital,  but  its  commerce  was  gone.  The  Scheldt,  which,  till 
recently,  had  been  the  chief  mercantile  river  in  the  world, 
had  become  as  barren  as  if  its  fountains  had  suddenly  dried 
up.  It  was  as  if  it  no  longer  flowed  to  the  ocean,  for  its 
mouth  was  controlled  by  Flushing.  Thus  Antwerp  was 
imprisoned  and  paralyzed.  Its  docks  and  basins,  where 
2500  ships  had  once  been  counted,  were  empty,  grass  was 
gi'owing  in  its  streets,  its  industrious  population  had  vanished, 
and  the  Jesuits  had  returned  in  swarms.  And  the  same 
spectacle  was  presented  by  Ghent,  Bruges,  Valenciennes, 
Tournay,  and  those  other  fair  cities,  which  had  once  been 
types  of  vigorous  industry  and  tumultuous  life.  The  sea-coasfc 
was  in  the  hands  of  two  rising  commercial  powers,  the 
great  and  free  commonwealths  of  the  future.  Those  powers 
were  acting  in  concert,  and  commanding  the  traffic  of  the 
world,  while  the  obedient  Provinces  were  excluded  from  all 
foreign  intercourse  and  all  markets,  as  the  result  of  their 
obedience.  Commerce,  manufactures,  agriculture,  were  dying 
lingering  deaths.     The  thrifty  farms,  orchards,  and  gardens, 


1586.  DESOLATION   OF   THE   OBEDIENT   PROVINCES.  129 

which  had  been  a  proverb  and  wonder  of  industry  were 
becoming  wildernesses.  The  demand  for  their  produce  by 
the  opulent  and  thriving  cities,  which  had  been  the  work- 
shops of  the  world,  was  gone.  Foraging  bands  of  Spanish 
and  Italian  mercenaries  had  succeeded  to  the  famous  tramp 
of  the  artizans  and  mechanics,  which  had  often  been  likened 
to  an  army,  but  these  new  customers  were  less  profitable  to  the 
gardeners  and  farmers.  The  clothiers,  the  fullers,  the  tapestry- 
workers,  the  weavers,  the  cutlers,  had  all  wandered  away,  and 
the  cities  of  Holland,  Friesland,  and  of  England,  were  growing 
skilful  and  rich  by  the  lessons  and  the  industiy  of  the  exiles 
to  whom  they  atforded  a  home.  There  were  villages  and 
small  towns  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands  that  had  been  literally 
depopulated.  Large  districts  of  country  had  gone  to  waste, 
and  cane-brakes  and  squalid  morasses  usurped  the  place  of 
yellow  harvest-fields.  The  fox,  the  wild  boar,  and  the  wolf, 
infested  the  abandoned  homes  of  the  peasantry ;  children 
could  not  walk  in  safety  in  the  neighbourhood  even  of  the 
larger  cities ;  wolves  littered  their  young  in  the  deserted 
farm-houses  ;  two  hundred  persons,  in  the  winter  of  1586-7, 
were  devoured  by  wild  beasts  in  the  outskirts  of  Ghent.^ 
Such  of  the  remaining  labourers  and  artizans  as  had  not  been 
converted  into  soldiers,  found  their  most  profitable  employ- 
ment as  brigands,  so  that  the  portion  of  the  population 
spared  by  war  and  emigration  was  assisting  the  enemy  in 
preying  upon  their  native  country.  Brandschatzung,  burglary, 
highway-robbery,  and  murder,  had  become  the  chief  branches 
of  industry  among  the  working  classes.  Nobles  and  wealthy 
burghers  had  been  changed  to  paupers  and  mendicants.' 
Many  a  family  of  ancient  lineage,  and  once  of  large  posses- 
sions, could  be  seen  begging  their  bread,  at  the  dusk  of 
evening,  in  the  streets  of  great  cities,  where  they  had  once 
exercised  luxurious  hospitality ;  and  they  often  begged  in 
vain.^ 


1  Bor,  II.  xxii.  984,  985.  Meteren, 
xiv.  253.  Hoofd,  Vervol^h,  251. 
Wagenaar,  viii.  224,  225.  Van  "\V3n1 
op  Wagen,  viii.  67. 

VOL.  II. — K 


"The  bedsteads  of  the  abandoned 
cottages,"  says  Meteren,  "swarmed 
with  little  wolves,"'  ubi  sup. 

^  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  "Wagenaar. 


1.30 


THE  UNITED  NBTEERLANDS. 


Chap.  XII 


For  while  such  was  the  forlorn  aspect  of  the  country — and 
the  j)ortrait,  faithfully  sketched  from  many  contemporary 
pictures,  has  not  heen  exaggerated  in  any  of  its  dark  details — 
a  great  famine  smote  the  land  with  its  additional  scourge. 
The  whole  population,  soldiers  and  brigands,  Spaniards  and 
Flemings,  heggars  and  workmen,  were  in  danger  of  perishing 
together.  Where  the  want  of  employment  had  been  so 
great  as  to  cause  a  rapid  depopulation,  where  the  demand 
for  labour  had  almost  entirely  ceased,  it  was  a  necessary 
Ksult,  that  during  the  process,  prices  should  be  low,  even 
in  the  presence  of  foreign  soldiery,  and  despite  the  inflamed 
profits,  which  such  capitalists  as  remained  required,  by  way 
not  only  of  profit  but  insurance,  in  such  troublous  times. 
Accordingly,  for  the  last  year  or  two,  the  price  of  rye  at 
Antwerp  and  Brussels  had  been  one  florin  for  the  veertel 
(three  bushels)  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds  ;  that  of 
wheat,  about  one-third  of  a  florin  more.  Five  pounds  of  rye, 
therefore,  were  worth  one  penny  sterling,  reckoning,  as  was 
then  usual,  two  shillings  to  the  florin.  A  pound  weight  of 
wheat  was  worth  about  one  farthing.-  Yet  this  was  forty-one 
years  after  the  discovery  of  the  mines  of  Potosi  (a.d.  1545), 
and  full  sixteen  years  after  the  epoch,  from  which  is  dated 
that  rapid  fall  in  the  value  of  silver,  which  in  the  course  of 
seventy  years,  caused  the  average  price  of  corn  and  of  all 
other  commodities,  to  be  tripled  or  even  quadrupled.  At 
that  very  moment  the  average  cost  of  wheat  in  England  was 
sixty-four  shillings  the  quarter,  or  about  seven  and  sixpence 
sterling  the  bushel,-  and  in  the  markets  of  Holland,  which  in 


'  A  contemporary  chronicler  has 
preserved  a  droll  medley  of  prices  in 
the  Netherlands  in  the  year  1548,  but 
one  which,  if  accurate,  furnishes  a 
striking  instance  of  the  low  money- 
valuation  of  the  various  necessaries  of 
life,  before  the  great  revolution  in  the 
value  of  silver  had  begun.  For  one 
hundred  and  sixty  florins  (16Z.)  there 
were  bought  a  last  (108  bushels,  or  80 
bushels  English)  of  wheat,  a  last  of 
rye,  a  last  of  barley,  a  last  of  oats,  a 


quarter  hundred-weight  of  butter,  30C 
pounds  of  lard,  one  hundred  cheeses, 
a  doublet,  a  pair  of  shoes,  a  bonnet, 
a  bag,  a  barrel  of  excellent  beer,  and 
there  were  six  stuyvers  over  for  drink- 
money.  "  And  let  this  serve  as  a 
memorial,"  he  piously  observes,  "of 
how  much  the  wrath  of  God  and  how 
much  his  benignity  can  do  for  us." 
Met.  xiv.  253. 

'   Tables  in   McCuUoch's  edition  of 
Adam  Smith,  p.  117. 


1586. 


PAUPERISM   AND   FAMINE. 


131 


truth  regulated  all  others,  the  same  prices  prevailed.^  A 
bushel  of  wheat  in  England  was  equal  therefore  tc  eight 
bushels  in  Brussels. 

Thus  the  silver  mines,  which  were  the  Spanish  King's 
property,  had  produced  their  effect  everywhere  more  signally 
than  within  the  obedient  Provinces.  The  South  American 
specie  found  its  way  to  Philijj's  coffers,  thence  to  the  pay- 
masters of  his  troops  in  Flanders,  and  thence  to  the  com- 
mercial centres  of  Holland  and  England.  Those  countries, 
first  to  feel  and  obey  the  favourable  expanding  impulse  of 
the  age,  were  moving  surely  and  steadily  on  before  it  to 
greatness.  Prices  were  rising  with  unexampled  rapidity,  the 
precious  metals  were  comparatively  a  drug,  a  world-wide 
commerce,  such  as  had  never  been  dreamed  of,  had  become 
an  every-day  concern,  the  arts  and  sciences  and  a  most 
generous  culture  in  famous  schools  and  universities,  which 
had  been  founded  in  the  midst  of  tumult  and  bloodshed, 
characterized  the  republic,  and  the  golden  age  of  English 
poetry,  which  was  to  make  the  Elizabethan  era  famous  through 
all  time,  had  already  begun. 

In  the  Spanish  Netherlands  the  newly-found  treasure 
served  to  pay  the  only  labourers  required  in  a  subjugated  and 
almost  deserted  country,  the  pikemen  of  Spain  and  Italy,  and 
the  reiters  of  Germany.  Prices  could  not  sustain  themselves 
in  the  face  of  depopulation.  Where  there  was  no  security  for 
property,  no  home-market,  no  foreign  intercourse,  industrial 
pursuits  had  become  almost  imjiossible.  The  small  demand 
for  labour  had  caused  it,  as  it  were,  to  disappear  altogether. 
All  men  had  become  beggars,  brigands,  or  soldiers.  A 
temporary  reaction  followed.  There  were  no  producers. 
Suddenly  it  was  discovered  that  no  corn  had  been  planted, 
and  that  there  was  no  harvest.     A  famine  was  the  inevitable 


'  Bor,  Meteren.  A  veertel  is  about 
three  bushels.  A  florin  was  then 
always  reckoned  at  two  shillings  ster- 
ling. The  price  of  a  bushel  of  rye 
at  Brussels  and  Antwerp  was  there- 
fore eightpence;    that  of  a  bushel  of 


wheat  about  one-third  more,  say  eleven- 
pence, or  seven  and  fourpence  for  the 
quarter  (eight  bushels),  about  an  eighth 
or  ninth  of  the  price  in  England  and 
Holland. 


132 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIL 


result.  Prices  then  rose  with  most  frightful  rapidity.  The 
veertel  of  rye,  which  in  the  previous  year  had  been  worth 
one  florin  at  Brussels  and  Antwerp,  rose  in  the  winter  of 
1586-7  to  twenty,  twenty-two,  and  even  twenty-four  florins ; 
and  wheat  advanced  from  one  and  one- third  florin  to  thirty- 
two  florins  tlie  veertel.'  Other  articles  were  proportionally 
increased  in  market-value  ;  Lut  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that 
mutton  was  quoted  in  the  midst  of  the  famine  at  nine  stuy  vers 
(a  little  more  than  ninepence  sterling)  the  pound,  and  beef 
at  fivepence,  while  a  single  cod-fish  sold  for  twenty-two 
florins.^  Thus  wheat  was  worth  sixpence  sterling  the  pound 
weight  (reckoning  the  veertel  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
pounds  at  thirty  florins),  which  was  a  penny  more  than  the 
price  of  a  pound  of  beef ;  while  an  ordinary  fish  was  equal  in 
value  to  one  hundred  and  six  pounds  of  beef  No  better 
evidence  could  be  given  that  the  obedient  Provinces  were 
relapsing  into  barbarism,  than  that  the  only  agricultural  indus- 
try then  practised  was  to  allow  what  flocks  and  herds  were 
remaining  to  graze  at  will  over  the  ruined  farms  and 
gardens,  and  that  their  fishermen  were  excluded  from  the 
sea. 

The  evil  cured  itself,  however,  and,  before  the  expiration 
of  another  year,  prices  were  again  at  their  previous  level. 
The  land  was  sufficiently  cultivated  to  furnish  the  necessaries 
of  life  for  a  diminishing  population,  and  the  supply  of  labour 
was  more  than  enough  for  the  languishing  demand.  Wheat 
was  again  at  tenpence  the  bushel,  and  other  commodities 
valued  in  like  proportion,  and  far  below  the  market-prices  in 
Holland  and  England. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  prosperity  of  the  republic  was 
rapidly  increasing.  Notwithstanding  the  war,  which  had 
beer  raging  for  a  terrible  quarter  of  a  century  without  any 
interruption,    population    was    increasing,    property    rapidly 


'  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  ubi  sup.  A 
last  of  rye  is  quoted  by  Meteren  (xiv. 
253^"')  at  800  florins.  A  last  is  equal 
to  80  bushels,  Euglish  measure.  This 
ia  just  ten  florins,  or  one  pound  sterling, 


the  bushel  for  rye,  and  one-third  more, 
or  twenty-seven  shillings — that  is  to 
saj',  10?.  16s.  the  quarter — for  wheat. 

2  Bor,  Hoofd,  Meteren,  ubi  sup. 

3  Ibid. 


1586. 


PROSPERITY  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 


133 


advancing  in  value,  labour  in  active  demand.  Famine  was 
impossible  to  a  state  which  commanded  the  ocean.  No  corn 
grew  in  Holland  and  Zeeland,  but  their  ports  were  the 
granary  of  the  world.  The  fisheries  were  a  mine  of  wealth 
almost  equal  to  the  famous  Potosi,  with  which  the  commercial 
World  was  then  ringing.  Their  commerce  with  the  Baltic 
nations  was  enormous.  In  one  month  eight  hundred  vessels 
left  their  havens  for  the  eastern  ports  alone.  There  was  also 
ho  doubt  whatever — and  the  circumstance  was  a  source  of 
constant  complaint  and  of  frequent  ineflfective  legislation — 
that  the  rebellious  Provinces  were  driving  a  most  profitable 
trade  with  Spain  and  the  Spanish  possessions,  in  spite  of  their 
revolutionary  war.  The  mines  of  Peru  and  Mexico  were  as 
fertile  for  the  Hollanders  and  Zeelanders  as  for  the  Spaniards 
themselves.  The  war  paid  for  the  war,  one  hundred  large 
frigates  were  constantly  cruising  along  the  coasts  to  protect 
the  fast-growing  traffic,  and  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  foot- 
soldiers  and  two  thousand  cavalry  were  maintained  on  land. 
There  were  more  ships  and  sailors  at  that  moment  in  Holland 
and  Zeeland  than  in  the  whole  kingdom  of  England.' 

While  the  sea-ports  were  thus  rapidly  increasing  in 
importance,  the  towns  in  the  interior  were  advancing  as 
steadily.  The  woollen  manufacture,  the  tapestry,  the  em- 
broideries of  Gelderland,  and  Friesland,  and  Overyssel,  were 
becoming  as  famous  as  had  been  those  of  Tournay,  Ypres, 
Brussels,  and  Valenciennes.  The  emigration  from  the 
obedient  Provinces  and  from  other  countries  was  very  great. 
It  was  difficult  to  obtain  lodgings  in  the  jjrincipal  cities  ;  new 
houses,  new  streets,  new  towns,  were  rising  every  day.  The 
single  Province  of  Holland  furnished  regularly,  for  war- 
expenses  alone,  two  millions  of  florins  (two  hundred  thousand 
pounds)  a  year,  besides  frequent  extraordinary  grants  for  the 


'  Six  years  later  it  was  asserted  by 
the  magistrates  of  Amsterilam,  in  a 
communication  made  to  the  States- 
General,  "  that  no  one  could  doubt 
that  in  regard  to  tlie  mercantile  marine 
and  the  amount  of  tonnage,  the  Pro- 
vincea  were  so  lar  superior  to  England 


tliat  hardly  any  comparison  could  he 
made  on  the  subject,  &c.  Koop  vaardy- 
Schepen  in  Nederland  a^  1593.  Brief 
V.  d.  Burgemaasteren  en  Raden  der 
stad  Amsterdam  aan  de  Staaten- 
General."     (Hague  Archives,  MS.) 


134  THE    UNITED   NKTHKRLANPS.  Chap.  XIII. 

same  purpose,  yet  the  burthen  imposed  upon  the  vigorous 
young  commonwealth  seemed  only  to  make  it  the  more 
elastic.  "  The  coming  generations  may  see,"  says  a  contem- 
porary historian,  "  the  fortifications  erected  at  that  epoch  in 
the  cities,  the  costly  and  magnificent  havens,  the  docks,  th<? 
great  extension  of  the  cities  ;  for  truly  the  toar  had  become  « 
great  benediction  to  the  inhabitants."  ^ 

Such  a  prosperous  commonwealth  as  this  was  not  a  prize 
to  be  lightly  thrown  away.  There  is  no  doubt  whatever  that 
a  large  majority  of  the  inhabitants,  and  of  the  States  by 
whom  the  people  were  represented,  ardently  and  aiFectionately 
desired  to  be  annexed  to  the  English  crown.  Leicester  had 
become  unpopular,  but  Elizabeth  was  adored,  and  there  was 
nothing  unreasonable  in  the  desire  entertained  by  the  Pro- 
vinces of  retaining  their  ancient  constitutions,  and  of  trans- 
ferring their  allegiance  to  the  English  Queen. 

But  the  English  Queen  could  not  resolve  to  take  the  step. 
Although  the  great  tragedy  which  was  swiftly  approaching 
its  inevitable  catastrophe,  the  execution  of  the  Scottish  Queen, 
was  to  make  peace  with  Philip  impossible — even  if  it  were 
imaginable  before — Elizabeth,  during  the  year  1587,  waa 
earnestly  bent  on  peace.  This  will  be  made  manifest  in  sub- 
sequent pages,  by  an  examination  of  the  secret  correspond- 
ence of  the  court.  Her  most  sagacious  statesmen  disapproved 
her  course,  opposed  it,  and  were  often  overruled,  although 
never  convinced  ;  for  her  imperious  will  would  have  its  way. 

The  States-General  loathed  the  very  name  of  peace  with 
Spain.  The  people  loathed  it.  All  knew  that  peace  with 
Spain  meant  the  exchange  of  a  thriving  prosperous  common- 
wealth, with  freedom  of  religion,  constitutional  liberty,  and 
self-government,  for  provincial  subjection  to  the  inquisition 
and  to  despotism.  To  dream  of  any  concession  from  Philip 
on  the  religious  point  was  ridiculous.  There  was  a  mirror 
ever  held  up  before  their  eyes  by  the  obedient  Provinces,  in 
which  they  might  see  their  own  image,  should  they  too  re- 
turn to  obedience.     And  there  was  never  a  pretence,  on  the 

'  Meteren,  xiv.  253^0. 


1586.  THE  YEAR  OF  EXPECTATION.  135 

part  of  any  honest  adviser  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  in  the  Nether- 
lauds,  whether  Euglisliman  or  Hollander,  that  the  idea  of 
peace-uegotiatiou  could  be  tolerated  for  a  moment  by  States 
or  people.     Yet  the  sum  of  the  Queen's  policy,  for  the  year 

1587,  may  be  summed  up  in  one  word — peace  ;  j^eace  for  the 
Provinces,  peace  for  herself,  with  their  implacable  enemy. 

In  France,  during  the  same  year  of  expectation,  we  shall 
see  the  long  prologue  to  the  tragic  and  memorable  1588 
slowly  enacting  ;  the  same  triangular  contest  between  the 
three  Henrys  and  their  partizans  still  proceeding.  We  shall 
see  the  misguided  and  wretched  Valois  lamenting  over  his 
victories,  and  rejoicing  over  his  defeats  ;  forced  into  hollow 
alliance  with  his  deadly  enemy  ;  arrayed  in  arms  against  his 
only  protector  and  the  true  champion  of  the  realm  ;  and 
struggling  vainly  in  the  toils  of  his  own  mother  and  his  own 
secretary  of  state,  leagued  with  his  most  powerful  foes.  We 
shall  see  '  Mucio,'  wath  one  hand  extended  in  mock  friend- 
ship toward  the  King,  and  with  the  other  thrust  backward  to 
grasp  the  purse  of  300,000  crowns  held  forth  to  aid  his  fellow- 
conspirator's  dark  designs  against  their  common  victim  ;  and 
the  Bearnese,  ever  with  lance  in  rest,  victorious  over  the 
wrong  antagonist,  foiled  of  the  fruits  of  victory,  proclaiming 
himself  the  English  Queen's  devoted  knight,  but  railing  at  her 
parsimony  ;  always  in  the  saddle,  always  triumphant,  always  a 
beggar,  always  in  love,  always  cheerful,  and  always  confident  to 
outwit  the  Guises  and  Philip,  Parma  and  the  Pope. 

And  in  Spain  we  shall  have  occasion  to  look  over  the  King's 
shoulder,  as  he  sits  at  his  study-table,  in  his  most  sacred  re- 
tirement ;  and  we  shall  find  his  policy  for  the  year  1587 
summed  up  in  two  words — invasion  of  England.  Sincerely 
and  ardently  as  Elizabeth  meant  peace  with  Philip,  just  so 
sincerely  did  Philip  intend  war  with  England,  and  the  de- 
thronement and  destruction  of  the  Queen.  To  this  great 
design  all  others  were  now  subservient,  and  it  was  mainly  on 
account  of  this  determination  that  there  was  sufficient  leisure 
m  the  republic  for  the  Leicestrians  and  the  States-General 
to  fight  out  so  thoroughly  their  party-contests. 


136  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XUI 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Bameveld'g  Influence  in  the  Provinces  —  Unpopularity  of  Leicester  — 
Intrigues  of  liis  Servants  —  Gossip  of  his  Secretary  —  Its  mischievous 
Effects  —  The  Quarrel  of  Norris  and  Hollock  —  The  Earl's  Participation 
in  the   Affair  —  His  increased  Anunosity  to   Norris  —  Seizure   of  Deventer 

—  Stanley  appointed  its  Governor  —  York  and  Stanley  —  Leicester's  secret 
Instructions — Wilkes  remonstrates  with  Stanley — Stanley's  Insolence  and 
Equivocati(jn  —  Painful   Rumours  as  to  hira  and  York  —  Duplicity  of  York 

—  Stanley's  Banquet  at  Deventer  —  He  surrenders  the  City  to  Tassis — 
Terms  of  the  Bargain  —  Feeble  Defence  of  Stanley's  Conduct  —  Subsequent 
Fate  of  Stanley  and  York  —  Betrayal  of  Gelder  to  Parma  —  These  Treasons 
cast  Odium  on  the  English  —  Miserable  Plight  of  the  EngUsh  Troops  — 
Honesty  and  Energy  of  Wilkes  —  Indignant  Discussion  in  the  Assembly. 

The  government  had  not  been  laid  down  by  Leicester  on  his 
departure.  It  had  been  provisionally  delegated,  as  already 
mentioned  to  the  state-council.  In  this  body — consisting  of 
eighteen  persons — originally  appointed  by  the  Earl,  on  no- 
mination by  the  States,  several  members  were  friendly  to 
the  governor,  and  others  were  violently  opposed  to  him.  The 
States  of  Holland,  by  whom  the  action  of  the  States- General 
was  mainly  controlled,  were  influenced  in  their  action  by  Buys 
and  Barneveld.  Young  Maurice  of  Nassau,  nineteen  years  of 
ase,  was  stadholder  of  Holland  and  Zeeland.  A  florid  com- 
j)lexioned,  fair-haired  young  man,  of  sanguine-bilious  tem- 
perament ;  reserved,  quiet,  reflective,  singularly  self-possessed  ; 
meriting  at  that  time,  more  than  his  father  had  ever  done, 
the  appellation  of  the  taciturn  ;  discreet,  sober,  studious. 
"  Count  Maurice  saith  but  little,  but  I  cannot  tell  what  he 
thinketh,"  wrote  Leicester's  eaves-dropper-in-chief.^  Ma- 
thematics, fortification,  the  science  of  war — these  were  his 
daily  pursuits.  "  The  sapling  was  to  become  the  tree,"  and 
meantime  the  youth  was  preparing  for  the  great  destiny 
which  he  felt,  lay  before  him.  To  ponder  over  the  works  and 
the  daring  conceptions  of  Stevinus,  to  build  up  and  to  batter 
the  wooden  blocks  of  mimic  citadels  ;  to  arrange  in  countlesa 
» Otbeman  to  Leicester.     (Brit.  Una.  Galba,  C.  xi.  216,  1  Feb.  1687,  MS.) 


1587.  BARNEVELD'S  INFLUENCE  IN  THE  PROVINCES.  137 

corabiaations,  great  armies  of  pewter  soldiers ;  these  were 
the  occupations  of  his  leisure-hours.  Yet  he  was  hardly  sus- 
I)ected  of  bearing  within  him  the  germs  of  the  great  military 
commander.  "  Small  desire  hath  Count  Maurice  to  follow 
the  wars,"  said  one  who  fancied  himself  an  acute  observer  at 
exactly  this  epoch.  "  And  whereas  it  might  be  supposed  that 
in  respect  to  his  birth  and  place,  he  would  affect  the  chief 
military  command  in  these  countries,  it  is  found  hy  experience 
had  of  his  humour,  that  there  is  no  chance  of  his  entering  into 
competition  with  the  others."  ^  A  modest  young  man,  who 
could  bide  his  time — but  who,  meanwhile,  under  the  guidance 
of  his  elders,  was  doing  his  best,  both  in  field  and  cabinet,  to 
learn  the  great  lessons  of  the  age— he  had  already  enjoyed 
much  solid  practical  instruction,  under  such  a  desperate 
fighter  as  Hohenlo,  and  under  so  profound  a  statesman  as 
Barneveld.  For  at  this  epoch  Olden-Barneveld  was  the  pre- 
ceptor, almost  the  political  patron  of  Maurice,  and  Maurice, 
the  official  head  of  the  Holland  party,  was  the  declared 
opponent  of  the  democratic-Calvinist  organization.  It  is  not 
necessary,  at  this  early  moment,  to  foreshadow  the  changes 
which  time  was  to  bring.  Meantime  it  would  be  seen,  per- 
haps ere  long,  whether  or  no,  it  would  be  his  humour  to 
follow  the  wars.  As  to  his  prudent  and  dignified  deportment 
there  was  little  doubt.  "  Count  Maurice  behaveth  himself  very 
discreetly  all  this  while,''  wrote  one,  who  did  not  love  him,  to 
Leicester,  who  loved  him  less  :  "  He  cometh  every  day  to  the 
council,  keeping  no  company  with  Count  HoUock,  nor  with 
any  of  them  all,  and  never  drinks  himself  full  with  any  of 
them,  as  they  do  every  day  among  themselves."- 

Certainly  the  most  profitable  intercourse  that  Maurice 
could  enjoy  with  Hohenlo  was  upon  the  battle-field.  In 
winter-quarters,  that  hard-fighting,  hard-drinking,  and  most 
turbulent  chieftain,  was  not  the  best  Mentor  for  a  youth 
whose  destiny  jiointed  him  out  as  the  leader  of  a  free  com- 
monwealth.    After   the   campaigns  were    over — if   they  ever 

'  Project  for  the  Government  of  the    I       '  Otheman    to    Leicester,    16    Jan. 
Provinces.     ('Cabala,' p.  23.)  |    1587.    (Bri*;.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  xi.  99,  MS.j 


X38  T'Sf'  tfNlTKD  NOTHERLAKDS.  Chap.  Xlll. 

could  be  over — the  Count  and  other  nobles  from  the  same 
country  were  too  apt  to  indulge  in  those  mighty  potations, 
which  were  rather  characteristic  of  their  nation  and  the  age. 

"  Since  your  Excellency's  departure,"  wrote  Leicester's 
secretary,  "  there  hath  been  among  the  Dutch  Counts  nothing 
but  dancing  and  drinking,  to  the  grief  of  all  this  people,  which 
foresee  that  there  can  come  no  good  of  it.  Specially  Count 
Hollock,  who  hath  been  drunk  almost  a  fortnight  together."  ^ 

Leicester  had  rendered  himself  unpopular  with  the  States- 
General,  and  with  all  the  leading  politicians  and  generals  • 
yet,  at  that  moment,  he  had  deeply  mortgaged  his  English 
estates  in  order  to  raise  funds  to  expend  in  the  Netherland 
cause.  Thirty  thousand  pounds  sterling — according  to  his 
own  statement — he  was  already  out  of  pocket,  and,  unless 
the  Queen  would  advance  him  the  means  to  redeem  his  pro- 
perty, his  broad  lands  were  to  be  brought  to  the  hammer.^ 
But  it  was  the  Queen,  not  the  States-General,  who  owed  the 
money  ;  for  the  Earl  had  advanced  these  sums  as  a  portion 
of  the  royal  contingent.  Five  hundred  and  sixty  thousand 
pounds  sterling  had  been  the  cost  of  one  year's  war  during 
the  English  governor's  administration  ;  and  of  this  sum  one 
hundred  and  forty  thousand  had  been  paid  by  England.' 
There  was  a  portion  of  the  sum,  over  and  above  their  monthly 
levies,  for  which  the  States  had  contracted  a  debt,  and  they 
were  extremely  desirous  to  obtain,  at  that  moment,  an  addi- 
tional loan  of  fifty  thousand  pounds  from  Elizabeth  ;  a  favour 
which  Elizabeth  was  very  firmly  determined  not  to  grant.  It 
was  this  terror  at  the  expense  into  which  the  Netherland  war 
was  plunging  her,  which  made  the  English  sovereign  so 
desirous  for  peace,  and  filled  the  anxious  mind  of  Walsingham 
with  the  most  painful  forebodings. 


'  Otheman  to  Leicester,  7  Jan.  1587. 
(Ibid.  p.  72,  MS.) 

'  "List  of  tlie  P^arl  of  Leicester's 
mortgages,  to  raise  money  spent  in 
doing  her  Majesty  service  in  the  Low 
Countries."     (S.  P.  Office,  1587,  MS.) 

There  were  five  different  mortgages 
of  estates  and  manors  in  England, 
amounting  in  all  to  18,000i.     "All  the 


mortgages  above  written  are  past  re- 
demption, except  on  present  payment 
of  the  due  debts.  His  Lordship  doth 
owe  an  infinite  sum  besides  for  his  ex  • 
penses  made  in  these  services,  over 
and  besides  these  debts." 

'  Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  12  Jan. 
1587.  Same  to  Burghley,  12  Jan.  1687. 
(S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 


1587. 


UNPOPULA.RITY  OF  LEICESTER. 


139 


Leicester,  in  spite  of  his  good  quaKties — such  as  they  were 
— had  not  that  most  necessary  gift  for  a  man  in  his  position, 
the  art  of  making  friends.  No  man  made  so  many  enemies. 
He  was  an  excellent  hater,  and  few  men  have  been  more 
cordially  hated  in  return.  He  was  imperious,  insolent,  hot- 
tempered.  He  could  brook  no  equal.  He  had  also  the  fatal 
defect  of  enjoying  the  flattery  of  his  inferiors  in  station. 
Adroit  intriguers  burned  incense  to  him  as  a  god,  and  em- 
ployed him  as  their  tool.  And  now  he  had  mortally  offended 
Hohenlo,  and  Buys,  and  Barneveld,  while  he  hated  Sir  John 
Norris  with  a  most  passionate  hatred.  Wilkes,  the  English 
representative,  was  already  a  special  object  of  his  aversion. 
The  unvarnished  statements  made  by  the  stiff  counsellor,  of 
the  exj^ense  of  the  past  year's  administration,  and  the  various 
errors  committed,  had  inspired  Leicester  with  such  ferocious 
resentment,  that  the  friends  of  Wilkes  trembled  for  his  life.^ 


'  "It  is  geneniUy  bruited  here," 
wrote  Henry  Sniith  to  his  brother-in- 
law  Wilkes,  "  of  a  most  heavy  displea- 
sure conceived  by  my  Lord  of  Leicester 
against  you,  and  it  is  said  to  be  so 
great  as  that  he  hath  protested  to 
be  revenged  of  you;  and  to  procure 
you  the  more  enemies,  it  is  said  ho 
hath  revealed  to  my  Lord  Treasurer, 
and  Secretary  Davison  some  injurious 
speeches  (whicli  I  cannot  report)  you 
should  have  used  of  them  to  him  at 
your  last  being  with  liim.  Further- 
more some  of  the  s;iid  Lord's  secretaries 
have  reported  here  that  it  were  good 
for  you  never  to  return  hither,  or,  if 
their  Lord  be  appointed  to  go  over 
again,  it  will  b3  too  hot  for  you  to 
tarry  there.  These  things  thus  coming 
to  the  ears  of  your  friends  have  stricken 
a  great  fear  and  grief  into  the  minds 
of  such  as  love  you,  lest  the  wonderful 
force  and  authority  of  this  man  being 
bent  against  you,  should  do  you  hurt, 
while  there  is  none  to  answer  for  you." 
Smith  to  Wilkes,  26  Jan.  1587.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

Wilkes  immediately  wrote  to  Lord 
Burghley,  indignantly  denying  that  he 
had  ever  spoken  disrespectfully  or  in- 
juriously of  him,  as  thus  meanly  re- 
ported of  him  by  Leicester. 

"  I  do  briefly  assure  jo\xv  Lordship," 


he  said,  "which  I  will  avow  with  mine 
oath  upon  the  Holy  Testament,  that  I 
am  therein  as  falsely  and  injuriously 
abused  as  ever  was  poor  man,  and, 
upon  that  protestation,  1  utterly  deny 
that  ever  I  advised  my  Lord  to  beware 
of  your  Lordship,  or  of  anj^  counsellor 
at  your  devotion,  or  that  I  ever  used 
unto  him,  or  to  any  creature  living, 
any  vile,  uncivil,  lewd,  or  undutiful 
terra  of  your  Lordship.  I  trust  in  the 
observation  you  have  made  of  my  con- 
versation, serving  her  Majesty  a  dozen 
years  under  your  wing,  did  never  see 
that  I  was  so  indiscreet  as  to  speak 
irreverently  of  men  of  your  Lordship's 
place,  and  I  hope  you  have  not  found 
me  so  foolish  as  by  such  lightness  to 
draw  myself  into  the  hatred  of  so  great 
personages,  to  overthrow  myself  wil- 
fully. I  thank  God  I  was  never  so 
mad,  and  I  might  speak  it  without 
vaunt,  tiiat  there  was  no  man  in  court 
of  my  sort  that  had  more  good-will  of 
high  and  low  than  myself,  before  the 
acceptance  of  this  cursed  and  unfor- 
tunate journey,  which,  as  I  declared 
to  your  Lordship  at  the  beginning, 
will  be,  I  fear,  the  cause  of  my  ruin  ; 
and  then  it  pleased  you  to  give  me 
this  advice,  that  I  should  serve  her 
Majesty  truly,  and  refer  the  rest  to 
Gro4.     Your  Lordship  doth  know  tlje 


140 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XUl. 


Cordiality  between  the  governor-general  and  Count  Maurice 
had  become  impossible.  As  for  Willoughby  and  Sir  William 
Pelham,  they  were  both  friendly  to  him,  but  Willoughby  was 
a  magnificent  cavalry  officer,  who  detested  politics,  and  cared 
little  for  the  Netherlands,  except  as  the  best  battle-field  in 
Europe,  and  the  old  marshal  of  the  camp — the  only  man  that 
Leicester  ever  loved — was  growing  feeble  in  health,  was 
broken  down  by  debt,  and  hardly  possessed,  or  wished  for,  any 
general  influence. 

Besides  Deventer  of  Utrecht,  then,  on  whom  the  Earl 
chiefly  relied  during  his  absence,  there  were  none  to  support 
him  cordially,  except  two  or  three  metoibers  of  the  state- 
council.  "  Madame  de  Brederode  hath  sent  unto  you  a  kind 
of  rose,"  said  his  intelligencer,  "which  you  have  asked  for^ 
and  beseeches  you  to  command  anything  she  has  in  her 
garden,  or  whatsoever.  M.  Meetkerke,  M.  Brederode,  and 
Mr.  Dorius,  wish  your  return  with  all  their  hearts.  For  the 
rest  I  cannot  tell,  and  will  not  swear.  But  Mr,  Barneveld 
is  not  your  very  great  friend,  whereof  I  can  write  no  more  at 
this  time."^ 

This  certainly  was  a  small  proportion  out  of  a  council  of 
eighteen,  when  all  the  leading  politicians  of  the  country  were 
in  avowed  hostility  to  the  governor.  And  thus  the  Earl  was, 
at  this  most  important  crisis,  to  depend  upon  the  subtle  and 
dangerous  Deventer,  and  upon  two  inferior  personages,  the 
"  fellow  Junius "  -  and   a   non-descript,  whom  Hohenlo  cha- 


humoura  and  disposition  of  my  great 
advei-sary  better  than  I,  and  can 
judge  thereof  accordingly,  which,  with 
silence,  I  will  leave  to  plead  for  me  in 
your  grave  conceipt,  together  with  the 
unlikelihood  that  I,  having  no  cause 
of  offense  and  finding  you  my  good 
Lord,  and  that  I  am  not  mad,  or  used 
to  precipitate  myself  in  that  manner, 
should  in  any  probability  be  so  great 
an  enemy  to  myself  as  to  make  your 
Lordship  my  foe  by  any  such  levity. 
.  .  .  Tour  Lordship  hath  herein  dealt 
with  me  according  to  yourself^  that 
you  have  not  directly  condemned  me 
before  you  heard  me If  my  ad- 


versary were  as  mean  in  quality  as 
myself,  I  would  not  doubt  but  by  God's 
grace  and  help,  to  make  mine  inno- 
cency  appear  upon  him  with  my  hand." 
Wilkes  to  Burghley,  17  Feb.  1587.  (a 
P.  Office  MS.) 

Thus  it  appears  that  the  Lord  Trea- 
surer's conduct  towards  the  Counsellor, 
who  had  been  taking  his  advice  of 
"  serving  her  Majesty  truly  and  refer- 
ring the  rest  to  God,"  was  as  honour- 
able as  that  of  Leicester  was  base. 

'  Otheman  to  Leicester,  16  Jan.  158T. 
(MS.  already  cited.) 

"  Common  expression  of  Hohenlo. 
(Bor,  III.  xxiii.  28.) 


1687. 


INTRIGUES  OF  HIS  SERVANTS. 


141 


racterized  as  a  "  long  lean  Englishman,  with,  a  little  black 
beard."  ^  This  meagre  individual  however  seems  to  have  been 
of  somewhat  doubtful  nationality.  He  called  himself  Othe- 
man,  claimed  to  be  a  Frenchman,  had  lived  much  in  Eng- 
land, wrote  with  great  fluency  and  spirit,  both  in  French  and 
English,  but  was  said,  in  reality,  to  be  named  Robert  Dale.^ 

It  was  not  the  best  policy  for  the  representative  of  the 
English  Queen  to  trust  to  such  counsellors  at  a  moment  when 
the  elements  of  strife  between  Holland  and  England  were 
actively  at  work  ;  and  when  the  safety,  almost  the  existence, 
of  the  two  commonwealths  depended  ujion  their  acting  cor- 
dially in  concert.  "  Overyssel,  Utnicht,  Friesland,  and  Gel- 
derland,  have  agreed  to  renew  the  oifer  of  sovereignty  to  her 
Majesty,"  said  Leicester.  "  I  shall  be  able  to  make  a  better 
report  of  their  love  and  good  inclination  than  I  can  of  Hol- 
land."^ It  was  thought  very  desirable  by  the  English  govern- 
ment that  this  great  demonstration  should  be  made  once 
more,  whatever  might  be  the  ultimate  decision  of  her  Majesty 
upon  BO  momentous  a  measure.  It  seemed  proper  that  a 
solemn  embassy  should  once  more  proceed  to  England  in 
order  to  confer  with  Elizabeth  ;  but  there  was  much  delay  in 
regard  to  the  step,  and  much  indignation,  in  consequence,  on 
the  part  of  the  Earl.  The  opposition  came,  of  course,  from 
the  Barneveld  party.  "  They  are  in  no  great  haste  to  offer 
the  sovereignty,"  said  Wilkes.  "  First  some  towns  of  Hol- 
land made  bones  thereat,  and  now  they  say  that  Zeeland  is  not 
resolved." * 

The  nature  and   the   causes  of  the   opposition  offered  by 


'  Bor,  III.,  MS.  last  cited, 

»  Fowler  to  Burghley,  7  Oct.  1589, 
in  Murdin'3  State  Papers,  p.  639. 

'  Speech  of  Leicester  to  the  deputies 
of  States- Genera],  just  before  his  de- 
parture, Nov.   1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"The  town  of  Utrecht,"  said  Wilkes 
a  few  weeks  later,  "  doth  dissent  from 
the  rest  of  the  provinces  in  the  manner 
of  their  sovereignty,  who  seeming  to 
be  best  affected  to  her  Majesty,  do 
mean  to  yield  her  the  same  as  Charles 


V.  did  hold  it,  reserving  only  their 
principal  privileges  and  religion,  which 
the  rest  do  not  intend  to  do,  as  I  can 
learn,  who  do  purpose  to  charge  the 
same  with  many  strange  conditions.  I 
would  be  glad  to  know  your  honotir's 
opinion  of  her  Majesty's  purpose  there- 
in, whereby  I  may  better  direct  my 
services  hero."  Wilkes  to  Walsing- 
ham,  19  Jan.  1587.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
^  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  24  Dec.  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


142  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XUl 

Barneveld  and  the  States  of  Holland  have  been  sufficiently 
explained.  Buys,  maddened  by  his  long  and  unjustifiable  im- 
prisonment, had  just  been  released  by  the  express  desire  of 
Hohenlo  ;  and  that  unruly  chieftain,  who  guided  the  German 
and  Dutch  magnates,  such  as  Moeurs  and  Overstein,  and  who 
even  much  influenced  Maurice  and  his  cousin  Count  Lewis 
William,  was  himself  governed  by  Barneveld.  It  would  have 
been  far  from  impossible  for  Leicester,  even  then,  to  conciliate 
the  whole  party.  It  was  highly  desirable  that  he  should  do 
so,  for  not  one  of  the  Provinces  where  he  boasted  his  strength 
was  quite  secure  for  England,  Count  Moeurs,  a  potent  and 
wealthy  noble,  was  governor  of  Utrecht  and  Gelderland,  and 
he  had  already  begun  to  favour  the  party  in  Holland  wliich 
claimed  for  that  Province  a  legal  jurisdiction  over  the  whole 
ancient  episcopate.  Under  these  circumstances  common  pru- 
dence would  have  suggested  that  as  good  an  understanding  as 
possible  might  be  kept  up  with  the  Dutch  and  German  counts, 
and  that  the  breach  might  not  be  rendered  quite  irreparable. 

Yet,  as  if  there  had  not  been  administrative  blunders 
enough  committed  in  one  year,  the  unlucky  lean  Englishman, 
with  the  black  beard,  who  was  the  Earl's  chief  representative, 
contrived — almost  before  his  master's  back  was  turned — to 
draw  upon  himself  the  wrath  of  all  the  fine  ladies  in  Holland. 
That  this  should  be  the  direful  spring  of  unutterable  disasters, 
social  and  political,  was  easy  to  foretell. 

Just  before  the  governor's  departure  Otheman  came  to  pay 
his  farewell  respects,  and  receive  his  last  commands.  He 
found  Leicester  seated  at  chess  with  Sir  Francis  Drake. 

"  I  do  leave  you  here,  my  poor  Otheman,"  said  the  Earl, 
"  but  so  soon  as  I  leave  you  I  know  very  well  that  nobody 
will  give  you  a  good  look."  ^ 

"  Your  Excellency  was  a  true  prophet,"  wrote  the  secretary 
a  few  weeks  later,  "  for,  my  good  Lord,  I  have  been  in  as 
great  danger  of  my  life  as  ever  man  was.  I  have  been  hunted 
at  Delft  from  house  to  house,  and  then  besieged  in  my  lodg- 

»  Othemaa  to  Leicester,  29  Jan.  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1587. 


GOSbit'  OF  HIS  SECRETARY. 


143 


ings  four  or  five  hours,  as  though  I  had  been  the  greatest 
thief,  murderer,  and  traitor  in  the  land." 

And  why  was  the  unfortunate  Otheman  thus  hunted  to  his 
lair  ?  Because  he  had  chosen  to  indulge  in  scandalum  mag- 
natum,  and  had  thereby  excited  the  frenzy  of  all  the  great 
nobles  whom  it  was  most  important  for  the  English  party  to 
conciliate. 

There  had  been  gossip  about  the  Princess  of  Chimay  and 
one  Calvaert,  who  lived  in  her  house,  much  against  the  advice 
of  all  her  best  friends.  One  day  she  complained  bitterly  to 
Master  Otheman  of  the  spiteful  ways  of  the  world. 

"  I  protest,"  said  she,  "  that  I  am  the  unhapjiiest  lady  upon 
earth  to  have  my  name  thus  called  in  question."  ^ 

So  said  Otheman,  in  order  to  comfort  her  :  "  Your  Highness 
is  aware  that  such  things  are  said  of  all.  I  am  sure  I  hear 
every  day  plenty  of  speeches  about  lords  and  ladies,  queens 
and  princesses.  You  have  little  cause  to  trouble  yourself 
for  such  matters,  being  known  to  live  honestly  and  like  a 
good  Christian  lady.  Your  Highness  is  not  the  only  lady 
spoken  of" 

The  Princess  listened  with  attention. 

"Think  of  the  stories  about  the  Queen  of  England  and  my 
Lord  of  Leicester  !"  ^  said  Otheman,  with  infinite  tact.  "No 
person  is  exempted  from  the  tongues  of  evil  speakers  ;  but 
virtuous  and  godly  men  do  put  all  such  foolish  matter  under 
their  feet.  Then  there  is  the  Countess  of  Moeurs^  how  much 
evil  talk  does  one  hear  about  her  ! " 

The  Princess  seemed  still  more  interested  and  even  excited  ; 
and  the  adroit  Otheman  having  thus,  as  he  imagined,  very 
successfully  smoothed  away  her  anger,  went  ofl"  to  have  a 
little  more  harmless  gossip  about  the  Princess  and  the 
Countess,  with  Madame  de  Meetkerke,  who  had  sent  Leicester 
the  rose  from  her  garden. 

But,  no  sooner  had  he  gone,  than  away  went  her  Highness 


'  otheman  to  Leicester,  last  cited. 
'  Ibid — totidem    verbis.     It   is  some- 
what amusing  to  find,    iu  a  letter   to 


Leicester  from  his  own  secretary,  these 
allusions  to  the  "  scandal  about  Queeq 
Elizabeth." 


144  THE   UNITED    NETHERLANDS.  Char  XIIL 

to  Madame  de  Moeurs,  "  a  marvellous  wise  and  wcll-Bpoken 
gentlewoman  and  a  grave/'  ^  and  informed  her  and  the  Count, 
with  some  trifling  exaggeration,  that  the  vile  Englishman, 
secretary  to  the  odious  Leicester,  had  just  been  there,  abusing 
and  calumniating  the  Countess  in  most  lewd  and  abomin- 
able fashion.  He  had  also,  she  protested,  used  "  A^ery  evil 
speeches  of  all  the  ladies  in  the  country."^  For  her  own  part 
the  Princess  avowed  her  determination  to  have  him  instantly 
murdered.''  Count  Moeurs  was  quite  of  the  same  mind,  and 
desired  nothing  better  than  to  be  one  of  his  executioners. 
Accordingly,  the  next  Sunday,  when  the  babbling  secretary 
had  gone  down  to  Delft  to  hear  the  French  sermon,  a  select 
party,  consisting  of  Moeurs,  Lewis  William  of  Nassau,  Count 
Overstein,  and  others,  set  forth  for  that  city,  laid  violent 
hands  on  the  culprit,  and  brought  him  bodily  before  Princess 
Chimay.  There,  being  called  upon  to  explain  his  innuendos, 
he  fell  into  much  trepidation,  and  gave  the  names  of  several 
English  captains,  whom  he  supposed  to  be  at  that  time  in 
England.  "  For  if  I  had  denied  the  whole  matter,"  said  he, 
"  they  would  have  given  me  the  lie,  and  used  me  according 
to  their  evil  mind."*  Upon  this  they  relented,  and  released 
their  prisoner,  but,  the  next  day  they  made  another  attack 
upon  him,  hunted  him  from  house  to  house,  through  the  whole 
city  of  Delft,  and  at  last  drove  him  to  earth  in  his  own  lodg- 
ings, where  they  kept  him  besieged  several  hours.  Through 
the  intercession  of  Wilkes  and  the  authority  of  the  council 
of  state,  to  which  body  he  succeeded  in  conveying  information 
of  his  dangerous  predicament,  he  was,  in  his  own  language, 
''miraculously  preserved,"  although  remaining  still  in  daily 
danger  of  his  life.  "  I  pray  God  keep  me  hereafter  from  the 
anger  of  a  woman,"  he  exclaimed,  "  quia  non  est  ira  supra 
iram  mulieris."^ 

He  was  immediately  examined  before  the  council,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  clearing  and  justifying  himself  to  the  satisfaction  of 

'  Leicester  to  'Walsinghain,  in  Bruce,  p.  21'7. 
'  Otbeman  to  Leicester.    MS,  before  cited.        '  Ibid.        *  Ibid.        *  IbicL 


1587.  ITS   MISCHIEVOUS   EFFECTS.  145 

his  friends.  His  part  was  afterwards  taken  by  the  councillors, 
by  all  the  preachers  and  godly  men,  and  by  the  university  of 
Leyden.  But  it  was  well  understood  that  the  blow  and  the 
affront  had  been  levelled  at  the  English  governor  and  the 
English  nation. 

"All  your  friends  do  see,"  said  Otheman,  "that  this  dis- 
grace is  not  meant  so  much  to  me  as  to  your  Excellency  ; 
the  Dutch  Earls  having  used  such  speeches  unto  me,  and 
against  all  law,  custom,  and  reason,  used  such  violence  to  me, 
that  your  Excellency  shall  wonder  to  hear  of  it."  ^ 

Now  the  Princess  Chimay,  besides  being  of  honourable 
character,  was  a  sincere  and  exemplary  member  of  the 
Calvinist  church,  and  well  inclined  to  the  Leicestrians.  She 
was  daughter  of  Count  Meghem,  one  of  the  earliest  victims  of 
Philip  II.,  in  the  long  tragedy  of  Netlierland  independence, 
and  widow  of  Lancelot  Berlaymont.  Count  Moeurs  was 
governor  of  Utrecht,  and  by  no  means,  up  to  that  time,  a 
thorough  supporter  of  the  Holland  party  f  but  thenceforward 
he  went  off  most  abruptly  from  the  party  of  England,  became 
hand  and  glove  with  Hohenlo,  accepted  the  influence  of 
Barneveld,  and  did  his  best  to  wrest  the  city  of  Utrecht  from 
English  authority.  Such  was  the  effect  of  the  secretary's 
harmless  gossip. 

"I  thought  Count  Moeurs  and  his  wife  better  friends  to 
your  Excellency  than  I  do  see  them  to  be,"  said  Otheman 
afterwards.  "But  he  doth  now  disgrace  the  English  nation 
many  ways  in  his  speeches — saying  that  they  are  no  soldiers, 
that  they  do  no  good  to  this  country,  and  that  these  English- 
men that  are  at  Arnheim  have  an  intent  to  sell  and  betrav 
the  town  to  the  enemy."  ^ 


'  Otheman  to  Leicester,  1  Feb.  1587. 
(Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  xi.  216.  MS.) 

'  On  the  contrary,  although  Hohenlo 
had  been  doing  his  best  to  gain  him, 
having  been  drunk  witli  him  most 
conscientiously  for  a  fortnight  at  a 
time,  his  wife,  who  was  his  command- 
ing officer,  had  expressed  aversion  to 
the  German  party,  and  great  affection 
for  that  of  Leicester.  "The  Countess 
told  me  but  yesterday,"  Othemau  had 
VOL.    II. — L 


written  only  a  few  days  before,  "that 
her  husband  was  not  so  foolish  as  to 
trust  him,  who  had  deceived  him  so 
often,  and  that  she  tuill  never  permit 
her  husband  to  go  from  the  party  of 
England."  Otheman  to  Leicester.  16th 
Jan.  1587.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  xi. 
p.  99.  MS.) 

'  Otheman  to  Leicester,  1  Feb.  1587. 
(MS.  before  cited.) 


146  THP:   united   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  Xlll. 

But  the  disgraceful  squabble  between  Hohenlo  and  Edward 
Norris  had  been  more  unlucky  for  Leicester  than  any  other 
incident  during  the  year,  for  its  result  was  to  turn  the  hatred 
of  both  parties  against  himself  Yet  the  Earl,  of  all  men, 
was  originally  least  to  blame  for  the  transaction.  It  has  been 
seen  that  Sir  Philip  Sidney  had  borne  Norris's  cartel  to 
Hohenlo,  very  soon  after  the  outrage  had  been  committed. 
The  Count  had  promised  satisfaction,  but  meantime  was 
desperately  wounded  in  the  attack  on  Fort  Zutphen.  Lei- 
cester afterwards  did  his  best  to  keep  Edward  Norris  em- 
ployed in  distant  places,  for  he  was  quite  aware  that  Hohenlo, 
as  lieutenant-general  and  count  of  the  empire,  would  con- 
sider himself  aggrieved  at  being  called  to  the  field  by  a 
simple  Englisli  captain,  however  deeply  he  might  have  in- 
jured him.  The  governor  accordingly  induced  the  Queen  to 
recall  the  young  man  to  England,  and  invited  him — much  as 
he  disliked  his  whole  race — to  accompany  him  on  his  depar- 
ture for  that  country. 

The  Captain  then  consulted  with  his  brother  Sir  John, 
regarding  the  pending  dispute  with  Hohenlo.  His  brother 
advised  that  the  Count  should  be  summoned  to  keep  his 
promise,  but  that  Lord  Leicester's  permission  should  pre- 
viously be  requested. 

A  week  before  the  governor's  departure,  accordingly, 
Edward  Norris  presented  himself  one  morning  in  the  dining- 
room,  and,  finding  the  Earl  reclining  on  a  window-seat, 
observed  to  him  that  "he  desired  his  Lordship's  favour  towards 
the  discharging  of  his  reputation." 

"The  Count  Hollock  is  now  well,"  he  proceeded,  "and  is 
feasting  and  banqueting  in  his  lodgings,  although  he  does  not 
come  abroad." 

"  And  what  way  will  you  take  ?"  inquired  Leicester,  "  con- 
sidering that  he  keeps  his  house." 

"'Twill  be  best,  I  thought,"  answered  Norris,  "to  write 
unto  him,  to  perform  his  promise  he  made  me  to  answer  me 
in  the  field." 

"  To  whom  did  he  make  that  promise  ?"  asked  the  Earl. 

"To  Sir  Philip  Sidney,"  answered  the  Captain, 


1587. 


THE  QUARREL   OE   NORRlS  AND   HOLLOCK:. 


147 


"  To  my  nephew  Sidney/'  said  Leicester,  musingly  ;  "  very 
well  ;  do  as  you  think  best,  and  I  will  do  for  you  what  I 
can."  ^ 

And  the  governor  then  added  many  kind  expressions 
concerning  the  interest  he  felt  in  the  young  man's  reputation. 
Passing  to  other  matters,  Norris  then  spoke  of  the  great 
charges  he  had  recently  been  put  to  by  reason  of  having 
exchanged  out  of  the  States'  service  in  order  to  accept  a 
commission  from  his  Lordship  to  levy  a  company  of  horse. 
This  levy  had  cost  him  and  his  friends  three  hundred  pounds, 
for  which  he  had  not  been  able  to  "  get  one  groat." 

"  I  beseech  your  Lordship  to  stand  good  for  me,"  said  he  ; 
"  considering  the  meanest  captain  in  all  the  country  hath  as 
good  entertainment  as  I." 

"I  can  do  but  little  for  you  before  my  departure,"  said 
Leicester  ;  "  but  at  my  return  I  will  advise  to  do  more." 

After  this  amicable  conversation  Norris  thanked  his  Lord- 
ship, took  his  leave,  and  straightway  wrote  his  letter  to  Count 
Hollock.' 

That  personage,  in  his  answer,  expressed  astonishment  that 
Norris  should  summon  him,  in  his  "  weakness  and  indisposi- 
tion ;"  but  agreed  to  give  him  the  desired  meeting,  with 
sword  and  dagger,  so  soon  as  he  should  be  sufficiently  re- 
covered. Norris,  in  reply,  acknowledged  his  courteous 
promise,  and  hoped  that  he  might  be  speedily  restored  to 
health.'^ 

The  state- council,  sitting  at  the  Hague,  took  up  the 
matter  at  once  however,  and  requested  immediate  information 
of  the  Earl.  He  accordingly  sent  for  Norris  and  his  brother 
Sir  John,  who  waited  upon  him  in  his  bed-chamber,  and  were 
requested  to  set  down  in  writing  the  reasons  which  had 
moved  them  in  the  matter.     This  statement  was  accordingly 


'  Edward  Xorris  to  the  Lords,  28 
July,  1587.  Sir  John  Norris  to  Wal- 
singham,  same  date.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Ibid. 

3  Edward  Norris  to  Leicester  (the  cor- 
respondence  with   Hohenlo  enclosed), 


Nov.  1586.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Cora- 
pare  Bruce's  'Leyc.  Corresp.,'  Appen- 
dix, 474,  475.  Remonstrance  of  Count 
Hohenlo  to  the  States-General,  3  Dec. 
1587 ;  apud  Bor,  IIL  xxiiL  121-129 
Reyd,  V.  80,  81. 


148 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIII 


furnished,  together  with  a  copy  of  the  correspondence.  The 
Earl  took  the  papers,  and  promised  to  allow  most  honourably 
of  it  in  the  Council."^ 

Such  is  the  exact  narrative,  word  for  word,  as  given  by 
Sir  John  and  Edward  Norris,  in  a  solemn  memorial  to  the 
Lords  of  Her  Majesty's  privy  council,  as  well  as  to  the  state- 
council  of  the  United  Provinces.  A  very  few  days  after- 
wards Leicester  departed  for  England,  taking  Edward  Norris 
with  him. 

Count  Hohenlo  was  furious  at  the  indignity,  notwith- 
standing the  polite  language  in  which  he  had  accepted  the 
challenge.  "  'T  was  a  matter  punishable  with  death,"  he  said, 
"  in  all  kingdoms  and  countries,  for  a  simple  captain  to  send 
such  a  summons  to  a  man  of  his  station,  without  consent  of 
the  supreme  authority.  It  was  plain,"  he  added,  "  that  the 
English  governor-general  had  connived  at  the  affront,  for 
Norris  had  been  living  in  his  family  and  dining  at  his  table. 
Nay,  more.  Lord  Leicester  had  made  him  a  knight  at 
Flushing  just  before  their  voyage  to  England."^ 

There  seems  no  good  reason  to  doubt  the  general  veracity 
of  the  brothers  Norris,  although,  for  the  express  purpose  of 
screening  Leicester,  Sir  John  represented  at  the  time  to 
Hohenlo  and  others  that  the  Earl  had  not  been  privy  to  the 
transaction.^  It  is  very  certain,  however,  that  so  soon  as  the 
general  indignation  of  Hohenlo  and  his  partizans  began  to 
be  directed  against  Leicester,  he  at  once  denied,  in  passionate 
and  abusive  language,  having  had  any  knowledge  whatever  of 
Norris's  intentions.  He  protested  that  he  learned,  for  the 
first  time,  of  the  cartel  from  information  fm-nished  to  the 
council  of  state. 


'  E.  Norris  to  the  Lords.  J.  Norris 
to  Leicester.  (MSS.  before  cited.)  E. 
Norris  to  Leicester,  21  Nov.  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Remonstrance  of  Hohenlo,  before 
cited.     Hoofd,  Vervolgh,  209. 

*  "For  all  this  I  will  assure  you 
that  I  did  always,  both  to  the  Council, 
the  States,  and  Count  HoUoek,  con- 
fidently deny  [i.   e.  maintain]  that  my 


Lord  knew  not  of  it,  because  they 
should  not  for  this  matter  have  any 
advantage  against  his  Lordship."  Sir 
John  Norris  to  Sir  F.  Walsingham, 
before  cited. 

The  two  negatives  do  not  here  make 
an  affirmative;  but  it  is  evident  that 
Leicester  made  great  use  of  this 
damaging  denial  on  the  part  of  Norrie. 


1587. 


THE   EARL'S   PARTICIPATION   IN   THE   AFFAIR. 


149 


The  quarrel  between  Hohenlo  and  Norris  was  afterwards 
amicably  arranged  by  Lord  Buckhurst,  during  his  embassy  to 
the  States,  at  the  express  desire  of  the  Queen.  Hohenlo  and 
Sir  John  Norris  became  very  good  friends,  while  the  enmity 
between  them  and  Leicester  grew  more  deadly  every  day. 
The  Earl  was  frantic  with  rage  whenever  he  spoke  of  the 
transaction,  and  denounced  Sir  John  Norris  as  "  a  fool,  liar, 
and  coward"  on  all  occasions,  besides  overwhelming  his 
brother,  Buckhurst,  Wilkes,  and  every  other  person  who  took 
their  part,  with  a  torrent  of  abuse  ;  and  it  is  well  known  that 
the  Earl  was  a  master  of  Billingsgate.^ 

"  Hollock  says  that  I  did  procure  Edward  Norris  to  send 
him  his  cartel,"  observed  Leicester  on  one  occasion,  "  wherein 
I  protest  before  the  Lord,  I  was  as  ignorant  as  any  man  in 
England.  His  brother  John  can  tell  whether  I  did  not  send 
for  him  to  have  committed  him  for  it  ;  but  that,  in  very 
truth,  upon  the  perusing  of  it "  (after  it  had  been  sent),  "  it 
was  very  reasonably  written,  and  I  did  consider  also  the  great 
wrong  offered  him  by  the  Count,  and  so  forbore  it.  I  was  so 
careful  for  the  Count's  safety  after  the  brawl  between  him 
and  Non-is,  that  I  charged  Sir  John,  if  any  harm  came 
to  the  Count's  person  by  any  of  his  or  under  him,  that  he 
should  answer  it.  Therefore,  I  take  the  story  to  be  bred  in 
the  bosom  of  some  much  like  a  thief  or  villain,  whatsoever  he 
were."  ^ 

And  all  this  was  doubtless  true  so  far  as  regarded  the 
Earl's  original  exertions  to  prevent  the  consequences  of  the 
quarrel,  but  did  not  touch  the  point  of  the  second  correspond- 
ence preceded  by  the  conversation  in  the  dining-room,  eight 
days  before  the  voyage  to  England.  The  affair,  in  itself  o^ 
slight  importance,  would  not  merit  so  much  comment  at  this 
late  day  had  it  not  been  for  its  endless  consequences.     The 


'  J.  Norris  to  Walsingliain,  14  March, 
1587.  Same  to  same,  3  June,  158T. 
(S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 

"  The  best  is,  such  tales  can  no 
more  irritate  my  Lord's  anger  against 
me,"  said  Sir  John;  "for  since  he 
ft^meth  that  I  am  a  fool,  a  coward, 


and  a  hinderer  of  all  these  services,  I 
know  not  what  more  he  can  be  pro- 
voked to." 

^  Leicester  to  Buckhurst,  30  April, 
1587.  Same  to  Walsingham,  4  Aug 
1587.    (S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 


150  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIII. 

ferocity  with  which  the  Earl  came  to  regard  every  prominent 
German,  Hollander,  and  Englishman,  engaged  in  the  service 
of  the  States,  sprang  very  much  from  the  complications  of 
this  vulgar  brawl.  Norris,  Hohenlo,  Wilkes,  Buckhurst, 
were  all  denounced  to  the  Queen  as  calumniators,  traitors, 
and  villains  ;  and  it  may  easily  be  understood  how  grave 
and  extensive  must  have  been  the  effects  of  such  vituperation 
upon  the  mind  of  Elizabeth,*  who,  until  the  last  daj-  of 
his  life,  doubtless  entertained  for  the  Earl  the  deepest  affec- 
tion of  which  her  nature  was  susceptible.  Hohenlo,  with 
Count  Maurice,  were  the  acknowledged  chiefs  of  the  anti- 
English  party,  and  the  possibility  of  cordial  cooperation  be- 
tween the  countries  may  be  judged  of  by  the  entanglement 
which  had  thus  occurred. 

Leicester  had  always  hated  Sir  John  Norris,  but  he  knew 
that  the  mother  had  still  much  favour  with  the  Queen,  and 
he  was  therefore  the  more  vehement  in  his  denunciations  of 
the  son  the  more  difficulty  he  found  in  entirely  destroying 
his  character,  and  the  keener  jealousy  he  felt  that  any  other 
tongue  but  his  should  influence  her  Majesty.  "  The  story  of 
John  Norris  about  the  cartel  is,  by  the  Lord  God,  most  false," 
he  exclaimed  ;  "I  do  beseech  you  not  to  see  me  so  dealt 
withal,  but  that  especially  her  Majesty  may  understand  these 
untruths,  who  perhaps,  by  the  mother's  fair  speeches  and  the 
son's  smooth  loords,  may  take  some  other  conceit  of  my  doings 
than  I  deserve."  ^ 

He  was  most  resolute  to  stamp  the  character  of  falsehood 
upon  both  the  brothers,  for  he  was  more  malignant  towards 
Sir  John  than  towards  any  man  in  the  world,  not  even  ex- 


*  E.  g.  "  The  lies  which  Lord  Buck- 
hurst, Sir  J.  Norris,  and  Wilkes,  did 
with  their  malicious  wits  and  slander- 
ous tongues  devise  and  utter,"  wrote 
Leicester  to  the  Privy  Council,  "con- 
cern my  honour  and  my  life,  I  demand 
that  I,  being  found  clear,  and  they  to 
have  slandered  me,  may  have  that 
remedy  against  them  which  is  in  justice 
due."  Leicester  to  the  Privy  Council, 
19  Aug.  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


'  Leicester  to  Burghley,  11  Sept. 
1587.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  The  meddling 
Otheman  seems  to  have  made  himself 
privately  very  busy  in  this  affair.  He 
sent  Leicester  copies  of  the  letters 
written  by  the  brothers  Norris,  and 
declared  that  he  was  "  enticed  by 
them,  in  the  Earl's  absence,  to  become 
a  forger  and  liar  in  this  matter,  but 
utterly  reftised."     MS.  last  cited. 


1567. 


HIS   INCREASED   ANIMOSITY   TO   NORRIS. 


151 


cepting  Wilkes.  To  the  Queen,  to  the  Lords  of  the  Privy 
Council,  to  Walsingham,  to  Burghley,  he  poured  forth  endless 
quantities  of  venom,  enough  to  destroy  the  characters  of  a 
hundred  honest  men. 

"  The  declaration  of  the  two  Norrises  for  the  cartel  is  most 
false,  as  I  am  a  Christian,"  he  said  to  Walsingham.  "  I  have 
a  dozen  witnesses,  as  good  and  some  better  than  they,  who 
will  testify  that  they  were  present  when  I  misliked  the 
writing  of  the  letter  before  ever  I  saw  it.  And  by  the  alle- 
giance I  owe  to  her  Majesty,  I  never  knew  of  the  letter,  nor 
gave  consent  to  it,  nor  heard  of  it  till  it  was  complained  of 
from  Count  Hollock.  But,  as  they  are  false  in  this,  so  you 
will  find  J.  N.  as  false  in  his  other  answers  ;  so  that  he  would 
be  ashamed,  but  that  his  old  conceit  hath  made  him  past 
shame,  I  fear.  His  companions  in  Ireland,  as  in  these  coun- 
tries, report  that  Sir  John  Norris  would  often  say  that  he  was 
hut  an  ass  and  a  fool,  who,  if  a  lie  wotdd  serve  his  turn,  wouJd 
spare  it.  I  remember  I  have  heard  that  the  Earl  of  Sussex 
would  say  so  ;  and  indeed  this  gentleman  doth  imitate  him  in 
divers  things."  ^ 


'  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  12  Aug. 
1587.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  To  the  Lord 
Treasurer  the  Eail  took  pains  to  nar- 
rate the  whole  story,  with  much  em- 
phasis, and  in  minute  detail ;  and  it  is 
important  to  lay  it  before  the  reader, 
as  an  ofl'set  to  the  simple  and  appa- 
rently truthful  narrative  of  Edward 
Norris,  because  such  intimate  revcla- 
tiona  indicate  to  us  the  really  trifling 
springs  of  numerous  great  events.  As 
before  observed,  the  affair  in  itself  is 
one  which  history  should  justly  dis- 
dain, but  it  swells  into  considerable 
importance,  both  on  account  of  its 
extensive  results,  and  from  the  light 
which  it  throws  on  the  character  of 
Leicester,  the  most  important  person- 
age, during  his  lifetime,  in  the  whole 
kingdom  of  England. 

"Would  God,"  said  Leicester  to 
Burghley,  "that  it  had  pleased  her 
Majesty  to  have  suffered  my  Lord 
Buckhiirst  and  Sir  Jolm  Norris  to  have 
gone  on  with  their  plot,  for  they  laid 
a  most  malicious  plot  against  me.     As 


for  the  answer  that  Sir  John  Norris 
and  his  brother  have  made  touching 
their  acquainting  me  with  the  cartel 
to  Count  Hollock,  thus  made  now  to 
your  Lordship,  if  ever  I  knew  or 
heard  any  news  of  this  cartel  till 
complaint  came  to  me  from  the  Count, 
I  renounce  my  allegiance  and  fidelity 
to  my  Sovereign  Lady.  Therefore 
mark  the  arrogant  boldness  of  tliose 
young  fellows  that  will  face  a  lie  of 
that  sort.  But  I  have  here  Sir 
William  Pelham  and  Sir  WQliam 
Russel,  besides  others  that  were  pre- 
sent when  I  called  Sir  John  to  me, 
and  threatened  to  lay  his  brother  by 
the  heels,  and  himself  too,  if  he  were 
privy  to  it.  He  then  besought  me  to 
hear  his  brother  and  to  see  the  letters, 
assuring  me  there  was  no  such  cartel 
as  was  reported.  I  commanded  him 
to  give  me  the  copy  of  his  letters,  and 
bring  it  to  me.  Meanwhile,  I  was 
gone  to  tlie  council,  and  whilst  we 
were  at  council,  an  hour  or  two  after, 
Edward    Norris  sent  me   his    letter^ 


152 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIII. 


But  a  very  grave  disaster  to  Holland  and  England  was 
soon  the  fruit  of  the  hatred  borne  by  Leicester  to  Sir  John 
Norris.  Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Zutphen  and  the 
investment  of  that   town  by  the  English  and  Netherlanders, 


which  I  took  to  Wilkes  before  I  did 
so  much  as  look  into  them.  Being 
openly  read  there,  wo  did  indeed  per- 
ceive so  direct  a  cartel  as  could  be 
made,  and  divers  of  the  council  mado 
tlie  best  of  it,  and  so  did  I,  declaring 
what  the  gent.  was.  Yet  did  I  then 
d'clare  to  them  all  what  order  I  had 
taken  for  Norris,  that  he  should  go 
with  me  to  England,  and  that  her  Ma- 
jesty had  also  sent  for  him,  protesting 
to  your  Lordships,  by  all  faith,  honour, 
and  truth,  that  neither  the  one  nor  the 
otlier  did  dare  to  use  those  speeches 
that  they  have  set  down;  saving 
that  one  of  the  servants  of  Sir  John 
Norris  came  to  me,  hearing  that  his 
brother  should  go  over,  to  know  how 
his  credit  should  be  saved  with  the 
Count  Hollock,  touching  the  disgrace 
he  was  in,  with  such  like  words.  I 
answered,  '  the  Count  Hollock  is  now 
sick  and  sore,  and  it  were  no  honesty 
for  Sir  John's  brother  to  offer  him  any 
quarrel.  Besides,  I  will  not  suffer 
it,  so  long  as  I  am  here,  and  Edward 
Norris  is  commanded  to  go  into  Eng- 
land. No  doubt  the  Count  will  remem- 
ber his  promise,  which — as  Sir  John 
Norris  had  told  me — was,  that  when 
the  camp  was  broken  up,  he  will  answer 
his  brother  in  the  field,  like  a  gentle- 
man.'' Never  was  there  more — never 
did  any  of  them  tell  me  of  any  cartel 
to  be  sent — never  did  any  speak  with 
me  at  Deventer. 

Besides,  after  I  was  gone,  lying  on 
shipboard  at  Brill,  Edward  Norris 
bjing  then  in  ship  with  me,  there 
cime  a  messenger  from  the  Count 
Hollock,  with  a  letter  to  me,  about 
midnight.  This  messenger  was  only 
to  let  me  know  of  the  Count's  having 
received  such  letters  and  brags  from 
Norris,  and  that  now  he  began  to 
amend,  Norris,  as  he  heard,  was  gone 
away  with  me  into  England.  He 
marvelled  much  he  would  do  so,  and 
sent  his  messenger  to  see  if  it  were  so. 
I  answered  him,  it  was  so,  for  the 
gentleman.  Sir  Edward  Norris.  lay- 
there   asleep,  and  he  was   to   go  into 


England  by  her  Majesty's  express 
commandment.  For  my  part,  I  said, 
I  was  willing  also  to  carr}'  him  with 
me,  for  that  I  would  be  loth  to  leave 
any  occasion  behind  me  of  trouble  or 
discord,  knowing  already  some  mislike 
to  be  between  his  brother  John  and 
the  Count.  This  was  my  answer. 
Now,  judge  how  likely  these  tales  be 
that  I  would  consent  that  Norris 
should  send  a  cartel,  and  yet  take 
him  away  when  he  should  perform 
the  matter.  Either  he  must  show  to 
be  a  coward,  or  else,  if  he  were  in 
earnest,  he  must  seem  to  be  angry 
with  me  for  taking  him  away.  If 
ever  there  were  other  speeches,  either 
by  the  one  Norris  or  the  other,  or  if 
ever  I  knew  of  this  cartel,  directly  or 
indirectly,  more  than  your  Lordship 
that  was  in  England,  tUl  the  com- 
plaint came  to  me  of  it,  I  am  the 
falsest  wretch  that  lives.  If  I  had 
liked  of  their  quarrels  or  cartels, 
there  was  means  enough  for  me  to 
leave  them  to  their  own  revenge.  I 
have  troubled  your  Lordship  too  long 
with  this  trifle,  but  you  should  know 
the  shameless  audacity  of  these  young 
fellows,  whose  cunning  sly  heads  you 
had  need  look  into."  Leicester  to 
Burghley,  12  Aug.  1587.  (Br.  Mus. 
Galba,  D.  I.  240,  MS.) 

Thus  the  November  letter  was  not 
seen  by  Leicester  before  it  was  sent, 
although  he  was  aware  that  it  was  to 
be  sent,  and  in  that  circumstance 
seemed  to  reside  the  whole  strength 
of  his  case.  So  soon  as  it  appeared 
that  the  state-council  was  angry,  and 
that  the  Count  considered  himself 
outraged,  the  Earl  seems  t»  have 
taken  advantage  of  a  subterfuge,  and 
to  have  made  up  by  violence  what  he 
lacked  in  argument. 

It  is  difficult  to  imagine  a  more 
paltry  affair  to  occupy  the  attention 
of  grave  statesmen  and  generals  for 
months,  and  to  fill  the  archives  of 
kingdom  and  commonwealth  with 
mountains  of  correspondence. 


1681.  SEIZURE    OF   DEVENTER.  153 

great  paius  were  taken  to  secure  the  city  of  Deventer.  This 
was,  after  Amsterdam  and  Antwerp,  the  most  important 
mercantile  place  in  all  the  Provinces.  It  was  a  large  pros- 
perous commercial  and  manufacturing  capital,  a  member  of 
the  Hanseatic  League,  and  the  great  centre  of  the  internal 
trade  of  the  Netherlands  with  the  Baltic  nations.  There  was 
a  strong  Catholic  party  in  the  town,  and  the  magistracy  were 
disposed  to  side  with  Parma.  It  was  notorious  that  j^rovisions 
and  munitions  were  supplied  from  thence  to  the  beleaguered 
Zutphen  ;  and  Leicester  despatched  Sir  William  Pelham, 
accordingly,  to  bring  the  inhabitants  to  reason.  The  stout 
Marshal  made  short  work  of  it.  Taking  Sir  William  Stanley 
and  the  greater  part  of  his  regiment  with  him,  he  caused 
them,  day  by  day,  to  steal  into  the  town,  in  small  parties  of 
ten  and  fifteen.  No  objection  was  made  to  this  proceeding 
on  the  part  of  the  city  government.  Then  Stanley  himself 
arrived  in  the  morning,  and  the  Marshal  in  the  evening,  of 
the  20th  of  October.  Pelham  ordered  the  magistrates  to 
present  themselves  forthwith  at  his  lodgings,  and  told  them, 
with  grim  courtesy,  that  the  Earl  of  Leicester  excused  himself 
from  making  them  a  visit,  not  being  able,  for  grief  at  the 
death  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  to  come  so  soon  near  the  scene  of 
his  disaster.  His  Excellency  had  therefore  sent  him  to  re- 
quire the  town  to  receive  an  English  garrison.  "  So  make 
up  your  minds,  and  delay  not,"  said  Pelham  ;  "  for  I  have 
many  important  affairs  on  my  hands,  and  must  send  word  to 
his  Excellency  at  once.  To-morrow  morning,  at  eight  o'clock, 
I  shall  expect  your  answer."  ^ 

Next  day,  the  magistrates  were  all  assembled  in  the  town- 
house  before  six.  Stanley  had  filled  the  great  square  with 
his  troops,  but  he  found  that  the  burghers- — five  thousand  of 
whom  constituted  the  municipal  militia — had  chained  the 
streets  and  locked  the  gates.  At  seven  o'clock  Pelham  pro- 
ceeded to  the  town-house,  and,  followed  by  his  train,  made 
his  appearance  before  the  magisterial  board.     Then  there  was 


'  Letter  of  Henry  Archer,  from 
Utrecht,  23  Oct.  1586,  ia  the  Appendix 
to     Mr.      Bruce's      admirably     edited 


volume  of  'Leycester  Correspondence,' 
478-480. 


154  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIIL 

a  knocking  at  the  door,  and  Sir  William  Stanley  entered, 
having  left  a  strong  guard  of  soldiers  at  the  entrance  to 
the  hall. 

"  I  am  come  for  an  answer,"  said  the  Lord  Marshal ;  "  tell 
me  straight."  The  magistrates  hesitated,  whispered,  and 
presently  one  of  them  slipped  away. 

"  There's  one  of  you  gone,"  cried  the  Marshal.  "  Fetch  him 
straight  back ;  or,  by  tlie  living  God,  before  whom  I  stand, 
there  is  not  one  of  you  shall  leave  this  place  with  life." 

So  the  burgomasters  sent  for  the  culprit,  who  returned. 

"  Now,  tell  me,"  said  Pelham,  "  why  you  have,  this  night, 
chained  your  streets  and  kept  such  strong  watch  while  your 
friends  and  defenders  were  in  the  town  ?  Do  you  think  we 
came  over  here  to  spend  our  lives  and  our  goods,  and  to  leave 
all  we  have,  to  be  thus  used  and  thus  betrayed  by  you  ? 
Nay,  you  shall  find  us  trusty-  to  our  friends,  but  as  politic  as 
yourselves.  Now,  then,  set  your  hands  to  this  document,"  he 
proceeded,  as  he  gave  them  a  new  list  of  magistrates,  all 
selected  from  stanch  Protestants. 

"Grive  over  your  government  to  the  men  here  nominated, 
Straight ;  dally  not  !" 

The  burgomasters  signed  the  paper. 

"  Now,"  said  Pelham,  "  let  one  of  you  go  to  the  watch, 
discharge  the  guard,,  bid  them  unarm,  and  go  home  to  their 
lodarings." 

A  magistrate  departed  on  the  errand. 

"  Now  fetch  me  the  keys  of  the  gate,"  said  Pelham,  "  and 
that  straightway,  or,  before  God,  you  shall  die." 

The  keys  were  brought,  and  handed  to  the  peremptory  old 
Marshal.  The  old  board  of  magistrates  were  then  clapped 
into  prison,  the  new  ones  installed,  and  Deventer  was  gained 
for  the  English  and  Protestant  party.^ 

There  could  be  no  doubt  that  a  city  so  important  and  thus 
fortunately  secured  was  worthy  to  be  well  guarded.  There 
could  be  no  doubt  either  that  it  would  be  well  to  conciliate 
the  rich  and  influential  Papists  in  the  place,  who,  although 

'  Letter  of  Henr^  Archer,  &c.,  just  cited. 


1587.  STANLEY   APPOINTED   ITS  GOVERNOR.  155 

attached  to  the  ancient  religion,  were  not  necessarily  disloyal 
to  the  republic  ;  but  there  could  be  as  little  that,  under  the 
circumstances  of  this  sudden  municipal  revolution,  it  would 
be  important  to  place  a  garrison  of  Protestant  soldiers  there, 
under  the  command  of  a  Protestant  officer  of  known  fidelity. 

To  the  astonishment  of  the  whole  commonwealth,  the  Earl 
appointed  Sir  William  Stanley  to  be  governor  of  the  town, 
and  stationed  in  it  a  garrison  of  twelve  hundred  wild  Irish- 
men,* 

Sir  William  was  a  cadet  of  one  of  the  noblest  English 
houses.  He  was  the  bravest  of  the  brave.  His  gallantry  at 
the  famous  Zutphen  fight  had  attracted  admiration,  where 
nearly  all  had  performed  wondrous  exploits,  but  he  was 
known  to  be  an  ardent  Papist  and  a  soldier  of  fortune,  who 
had  fought  on  various  sides,  and  had  even  borne  arms  in  the 
Netherlands  under  the  ferocious  Alva.-  Was  it  strange  that 
there  should  be  murmurs  at  the  appointment  of  so  dangerous 
a  chief  to  guard  a  wavering  city  which  had  so  recently  been 
secured  ? 

The  Irish  kernes — and  they  are  described  by  all  con- 
temporaries, English  and  Flemish,  in  the  same  language — 
were  accounted  as  the  wildest  and  fiercest  of  barbarians. 
There  was  something  grotesque,  yet  appalling,  in  the  pic- 
tures painted  of  these  rude,  almost  naked,  brigands,  who  ate 
raw  flesh,  spoke  no  intelligible  language,  and  ranged  about  the 
country,  burning,  slaying,  plundering,  a  terror  to  the  pea- 
santry and  a  source  of  constant  embarrassment  to  the  more 
orderly  troops  in  the  service  of  the  republic.  "It  seemed," 
said  one  who  had  seen  them,  "  that  they  belonged  not  tc 
Christendom,  but  to  Brazil."  ^  Moreover,  they  were  all 
Papists,  and,  however  much  one  might  be  disposed  to  censure 
that  great  curse  of  the  age,  religious  intolerance— •which  was 
almost  as  flagrant  in  the  councils  of  Queen  Elizabeth  as  in 
those  of  Philip — it  was  certainly  a  most  fatal  policy  to  place 
such  a  garrison,  at  that  critical  juncture,  in  the  newly-acquired 

'  Reyd.  v.  85.     J.  Norris  to  Burghley,  21  Jan.  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
"  Ibid.  '  Ibid. 


156 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


CUAP.  XIII. 


city.  Yet  Leicester,  who  had  banished  Papists  from  Utrecht 
■without  cause  and  without  trial,  now  placed  most  notorious 
Catholics  in  Deventer.^ 

Zutphen,  which  was  still  besieged  by  the  English  and  the 
patriots,  was  much  crippled  by  the  loss  of  the  great  fort,  the 
capture  of  which,  mainly  through  the  brilliant  valour  of 
Stanley's  brother  Edward,  has  already  been  related.  The 
possession  of  Deventer  and  of  this  fort  gave  the  control  of 
the  whole  north-eastern  territory  to  the  patriots  ;  but,  as  if 
it  were  not  enough  to  place  Deventer  in  the  hands  of  Sir 
William  Stanley,  Leicester  thought  proper  to  confide  the 
government  of  the  fort  to  Roland  York.  Not  a  worse  choice 
could  be  made  in  the  whole  army. 

York  was  an  adventurer  of  the  most  audacious  and  disso- 
lute character.  He  was  a  Londoner  by  birth,  one  of  those 
"ruffling  blades"  inveighed  against  by  the  governor-general 
on  his  first  taking  command  of  the  forces.  A  man  of  des- 
perate courage,  a  gambler,  a  professional  duellist,  a  bravo, 
famous  in  his  time  among  the  "  common  hacksters  and  swag- 
gerers" as  the  first  to  introduce  the  custom  of  foining, 
or  thrusting  with  the  rapier  in  single  combats — whereas 
before  his  day  it  had  been  customary  among  the  English  to 
fight  with  sword  and  shield,  and  held  unmanly  to  strike  below 
the  girdle^ — ^he  had  perpetually  changed  sides,  in  the 
Netherland  wars,  with  the  shameless  disregard  to  principle 
which  characterized  all  his  actions.  He  had  been  lieutenant 
to  the  infamous  John  Van  Imbyze,  and  had  been  concerned 
with  him  in  the  notorious  attempt  to  surrender  Dendermonde 
and  Ghent  to  the  enemy,  which  had  cost  that  traitor  his 
head.  York  had  been  thrown  into  prison  at  Brussels,  but 
there  had  been  some  delay  about  his  execution,  and  the  con- 
quest of  the  city  by  Parma  saved  him  from  the  gibbet.  He 
had  then  taken  service  under  the  Spanish  commander-in- 
chief,  and  had  distinguished  himself,  as  usual,  by  deeds  of 
extraordinary  valour,   having   sprung  on  board   the  burning 


'  Reyd.  uhi  sup.  Le  Petit,  TI.  xiv. 
341.  Bor,  11.  xxii.  878-879.  Wago- 
naar,  viii.  196.     Meteren,  xiv.  250. 


'     Camden,      III. 
'  Chronicle,'  375. 


397.       Baker'a 


1586. 


YORK  AND  STANLEY. 


157 


volcano-ship  at  the  siege  of  Antwerp.  Subsequently  returning 
to  England,  he  had,  on  Leicester's  appointment,  obtained  the 
command  of  a  company  in  the  English  contingent,  and  had 
been  conspicuous  on  the  field  of  Warnsveld  ;  for  the  courage 
which  he  always  displayed  under  any  standard  was  only 
equalled  by  the  audacity  with  which  he  was  ever  ready  to 
desert  from  it.  Did  it  seem  credible  that  the  fort  of  Zutphen 
should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  Roland  York  ? 

Remonstrances  were  made  by  the  States-General  at  once. 
With  regard  to  Stanley,  Leicester  maintained  that  he  was,  in 
his  opinion,  the  fittest  man  to  take  charge  of  the  whole 
English  army,  during  his  absence  in  England.^  In  answer 
to  a  petition  made  by  the  States  against  the  appointment  of 
York,  "  in  respect  to  his  perfidious  dealings  before,"  the  Earl 
replied  that  he  would  answer  for  his  fidelity  as  for  his  own 
brother  ;  adding  peremptorily — ''  Do  you  trust  me  ?  Then 
trust  York."  2 

But,  besides  his  other  qualifications  for  high  command, 
Stanley  possessed  an  inestimable  one  in  Leicester's  eyes.  He 
was,  or  at  least  had  been,  an  enemy  of  Sir  John  Norris.  To 
be  this  made  a  Papist  pardonable.  It  was  even  better  than 
to  be  a  Puritan. 

But  the  Earl  did  more  than  to  appoint  the  traitor  York 
and  the  Papist  Stanley  to  these  important  posts.  On  the 
very .  day  of  his  departure,  and  immediately  after  his  final 
quarrel  with  Sir  John  about  the  Hohenlo  cartel,  which  had 
renewed  all  the  ancient  venom,  he  signed  a  secret  paper,  by 
which  he  especially  forbade  the  council  of  state  to  interfere 
with  or  set  aside  any  appointments  to  the  government  of 
towns  or  forts,  or  to  revoke  any  military  or  naval  commissions, 
without  his  consent.^ 

Now  supreme  executive  authority  had  been  delegated  to 
the  state-council  by  the  Governor-General  during  his 
absence.     Command    in   chief  over    all    the    English    forces, 


'Wilkes  to  Leicester,  24  Jan.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
'  Tbiil.     Sir  JoJiH   Coiiwa^  to  Wal- 


singham,  28  Jan.  1587.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
■'*  Moteren,  xiii.   238.      Bor,  IL  xxij, 
786-TS7.    Wugeua^r,  viii.  }§84i>9, 


158  THE    UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIII. 

whether  in  the  Queen's  pay  or  the  State's  pay,  had  been 
conferred  upon  Norris,  while  command  over  the  Dutch  and 
German  troops  belonged  to  Hohenlo  ;  but,  by  virtue  of  the 
Earl's  secret  paper,  Stanley  and  York  were  now  made  inde- 
pendent of  all  authority.  The  evil  consequences  natural  to  such 
a  step  were  not  slow  in  displaying  themselves. 

Stanley  at  once  manifested  great  insolence  towards  Norris, 
That  distinguished  general  was  placed  in  a  most  painful 
position.  A  post  of  immense  responsibility  was  confided  to 
him.  The  honour  of  England's  Queen  and  of  England's 
soldiers  was  entrusted  to  his  keeping,  at  a  moment  full  of 
danger,  and  in  a  country  where  every  hour  might  bring  forth 
some  terrible  change  ;  yet  he  knew  himself  the  mark  at  which 
the  most  powerful  man  in  England  was  directing  all  his 
malice,  and  that  the  Queen,  who  was  wax  in  her  great 
favourite's  hands,  was  even  then  receiving  the  most  fatal 
impressions  as  to  his  character  and  conduct.  "  Well  I  know," 
said  he  to  Burghley,  "  that  the  root  of  the  former  malice 
borne  me  is  not  withered,  but  that  I  must  look  for  like  fruits 
therefrom  as  before  ; "  ^  and  he  implored  the  Lord-Treasurer, 
that  when  his  honour  and  reputation  should  be  called  in 
question,  he  might  be  allowed  to  return  to  England  and  clear 
himself  "  For  myself,"  said  he,  "  I  have  not  yet  received 
any  commission,  although  I  have  attended  his  Lordship  of 
Leicester  to  his  ship.  It  is  promised  to  be  sent  me,  and  in 
the  meantime  I  understand  that  my  Lord  hath  granted  sepa- 
rate commissions  to  Sir  William  Stanley  and  Roland  York, 
exempting  them  from  obeying  of  me.  If  this  be  true,  'tis 
only  done  to  nourish  factions,  and  to  interrupt  any  better 
course  in  our  doings  than  before  hath  been."  He  earnestly 
requested  to  be  furnished  with  a  commission  directly  from 
her  Majesty.  "  The  enemy  is  reinforcing,"  he  added.  "  We 
are  very  weak,  our  troops  are  unpaid  these  three  months,  and 
we  are  grown  odious  to  our  friends."  - 

Honest  Councillor  Wilkes,  who  did  his  best  to  conciliate  all 
parties,    and   to    do   his   duty  to  England    and   Holland,    to 

'  J.  NorrLs  to  Burghley,  17  Nov.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  '  Ibid. 


1587. 


LEICESTER'S  SECRET  INSTRUCTIONS. 


159 


Leicester  and  to  Norris,  had  the  strongest  sympathy  with  Sir 
John.  "  Truly,  besides  the  value,  wisdom,  and  many  other 
good  parts  that  are  in  him,"  he  said,  "  I  have  noted  wonderful 
patience  and  modesty  in  the  man,  in  bearing  many  apparent 
injuries  done  unto  him,  which  I  have  known  to  be  counte- 
nanced and  nourished,  contrary  to  all  reason,  to  disgrace  him. 
Please  therefore  continue  your  honourable  opinion  of  him  in 
his  absence,  whatsoever  may  be  maliciously  reported  to  his 
disadvantage,  for  I  dare  avouch,  of  my  own  poor  skill,  that 
her  Majesty  hath  not  a  second  subject  of  his  place  and  quality 

so  able  to  serve  in   those  countries  as  he I  doubt  not 

but  God  will  move  her  Majesty,  in  despite  of  the  devil,  to 
respect  him  as  he  deserves."  ^ 

Sir  John  disclaimed  any  personal  jealousy  in  regard  to 
Stanley's  appointment,  but,  within  a  week  or  two  of  the 
Earl's  departure,  he  already  felt  strong  anxiety  as  to  its 
probable  results.  "  If  it  prove  no  hindrance  to  the  service," 
he  said,  "it  shall  nothing  trouble  me.  I  desire  that  my 
doings  may  show  what  I  am  ;  neither  will  I  seek,  by  indirect 
means  to  calumniate  him  or  any  other,  but  will  let  them 
show  themselves."^ 

Early  in  December  he  informed  the  Lord-Treasurer  that 
Stanley's  own  men  were  boasting  that  their  master  acknow- 
ledged no  superior  authority  to  his  own,  and  that  he  had  said 
as  much  himself  to  the  magistracy  of  Deventer.  The 
burghers  had  already  complained,  through  the  constituted 
guardians  of  their  liberties,  of  his  insolence  and  rapacity,  and 
of  the  turbulence  of  his  troops,  and  had  appealed  to  Sir 
John  ;  but  the  colonel-general's  remonstrances  had  been  re- 
ceived by  Sir  William  with  contumely  and  abuse,  and  by 
the  vaunt  that  he  had  even  a  greater  commission  than  any 
he  had  yet  shown  .^ 

"  Three   sheep,  an  ox,  and  a   whole   hog,"  were  required 


>  Wilkes  to  Burghley,  17  Nov.  1586. 
Same  to  Walsingham,  17  May,  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 

» J-    Norris  to  Waleingham,   9    Dec. 


1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Same   to   Burghley,  12  Dec.  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


160 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIIL 


weekly  of  the  peasants  for  his  table,  in  a  time  of  great 
scarcity,  and  it  was  impossible  to  satisfy  the  rapacious  appe- 
tites of  the  Irish  kernes.'  The  paymaster-general  of  the 
English  forces  was  daily  appealed  to  by  Stanley  for  funds — 
an  application  which  was  certainly  not  unreasonable,  as  her 
Majesty's  troops  had  not  received  any  payment  for  three 
months — but  there  "  was  not  a  denier  in  the  treasury,"  and 
he  was  therefore  implored  to  wait.  At  last  the  States-General 
sent  him  a  month's  pay  for  himself  and  all  his  troops,  although, 
as  he  was  in  the  Queen's  service,  no  claim  could  justly  be 
made  upon  them." 

Wilkes,  also,  as  English  member  of  the  state  council, 
faithfully  conveyed  to  the  governor-general  in  England  the 
complaints  which  came  up  to  all  the  authorities  of  the  republic, 
against  Sir  William  Stanley's  conduct  in  Deventer.  He  had 
seized  the  keys  of  the  gates,  he  kept  possession  of  the  towers 
and  fortifications,  he  had  meddled  with  the  civil  government, 
he  had  infringed  all  their  privileges.  Yet  this  was  the  board 
of  magistrates,  expressly  set  up  by  Leicester,  with  the  armed 
hand,  by  the  agency  of  Marshal  Pelham  and  this  very  Colonel 
Stanley — a  board  of  Calvinist  magistrates  placed  but  a  few 
weeks  before  in  power  to  control  a  city  of  "Catholic  tendencies. 
And  here  was  a  papist  commander  displaying  Leicester's  com- 
mission in  their  faces,  and  making  it  a  warrant  for  dealing 
with  the  town  as  if  it  were  under  martial  law,  and  as  if  he 


»  "Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  19  Jan. 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  "  He  is  not  contented  with  the 
entertainment  of  40/.  sterling  a  month 
allowed  him  by  the  States  as  governor 
of  the  place,  but  hath  taken  perforce 
from  the  commissioners  lately  sent 
thither  to  deliver  a  inontKs  pay,  an 
allowance  of  10/.  sterling  a  month 
over  and  besides  for  every  company  of 
his  regiment,  being,  as  he  sayeth,  ten 
companies,  amounting  by  the  muster 
to  1400  florins  (140/.),  besides  a  pay 
for  hLs  own  company,  which  is  more 
than  is  allowed  to  Sir  J.  Norris  by 
300  florins  a  month,  and  as  much  as  is 
given    for    entertainment     to     Count 


Hohenlo,  or  to  any  earl  that  serveth 
in  these  countries.  He  is  charged 
further  to  take  within  the  country 
hereabouts,  fi'om  the  poor  villagers, 
weekly,  for  the  provisions  of  his  table, 
one  whole  ox,  three  sheep,  and  one 
hog,  or  in  lieu  of  the  hog,  twenty 
shUlinga  sterling ;  and  if  it  be  not 
brought  every  week,  they  sent  the 
soldiers  to  take  it  perforce,"  &c.  &c. 
"Wilkes  to  "Walsingham,  19  Jan.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

This  certainly  was  stronger  diet 
than  the  "  bare  cheese  "  of  which  Sir 
"William  complained.  Compare  Reyd, 
vi.  96-97.     Bor,  II.  xxu.  878-879. 


1587.  WILKES  RKMONSTRATKS  WITH  STANLEY.  161 

were  an  officer  of  the  Duke  of  Parma.  It  might  easily  be 
judged  whether  such  conduct  were  likely  to  win  the  hearts 
of  Netherlanders  to  Leicester  and  to  England.^ 

"  Albeit,  for  my  own  part,"  said  Wilkes,  "  I  do  hold  Sir 
William  Stanley  to  be  a  wise  and  a  discreet  gent.,  yet  when  I 
consider  that  the  magistracy  is  such  as  was  established  by 
your  Lordship,  and  of  the  religion,  and  well  affected  to  her 
Majesty,  and  that  I  see  how  heavily  the  matter  is  conceived 
of  here  by  the  States  and  council,  I  do  fear  that  all  is  not 
well.  The  very  bruit  of  this  doth  begin  to  draw  hatred  upon 
our  nation.  Were  it  not  that  I  doubt  some  dangerous  issue 
of  this  matter,  and  that  I  might  be  justly  charged  with  negli- 
gence, if  I  should  not  advertise  you  beforehand,  I  would  have 
forborne  to  mention  this  dissension,  for  the  States  are  about 
to  write  to  your  Lordship  and  to  her  Majesty  for  reformation 
in  this  matter."^  He  added  that  he  had  already  written 
earnestly  to  Sir  William,  "hoping  to  persuade  him  to  carry  a 
mild  hand  over  the  people." 

Thus  wrote  Councillor  Wilkes,  as  in  duty  bound,  to  Lord 
Leicester,  so  early  as  the  9th  December,  and  the  warning 
voice  of  Norris  had  made  itself  heard  in  England  quite  as  soon. 
Certainly  the  governor-general,  having,  upon  his  own  respon- 
sibility, and  jDrompted,  it  would  seem,  by  passion  more  than 
reason,  made  this  dangerous  appointment,  was  fortunate  in 
receiving  timely  and  frequent  notice  of  its  probable  results. 

And  the  conscientious  Wilkes  wrote  most  earnestly,  as  he 
said  he  had  done,  to  the  turbulent  Stanley. 

"  Good  Sir  William,"  said  he,  "  the  magistrates  and  burgesses 
of  Deventer  complain  to  this  council,  that  you  have  by  violence 
wrested  from  them  the  keys  of  one  of  their  gates,  that  you 
assemble  your  garrison  in  arms  to  terrify  them,  that  you  have 
seized  one  of  their  forts,  that  the  Irish  soldiers  do  commit 
many  extortions  and  exactions  upon  the  inhabitants,  that  you 
have  imprisoned  their  burgesses,  and  do  many  things  against 
their  laws  and  privileges,  so  that  it  is  feared  the  best  affected 


'  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  9  Dec.  158G.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  "  Ibid. 

VOL.  II.— M 


IQ2  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIII 

of  the  inhabitants  towards  her  Majesty  will  forsake  the  town. 
Whether  any  of  these  things  be  true,  yourself  doth  best  know, 
but  I  do  assure  you  that  the  apprehension  thereof  here  doth 
make  us  and  our  government  hateful.  For  mine  own  part,  I 
have  always  known  you  for  a  gentleman  of  value,  wisdom,  and 
judgment,  and  therefore  should  hardly  believe  any  such  thing. 

I  earnestly  require  you  to  take  heed  of  consequences, 

and  to  be  careful  of  the  honour  of  her  Majesty  and  the  reputa- 
tion of  our  nation.  You  will  consider  that  the  gaining  posses- 
sion of  the  town  grew  by  them  that  are  now  in  office,  who 
being  of  the  religion,  and  well  aifected  to   his    Excellency's 

government,  wrought  his  entry  into  the  same I  know 

that  Lord  Leicester  is  sworn  to  maintain  all  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Provinces  in  their  ancient  privileges  and  customs.  I 
know  further  that  your  commission  carreeth  no  authority  to 
warrant  you  to  intermeddle  any  further  than  with  the  govern- 
ment of  the  soldiers  and  guard  of  the  town.  Well,  you  may, 
in  your  own  conceipt,  confer  some  words  to  authorize  you  in 
some  larger  sort,  but,  believe  me.  Sir,  they  will  not  warrant 
you  sufficiently  to  deal  any  further  than  I  have  said,  for  I 
have  perused  a  copy  of  your  commission  for  that  purpose.  I 
hnoio  the  name  itself  of  a  governor  of  a  toion  is  odious  to  this 
people,  and  hath  been  ever  since  the  rememhrance  of  the  Spanish 
government,  and  if  we,  by  any  lack  of  foresight,  sliould  give 
the  like  occasion,  toe  should  make  ourselves  as  odious  as  they 
are,  which  God  forbid. 

"  You  are  to  consider  that  we  are  not  come  into  these  coun- 
tries for  their  defence  only,  but  for  the  defence  of  her  Majesty 
and  our  own  native  country,  knowing  that  the  preservation  of 
both  dependeth  altogether  upon  the  preserving  of  these.  Where- 
fore I  do  eftsoons  intreat  and  require  you  to  forbear  to  inter- 
meddle any  further.  If  there  shall  follow  any  dangerous 
effect  of  your  proceedings  after  this  my  friendly  advice,  I  shall 
be  heartily  sorry  for  your  sake,  but  I  shall  be  able  to  testify 
to  her  Majesty  that  I  have  done  my  duty  in  admonishing 
you."  ^ 

'  Wilkes  to  Stanley,  9  Dec.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1587. 


STANLEY'S  INSOLENCE  AND  EQUIVOOATIOK. 


163 


Thus  spake  the  stiff  councillor,  earnestly  and  well,  in  behalf 
of  England's  honour  and  the  good  name  of  England's  Queen. 

But  the  brave  soldier,  whose  feet  were  fast  sliding  into  the 
paths  of  destruction,  replied,  in  a  tone  of  indignant  innocence, 
more  likely  to  aggravate  than  to  allay  suspicion.  "  Finding," 
said  Stanley,  "  that  you  already  threaten,  I  have  gone  so  far 
as  to  scan  the  terms  of  my  commission,  which  I  doubt  not  to 
execute,  according  to  his  Excellency's  yneaniiig  and  mine  honour. 
First,  I  assure  you  that  I  have  maintained  justice,  and  that 
severely  ;  else  hardly  would  the  soldiers  have  been  contented 
with  bread  and  bare  cheese."  ' 

He  acknowledged  possessing  himself  of  the  keys  of  the 
town,  but  defended  it  on  the  ground  of  necessity,  and  of  the 
character  of  the  people,  "  who  thrust  out  the  Spaniards  and 
Almaynes,  and  afterwards  never  would  obey  the  Prince  and 
States."  "  I  would  be,"  he  said,  "  the  sorriest  man  that  lives,  if 
by  my  negligence  the  place  should  be  lost.  Therefore  I 
thought  good  to  seize  the  great  tower  and  ports.  If  I  meant 
evil,  I  needed  no  keys,  for  here  is  force  enough."  ^ 

With  much  effrontery,  he  then  affected  to  rely  for  evidence 
of  his  courteous  and  equitable  conduct  towards  the  citizens, 
upon  the  very  magistrates  who  had  been  petitioning  the 
States-General,  the  state- council,  and  the  English  Queen, 
against  his  violence. 

"  For  my  courtesy  and  humanity,"  he  said,  "  I  refer  me 
tinto  the  magistrates  themselves.  But  I  think  they  sent 
some  rhetoricians,  who  could  allege  of  little  grief,  and  speak 
pitiful,  and  truly  I  find  your  ears  have  been  as  pitiful  in  so 
timorously  condemning  mi3.  /  assure  you  that  her  Majesty 
hath  not  a  better  sei^vant  than  I  nor  a  more  faithful  in  these 
parts.  This  I  will  prove  with  my  flesh  and  blood.  Although 
I  know  there  be  divers  flying  reports  spread  by  my  enemies, 
which  are  come  to  my  ears,  I  doubt  not  my  virtue  and  truth 
will  prove  them  calumniators  ^  and  men  of  little.     So,  good 


'  Stanley  to  "Wilkes,   14  Dec.  1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.)  '  Ibid. 

'  "  Callaminaters,"   bo    Sir   William 


called  the  men  who  were  speaking  the 
truth  about  him.  (MS.  ubi  sup.)  He 
was  more  used  to  haudle   the   sword 


164 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIII. 


Mr.  Wilkes,  I  pray  you,  consider  gravely,  give  ear  discreetly, 
and  advertise  into  England  soundly.  For  me,  I  have  been 
and  am  your  friend,  and  glad  to  hear  any  admonition  from 
one  so  wise  as  yourself" 

He  then  alluded  ironically  to  the  "good  favour  and  money  " 
with  which  he  had  been  so  contented  of  late,  that  if  Mr. 
Wilkes  would  discharge  him  of  his  promise  to  Lord  Leicester, 
he  would  take  his  leave  with  all  his  heart.  Captain,  officers, 
and  soldiers,  had  been  living  on  half  a  pound  of  cheese  a  day. 
For  himself,  he  had  received  but  one  hundred  and  twenty 
pounds  in  five  months,  and  was  living  at  three  pounds  by  the 
day.  "  This  my  wealth  will  not  long  hold  out,"  he  observed, 
"  but  yet  I  will  never  fail  of  my  promise  to  his  Excellency, 
whatsoever  I  endure.  It  is  for  her  Majesty's  service  and  for 
the  love  I  bear  to  him." 

He  bitterly  complained  of  the  unwillingness  of  the  country- 
people  to  furnish  vivers,  waggons,  and  other  necessaries,  for 
the  fort  before  Zutphen.  "Had  it  not  been,"  he  said,  "for 
the  travail  extraordinary  of  myself,  and  patience  of  my  hrotlier 
Yorke,  that  fort  would  have  been  in  danger.  But,  according 
to  his  desire  and  foretJiought,  I  furnished  that  place  with 
cavalry  and  infantry  ;  for  I  know  the  troops  there  be  mar- 
vellous weak."  ^ 

In  reply,  Wilkes  stated  that  the  complaints  had  been  made 
"by  no  rhetorician,  but  by  letter  from  the  magistrates  them- 
selves (on  whom  he  relied  so  confidently)  to  the  state-council. 
The  councillor  added,  rather  tartly,  that  since  his  honest 
words  of  defence  and  of  warning,  had  been  "taken  in  so 
scoffing  a  manner,"  Sir  William  might  be  sure  of  not  being 
troubled  with  any  more  of  his  letters.^ 

But,  a  day  or  two  before  thus  addressing  him,  he  had 
already  enclosed  to  Leicester  very  important  letters  addressed 
by  the  council  of  Gelderland  to  Count  Moeurs,  stadholder  of 
the  Province,  and  by  him  forwarded  to  the  state-council.     For 


than  the  pen,  yet  the  untaught  vigour 
of  his  style  causes  an  additional  re- 
grot  that  a  man  so  brave  and  ?o 
capable   should    have    thrown   himself 


away. 

'  Stanley  to  Wilkes,  ubi  sup. 

=  Wilk«3  to  Stanley,    18  Dec. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1586. 


1587. 


PAINFUL  RUMOURS  AS  TO  HIM  AND   YORK. 


165 


there  were  now  very  grave  rumours  concerning  the  fidelity  of 
"  that  patient  and  foreseeing  brother  York,"  whom  Stanley 
had  been  so  generously  strengthening  in  Fort  Zutphen.  The 
lieutenant  of  York,  a  certain  Mr.  Zoucli,  had  been  seen 
within  the  city  of  Zutphen,  in  close  conference  with  Colonel 
Tassis,  Spanish  governor  of  the  place.^  Moreover  there  had 
been  a  very  frequent  exchange  of  courtesies — by  which  the 
horrors  of  war  seemed  to  be  much  mitigated — between  York 
on  the  outside  and  Tassis  within.  The  English  commander 
sent  baskets  of  venison,  wild  fowl,  and  other  game,  which  were 
rare  in  the  market  of  a  besieged  town.  The  Spanish  governor 
responded  with  baskets  of  excellent  wine  and  barrels  of  beer.^ 
A  very  pleasant  state  of  feeling,  perhaps,  to  contemplate — as 
an  advance  in  civilization  over  the  not  very  distant  days  of 
the  Haarlem  and  Leyden  sieges,  when  barrels  of  prisoners' 
heads,  cut  off,  a  dozen  or  two  at  a  time,  were  the  social 
amenities  usually  exchanged  between  Spaniards  and  Dutch- 
men— but  somewhat  suspicious  to  those  who  had  grown  grey 
in  this  horrible  warfare. 

The  Irish  kernes  too,  were  allowed  to  come  to  mass  within 
the  city,  and  were  received  there  with  as  much  fraternity  by 
the  Catholic  soldiers  of  Tassis  as  the  want  of  any  common 
dialect  would  allow — a  proceeding  which  seemed  better 
perhaps  for  the  salvation  of  their  souls,  than  for  the  advance- 
ment of  the  siege.^ 

The  state-council  had  written  concerning  these  rumours  to 
Ro^iiul  Yolk,  l»ui  the  patient  man  had  replied  in  a  manner 
which  Wilkes  characterized  as  "  unfit  to  have  been  given  to 
such  as  were  the  executors  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester's  autho- 
rity." The  councillor  implored  the  governor-general  accord- 
ingly to  send  some  speedy  direction  in  this  matter,  as  well  to 
Koland   York  as   to  Sir   William  Stanley ;  for  he  explicitly 


'  "  Le  Conseil  de  Gueldres  au  Comte 
de  Moeurs  et  Nieuwenaer,  14  Dec. 
1586.  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  16  Dec. 
1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 

»  Hoofd,  Vervolgh,  220.    Reyd,  vi.  95. 


'  "Wilkes  to  Stanley,  17  Dec.  1586, 
MS.  stron^rly  remonstratiug  against 
tlie  practice.  Hoofd,  Reyd,  ubi  sup. 
Wagenaar,  viiL  196. 


16(5  THE   UNITED    NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIH 

iiud  eiunestly  warued  him,  that  those  personages  would  pay 
no  heed  to  the  remonstrances  of  the  state-council.^ 

Thus  again  and  again  was  Leicester — on  whose  head  rested, 
by  his  own  deliberate  act,  the  whole  responsibility — fore- 
warned that  some  great  mischief  was  impending.  There  was 
time  enough  even  then — for  it  was  but  the  16tli  December — 
to  place  full  powers  in  the  hands  of  the  state-council,  of  Norris, 
or  of  Hohenlo,  and  secretly  and  swiftly  to  secure  the  suspected 
persons,  and  avert  the  danger.  Leicester  did  nothing.  How 
could  he  acknowledge  his  error  ?  How  could  he  manifest 
confidence  in  the  detested  Norris  ?  How  appeal  to  the  violent 
and  deeply  incensed  Hohenlo  ? 

Three  weeks  more  rolled  by,  and  the  much-enduring 
Roland  York  was  still  in  confidential  correspondence  with 
Leicester  and  Walsingham,  although  his  social  intercourse 
with  the  Spanish  governor  of  Zutphen  continued  to  be  upon 
the  most  liberal  and  agreeable  footing.  He  was  not  quite 
satisfied  with  the  general  aspect  of  the  Queen's  cause  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  State  in  a  tone 
of  despondency,  and  mild  expostulation.  Walsingham  would 
have  been  less  edified  by  these  communications,  had  he  been 
aware  that  York,  upon  Jlrst  entetHng  Leicester's  service,  had 
immediately  opened  a  correspondence  with  the  Duke  of 
Parma,  and  had  secretly  given  him  to  understand  that  his 
object  ivas  to  serve  the  cause  of  Spain.  This  was  indeed  the 
fact,  as  the  Duke  informed  the  King,  "but  then  he  is  such  a 
scatter-brained,  reckless  dare-devil,"  said  Parma,  "that  I 
hardly  expected  much  of  him."  ^  Thus  the  astute  Sir  Francis 
had  been  outwitted  by  the  adventurous  Roland,  who  was 
perhaps  destined  also  to  surpass  the  anticipations  of  the 
Spanish  commander-in-chief. 

Meantime  York  informed  his  English  patrons,  on  the  7th 
January,  that  matters  were  not  proceeding  so  smoothly  in  the 


'  "Wilkes  to  Leicester,  16  Dec.  1586.    I    "  Tan  liviano  y  arriscado,"  <kc.     (Arch. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.)  de  Simaacaa,  MS.) 

»  Parma  to  Philip  U.  12  Feb.  1587.    1 


1587.  DUPLICITY   OF   YORK.  167 

political  world  as  he  could  wish.  He  had  found  "  many  cross 
and  indirect  proceedings,"  and  so,  according  to  Lord  Leicester's 
desire,  he  sent  him  a  "discourse"  on  the  subject,  which  he 
begged  Sir  Francis  to  "  peruse,  add  to,  or  take  away  from," 
and  then  to  inclose  to  the  Earl.  He  hoped  he  should  be 
forgiven  if  the  style  of  the  production  was  not  quite  satisfac- 
tory ;  for,  said  he,  "  the  place  where  I  am  doth  too  much 
torment  my  memory,  to  call  every  point  to  my  remembrance." ' 

It  must,  in  truth,  have  been  somewhat  a  hard  task  upon  his 
memory,  to  keep  freshly  in  mind  every  detail  of  the  parallel 
correspondence  which  he  was  carrying  on  with  the  Spanish 
and  with  the  English  government.  Even  a  cool  head  like 
Roland's  might  be  forgiven  for  being  occasionally  puzzled. 
"  So  if  there  be  anything  hard  to  be  understood,"  he  observed 
to  Walsingham,  "  advertise  me,  and  I  will  make  it  plainer." 
Nothing  could  be  more  ingenuous.  He  confessed,  however, 
to  being  out  of  pocket.  "  Please  your  honour,"  said  he,  "  I 
have  taken  great  pains  to  make  a  bad  place  something,  and 
it  has  cost  me  all  the  money  I  had,  and  here  I  can  receive 
nothing  but  discontentment.  I  dare  not  ivrite  you  all  lest  you 
should  think  it  impossible,"  he  added — and  it  is  quite  probable 
that  even  Walsingham  would  have  been  astonished,  had 
Roland  written  all.  The  game  playing  by  York  and  Stanley 
was  not  one  to  which  English  gentlemen  were  much  addicted. 

"I  trust  the  bearer,  Edward  Stanley,  a  discreet,  brave 
gentleman,"  he  said,  "  with  details."  And  the  remark  proves 
that  the  gallant  youth  who  had  captured  this  very  Fort 
Zutphen  in  so  brilliant  a  manner  was  not  privy  to  the 
designs  of  his  brother  and  of  York  ;  for  the  object  of  tho 
'^'discourse"  was  to  deceive  the  English  government. 

"  I  humbly  beseech  that  you  will  send  for  me  home,"  con- 
cluded Roland,  "  for  true  as  I  humbled  my  mind  to  please 
her  Majesty,  your  honour,  and  the  dead,-  now  am  I  content 
to  humble  myself  lower  to  please  myself,  for  now,  since  his 

'  Rowland  York  to  "Walsingham,  [  Sidney,  who  had  been  deceived  into  a 
7  Jan.  1587.     (S.  P.  Ofifice  MS.)  |    friendly    feeling    for    the     adventurer. 

"  By  the  dead,   he  meant   Sir  Philip    |    Meteren,  xiv.  250. 


^68  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIIL 

Excellency's  departure,  there  is  no  form  of  proceeding  neither 
honourably  nor  honestly.' 

Three  other  weeks  passed  over,  weeks  of  anxiety  and 
dread  throughout  the  republic.  Suspicion  grew  darker  than 
ever,  not  only  as  to  York  and  Stanley,  but  as  to  all  the 
English  commanders,  as  to  the  whole  English  nation.  An 
Anjou  plot,  a  general  massacre,  was  expected  by  many,  yet 
there  were  no  definite  grounds  for  such  dark  anticipations. 
In  vain  had  painstaking,  truth-telling  Wilkes  summoned 
Stanley  to  his  duty,  and  called  on  Leicester,  time  after  time, 
to  interfere.  In  vain  did  Sir  John  Norris,  Sir  John  Conway, 
the  members  of  the  state-council,  and  all  others  who  should 
have  had  authority,  do  their  utmost  to  avert  a  catastrophe. 
Their  hands  were  all  tied  by  the  fatal  letter  of  the  24th 
November.  Most  anxiously  did  all  implore  the  Earl  of 
Leicester  to  return.  Never  was  a  more  dangerous  moment 
than  this  for  a  country  to  be  left  to  its  fate.  Scarcely  ever 
in  history  was  there  a  more  striking  exemplification  of  the 
need  of  a  man — of  an  individual — who  should  embody  the 
powers  and  wishes,  and  concentrate  in  one  brain  and  arm,  the 
whole  energy,  of  a  commonwealth.  But  there  was  no  such 
man,  for  the  republic  had  lost  its  chief  when  Orange  died. 
There  was  much  wisdom  and  patriotism  now,  Olden-Barne- 
veld  was  competent,  and  so  was  Buys,  to  direct  the  councils 
of  the  republic,  and  there  were  few  better  soldiers  than 
Norris  and  Hohenlo  to  lead  her  armies  against  Spain.  But 
the  supreme  authority  had  been  confided  to  Leicester.  He 
had  not  perhaps  proved  himself  extraordinarily  qualified  for 
his  post,  but  he  ivas  the  governor-in-chief,  and  his  departure, 
without  resigning  his  powers,  left  the  commonwealth  headless, 
at  a  moment  when  singleness  of  action  was  vitally  important. 

At  last,  very  late  in  January,  one  Hugh  Overing,  a 
haberdasher  from  Ludgate  HiU,  was  caught  at  Rotterdam, 
on  his  way  to  Ireland,  wdth  a  bundle  of  letters  from  Sir 
William  Stanley,  and  was  sent,  as  a  suspicious  character,  to 

^  York  to  Walsingbam,    (MS.  last  cited.) 


1587.  STANLEY'S   BANQUET   AT    UEVENTKR.  169 

the  state-council  at  the  Hague.'  On  the  same  day,  another 
Englishman,  a  small  youth,  "  well-favoured,"  rejoicing  in  a 
"  very  little  red  beard,  and  in  very  ragged  clothes,"  unknown 
by  name,  but  ascertained  to  be  in  the  service  of  Roland  York 
and  to  have  been  the  bearer  of  letters  to  Brussels,  also  passed 
through  Rotterdam,  By  connivance  of  the  innkeeper,  one 
Joyce,  also  an  Englishman,  he  succeeded  in  making  his 
escape.^  The  information  contained  in  the  letters  thus  inter- 
cepted was  important,  but  it  came  too  ]ate,  even  if  then  the 
state-council  could  have  acted  without  giving  mortal  offence 
to  Elizabeth  and  to  Leicester. 

On  the  evening  of  28th  January  (N.  S.),  Sir  William  Stanley 
entertained  the  magistrates  of  Deventer  at  a  splendid  banquet. 
There  was  free  conversation  at  table  concerning  the  idle  sus- 
picions which  had  been  rife  in  tlie  Provinces  as  to  his  good 
intentions  and  the  censures  which  had  been  cast  upon  him  for 
the  repressive  measures  which  he  had  thought  necessary  to 
adopt  for  the  security  of  the  city.  He  took  that  occasion  to 
assure  his  guests  that  the  Queen  of  England  had  not  a  more 
loyal  subject  than  himself,  nor  the  Netherlands  a  more  devoted 
friend.  The  company  expressed  themselves  fully  restored  to 
confidence  in  his  character  and  j^urposes,  and  the  burgomasters, 
having  exchanged  pledges  of  faith  and  friendship  with  the 
commandant  in  flowing  goblets,  went  home  comfortably  to 
bed,  highly  pleased  with  their  noble  entertainer  and  with 
themselves.'^ 

Very  late  that  same  night,  Stanley  placed  three  hundred  of 
his  wild  Irish  in  the  Noorenberg  tower,  a  large  white  structure 
which  commanded  the  Zutphen  gate,  and  sent  bodies  ]1  jan. 
of  chosen  troops  to  surprise  all  the  burgher-guards  i587. 
at  their  respective  stations.  Strong  pickets  of  cavalry  were 
also  placed  in  all  the  principal  thoroughfares  of  the  city.  At 
three  o'clock  in  the  following  morning  he  told  his  officers  that 
he  was  about  to  leave  Deventer  for  a  few  hours,  in  order  to 
bring  in  some  reinforcements  for  which  he  had  sent,  as  lie 

•  Conway  to  "Walsingham,  28  Jan.  1587.     (S.  P.  Oflace  MS.) 
»  Ibid.  '  iieyd.  vi.  96. 


170  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIll 

liad  felt  much  anxiety  for  some  time  past  as  to  the  disposition 
of  the  burghers.  His  officers,  honest  Englishmen,  suspecting 
no  evil  and  having  confidence  in  their  chief,  saw  nothing 
strange  in  this  proceeding,  and  Sir  William  rode  deliberately 
out  of  Zutpheu.  After  he  had  been  absent  an  hour  or  two, 
the  clatter  of  hoofs  and  the  tramp  of  infantry  was  heard 
without,  and  presently  the  commandant  returned,  followed  by 
a  thousand  musketeers  and  three  or  four  hundred  troopers. 
It  was  still  pitch  dark  ;  but,  dimly  lighted  by  torches,  small 
detachments  of  the  fresh  troops  picked  their  way  through  the 
black  narrow  streets,  while  the  main  body  jjoured  at  once 
upon  the  Brink,  or  great  square.  Here,  quietly  and  swiftly, 
they  were  marshalled  into  order,  the  cavalry,  pikemen,  and 
musketeers,  lining  all  sides  of  the  place,  and  a  chosen  band — 
among  whom  stood  Sir  William  Stanley,  on  foot,  and  an 
officer  of  high  rank  on  horseback — occupying  the  central 
space  immediately  in  front  of  the  town-house.' 

The  drums  then  beat,  and  proclamation  went  forth  through 
the  city  that  all  burghers,  without  any  distinction — •municipal 
guards  and  all — were  to  repair  forthwith  to  the  city-hall,  and 
deposit  their  arms.  As  the  inhabitants  arose  from  their 
slumbers,  and  sallied  forth  into  the  streets  to  inquire  the  cause 
of  the  disturbance,  they  soon  discovered  that  they  had,  in 
some  mysterious  manner,  been  entrapped.  Wild  Irishmen, 
with  uncouth  garb,  threatening  gesture,  and  unintelligible 
jargon,  stood  gibbering  at  every  corner,  instead  of  the  com- 
fortable Flemish  faces  of  the  familiar  burgher-guard.  The 
chief  burgomaster,  sleeping  heavily  after  Sir  William's  hos- 
pitable banquet,  aroused  himself  at  last,  and  sent  a  militia- 
captain  to  inquire  the  cause  of  the  unseasonable  drum-beat 
and  monstrous  proclamation.  Day  was  breaking  as  the  trusty 
captain  made  his  way  to  the  scene  of  action.  The  wan  light 
of  a  cold,  drizzly  January  morning  showed  him  the  wide, 
stately  square — with  its  leafless  lime-trees  and  its  tall  many- 
storied,  gable-ended  houses  rising  dim  and  spectral  through 

'  Bor,  II.  xxii.  878-879.  Reyd,  vi.  I  volgh,  220-221.  Le  Petit,  II.  34L 
96-97.     Strada,   II.   467.     Hoofd,  Ver-       "VVagenaar,  viii.  196,  seq. 


1687. 


HE   SURRENDERS   THE   CITY   TO   TASSIS. 


171 


the  mist — filled  to  overflowing  with  troops,  whose  uniforms 
and  banners  resembled  nothing  that  he  remembered  in  Dutch 
and  English  regiments.  Fires  were  lighted  at  various  corners, 
kettles  were  boiling,  and  camp-followers  and  sutlers  were 
crouching  over  them,  half  perished  with  cold — for  it  had  been 
raining  dismally  all  night ' — while  burghers,  with  wives  and 
children,  startled  from  their  dreams  by  the  sudden  reveillce, 
stood  gaping  about,  with  perplexed  faces  and  despairing 
gestures.  As  he  approached  the  town-house — one  of  those  mag- 
nificent, many-towered,  highly-decorated,  municipal  palaces 
of  the  Netherlands — he  found  troops  all  around  it ;  troops 
guarding  the  main  entrance,  troops  on  the  great  external 
staircase  leading  to  the  front  balcony,  and  ofiicers,  in  yellow 
jerkin  and  black  bandoleer,  grouped  in  the  balcony  itself. 

The  Flemish  captain  stood  bewildered,  when  suddenly  the 
familiar  form  of  Stanley  detached  itself  from  the  central  group 
and  advanced  towards  him.  Taking  him  by  the  hand  with 
much  urbanity,  Sir  William  led  the  militia-man  through  two 
or  three  ranks  of  soldiers,  and  presented  him  to  the  strange 
officer  on  horseback.^ 

"  Colonel  Tassis,"  said  he,  "  I  recommend  to  you  a  very 
particular  friend  of  mine.  Let  me  bespeak  your  best  offices  in 
his  behalf." 

"Ah  God!"  cried  the  honest  burgher,  "  Tassis  !  Tassis  ! 
Then  are  we  indeed  most  miserably  betrayed."^ 

Even  the  Spanish  colonel,  who  was  of  Flemish  origin,  was 
affected  by  the  despair  of  the  Netherlander. 

"  Let  those  look  to  the  matter  of  treachery  whom  it  con- 
cerns," said  he  ;  "  my  business  here  is  to  serve  the  King,  my 
master." 

"  Render  unto  Cfesar  the  things  which  are  Caesar's,  and 
unto  Grod  the  things  which  are  God's,"  said  Stanley,  with  piety.^ 

The  burgher-captain  was  then  assured  that  no  harm  was 
intended  to  the  city,  but  that  it  now  belonged  to  his  most 


'  "  Ongeacht  dat  ze  de  gantsche 
nacht  gercyst  liadden,  in  seer  quaet 
eu  K'QUt  weder,  eiido  dat  het   deii   bel- 


von  voormiddag.s  oock  reghende,"  kc. 

Rcvd,  vi.  9G. 

'  Ibid,  '  Ibid.  <  Ibia, 


Y'J2  THE  UNTPED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIII. 

Catholic  Majesty  of  Spain — Colonel  Stanley,  to  whom  its 
custody  had  been  entrusted,  having  freely  and  deliberately 
restored  it  to  its  lawful  owner.  He  was  then  bid  to  go  and 
fetch  the  burgomasters  and  magistrates. 

Presently  they  appeared — a  dismal  group,  weeping  and 
woe-begone — the  same  board  of  strict  Calvinists  forcibly  placed 
in  oflQlce  but  three  months  before  by  Leicester,  through  the 
agency  of  this  very  Stanley,  who  had  so  summarily  ejected 
their  popish  predecessors,  and  who  only  the  night  before  had 
so  handsomely  feasted  themselves.  They  came  forward,  the 
tears  running  down  their  cheeks,  crying  indeed  so  piteously 
that  even  Stanley  began  to  weep  bitterly  himself.  "  I  have 
not  done  this,"  he  sobbed,  "  for  power  or  pelf.  Not  the  hope 
of  reward,  but  the  love  of  God  hath  moved  me."  ^ 

Presently  some  of  the  ex-magistrates  made  their  appear- 
ance, and  a  party  of  leading  citizens  went  into  a  private  house 
with  Tassis  and  Stanley  to  hear  statements  and  explanations — 
as  if  any  satisfactory  ones  were  possible. 

Sir  William,  still  in  a  melancholy  tone,  began  to  make  a 
speech,  through  an  interpreter,  and  again  to  protest  that  he 
had  not  been  influenced  by  love  of  lucre.  But  as  he  stam- 
mered and  grew  incoherent  as  he  approached  the  point,  Tassis 
suddenly  interrupted  the  conference.  "  Let  us  Took  after  our 
soldiers,"  said  he,  "  for  they  have  been  marching  in  the  foul 
weather  half  the  night."  So  the  Spanish  troops,  who  had 
been  standing  patiently  to  be  rained  upon  after  their  long 
march,  until  the  burghers  had  all  deposited  their  arms  in  the 
city-hall,  were  now  billeted  on  the  townspeople.     Tassis  gave 


'  "Sir  "William  Stanley  did  fetch 
some  of  the  commons  and  magistrates 
to  come  and  welcome  Taxis.  With 
weeping  tears  and  sad  countenances 
they  gave  him  reverence,  sorry  to  see 
themselves  so  betrayed. 

"  When  Sir  WOliam  Stanley  did  see 
the  pitiful  state  and  sorrowful  hearts 
of  the  Vjurghers,  God  made  him  have 
some  feeling  of  his  sins.  His  own 
conscience,  it  seemed,  accused  him, 
and  he  tvept  vnth  the  burghers  for  com- 
pany, protesting  with  vehement  words 


and  oaths  that  he  had  done  it  with  no 
covetous  mind  for  profit,  but  only  for 
the  discharge  of  liis  conscience.  It 
is  now  said  he  hath  and  shall  have 
30,000Z."  Sir  John  Conway  to  Wal- 
singham,  28  Jan.  1587.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 

Corapare  Reyd,  ubi  sup.     Wilkes  to 
Leicester,    MS.    before    cited.      Norris 

to  Burghley,  -  Jan.  1587.    (S.  P.  Office 

MS.) 


1587.  TERMS  OP  THE   BARGAIN.  173 

peremptory  orders  that  no  injury  should  be  offered  to  persons 
or  property  on  pain  of  death  ;  and,  by  way  of  wholesome 
example,  hung  several  Hibernians  the  same  day  who  had  been 
detected  in  plundering  the  inhabitants.^ 

The  citizens  were,  as  usual  in  such  cases,  offered  the  choice 
between  embracing  the  Catholic  religion  or  going  into  exile, 
a  certain  interval  being  allowed  them  to  wind  up  their  affairs. 
They  were  also  required  to  furnish  Stanley  and  his  regiment 
full  -psij  for  the  whole  period  of  their  service  since  coming  to 
the  Provinces,  and  to  Tassis  three  months'  wages  for  his 
Spaniards  in  advance.^  Stanley  offered  his  troops  the  privilege 
of  remaining  with  him  in  the  service  of  Spain,  or  of  taking 
their  departure  unmolested.  The  Irish  troops  were  quito 
willing  to  continue  under  their  old  chieftain,  particularly  as  it 
was  intimated  to  them  that  there  was  an  immediate  prospect 
of  a  brisk  campaign  in  their  native  island  against  the  tyrant 
Elizabeth,  under  the  liberating  banners  of  Philip.  And 
certainly,  in  an  age  where  religion  constituted  country,  thesb 
fervent  Catholics  could  scarcely  be  censured  for  taking  arms 
against  the  sovereign  who  persecuted  their  religion  and  them- 
selves. These  honest  barbarians  had  broken  no  oath,  vio- 
lated no  trust,  had  never  pretended  sympathy  with  freedom 
or  affection  for  their  Queen.  They  had  fought  fiercely  under 
the  chief  who  led  them  into  battle— they  had  robbed  and 
plundered  voraciously  as  opportunity  served,  and  had  been 
occasionally  hanged  for  their  exploits  ;  but  Deventer  and  Fort 
Zutphen  had  not  been  confided  to  their  keeping  ;  and  it  was  a 
pleasant  thought  to  them,  that  approaching  invasion  of  Ireland. 

"  I  will  ruin  the  whole  country  from  Holland  to  Friesland," 
said  Stanley  to  Captain  Newton,  "  and  then  I  will  jjlay  such 


Reyd,  ubi  sup. 

»  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  24  Jan.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"From  the  market-place  Taxis  and 
Stanley  went  to  the  town-house, 
whither  the  woeful  magistrates  were 
called  and  made  to  welcome  Taxis, 
and  were  then  required  with  all  expe- 
dition   to    furnish   and   make   rendv    so 


arrearage  due  to  Stanley  and  his 
regiment,  sithence  their  coming  into 
these  countries,  who  had  received  a 
month's  pay  of  the  States  not  eight 
days  before  he  received  the  enemy 
into  the  town.  They  were  also  re- 
quired to  furnish  and  deliver  as  nmch 
more  money  as  might  give  three 
months   to   the    troops    of  the    enemy 


much    money    as   should   pay    all    the    1    then  newly  entered." 


174 


THE  tiNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XilL 


a  game  in  Ireland  as  the  Queen  has  never  seen  the  like  all 
the  days  of  her  life."  ' 

Newton  had  already  been  solicited  by  Roland  York"  to  take 
service  under  Parma,  and  had  indignantly  declined.  Sir 
Edmund  Carey  and  his  men,  four  hundred  in  all,  refused,  to 
a  man,  to  take  part  in  the  monstrous  treason,  and  were  allowed 
to  leave  the  city.^  This  was  the  case  with  all  the  English 
officers.  Stanley  and  York  were  the  only  gentlemen  who  on 
this  occasion  sullied  the  honour  of  England. 

Captain  Henchman,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  in  a 
skirmish  a  few  days  before  the  surrender  of  Deventer,  was  now 
brought  to  that  city,  and  earnestly  entreated  by  Tassis  and  by 
Stanley  to  seize  this  opportunity  of  entering  the  service  of  Spain. 

"  You  shall  have  great  advancement  and  preferment,"  said 
Tassis.  "  His  Catholic  Majesty  has  got  ready  very  many  ships 
for  Ireland,  and  Sir  William  Stanley  is  to  he  general  of  the 
expedition." 

"  And  you  shall  choose  your  own  preferment,"  said  Stanley, 
"  for  I  know  you  to  be  a  brave  man." 

"I  would  rather,"  replied  Henchman,  "serve  my  prince  in 
loyalty  as  a  beggar,  than  to  be  known  and  reported  a  rich 
traitor,  with  breach  of  conscience." 

"  Continue  so,"  replied  Stanley,  unabashed  ;  "  for  this  is  the 
very  principle  of  my  own  enlargement :  for,  before,  I  served 
the  devil,  and  now  I  am  serving  God." 

The  offers  and  the  arguments  of  the  Spaniard  and  the 
renegade  were  powerless  with  the  blunt  captain,  and  notwith- 
standing "  divers  other  traitorous  alledgements  by  Sir  William 
for  his  most  vile  facts,"  as  Henchman  expressed  it,  that  officer 


'  "Que  le  Colonel  Stanley  lui  a 
profere,  Je  me  comporterai  tellement 
que  le  pays  jusqu'en  HoUande  et  entre 
Wezel  et  Embden,  seront  en  tout 
ruine,  dedans  six  jours ;  ct  causerai  en 
Irlande  tel  jeu  de  guerre  que  la  Reine 
n'a  vu  en  sa  vie."  Examination  of  Capt. 
Thomas  Newton  touching  the  loss  of 
Deventer,  before  the  Council  of  State, 

^  Jan.  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
31  ^ 

"  That  he  (Lieutenant  John  Reenan, 


in  Stanley's  service,  an  earnest  man) 
may  deliver  to  Sir  Francis  Walsing- 
ham  some  circumstance  of  the  sur- 
rendering of  Deventer,  and  what 
speeches  passed  from  Sir  William 
Stanley  touching  Ireland,  wliither  he 
thinks  to  be  sent  to  work  her  Majesty 
some  trouble  and  annoy,  if  he  shall 
be  able."  Sir  John  Noms  to  F.  Wal- 
singham,  29  Jan.  1587.  (S.  P.  Off.  MS.) 
'  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  24  Jan.  (MS- 
before  cited.) 


1587. 


FEEBLE   DEFENCE   OF   STANLEY'S  CONDUCT. 


175 


remained  in  poverty  and  captivity  until  such  time  as  he  could 
he  exchanged.' 

Stanley  subsequently  attempted  in  various  ways  to  defend 
his  character.  He  had  a  commission  from  Leicester,  he  said, 
to  serve  whom  he  chose — as  if  the  governor-general  had 
contemplated  his  serving  Philip  II.  with  that  commission  ; 
he  had  a  passport  to  go  whither  he  liked — as  if  his  passport 
entitled  him  to  take  the  city  of  Deventer  along  with  him  ;  he 
owed  no  allegiance  to  the  States  ;  he  was  discharged  from  his 
promise-  to  the  Earl ;  he  was  his  own  master  ;  he  wanted 
neither  money  nor  preferment  ;  he  had  been  compelled  by  his 
conscience  and  his  duty  to  God  to  restore  the  city  to  its  lawful 
master,  and  so  on,  and  so  on.^ 

But  whether  he  owed  the  States  allegiance  or  not,  it  is 
certain  that  he  had  accepted  their  money  to  relieve  himself 
and  his  troops  eight  days  before  his  treason.  That  Leicester 
had  discharged  him  from  his  promises  to  such  an  extent  as  to 
justify  his  surrendering  a  town  committed  to  his  honour  for 
safe  keeping,  certainly  deserved  no  answer  ;  that  his  duty  to 
conscience  required  him  to  restore  the  city  argued  a  somewhat 
tardy  awakening  of  that  monitor  in  the  breast  of  the  man  who 
three  months  before  had  wrested  the  place  with  the  armed 
hand  from  men  suspected  of  Catholic  inclinations  ;  that  his 
first  motive  however  was  not  the  mere  love  of  money,  was 
doubtless  true.  Attachment  to  his  religion,  a  desire  to  atone 
for  his  sins  against  it,  the  insidious  temptings  of  his  evil  spirit, 
York,^  who  was  the  chief  organizer  of  the  conspiracy,  and  the 


'  Henry  Henchman  to  Walsingham, 
22  Marcli,  1587.  (S.  P.  office  MS.) 
Totidtm  verbis. 

•'  Bor,  Reyd,  Strada,  Hoofd,  'Ver- 
volgh,'  Le  Petit,  Wagenaar,  uhi  sup. 
Bentivoglio,  P.  IL  1.  v.  312.  F. 
Haraei  Ann.  III.  398.  Camden,  IIL 
397-398. 

'  According  to  Camden,  Yortc  had 
persuatled  Stanley  that  he  had  been 
accused  by  the  conspirators  of  being 
engaged  in  the  Bahington  plot,  and 
tliat  hi-  was  "tbitiiwith  to  be  sent 
into  Enghind,  to  be  hanged."     Haraeua 


{ubi  sup.)  has  a  slight  allusion  to  the 
same  effect,  but  I  have  found  no  other 
intimation  of  this  very  improbable 
suspicion  with  regard  to  Sir  William. 
The  English  hi.storian  also  states  that 
after  the  treason  Stanley  called  his 
troops  the  Seminary  regiment  of  sol- 
diers, to  defend  the  Romisli  religion 
by  their  swords,  as  the  Seminary 
priests  by  their  writings.  Cardinal 
Allen  praised  his  deed  in  his  famous 
book,  and  excited  all  others  to  go  and 
do  likewise.     Camden,  B.  III.  398. 


176  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XHI. 

prospect  of  gratifying  a  wild  and  wicked  ambition — these  were 
the  springs  that  moved  him.  Sums — varying  from  30,000^. 
to  a  pension  of  1500  pistole ts  a  year — were  mentioned,  as 
the  stipulated  price  of  his  treason,  by  Norris,  Wilkes,  Conway, 
and  others  ; '  but  the  Duke  of  Parma,  in  narrating  the  whole 
aifair  in  a  private  letter  to  the  King,  explicitly  stated  that  he 
had  found  Stanley  "  singularly  disinterested." 

"  The  colonel  was  only  actuated  by  religious  motives,"  he 
said,  "  asking  for  no  reward,  except  that  he  might  serve  in  his 
Majesty's  army  thenceforth — and  this  is  worthy  to  be  noted."'' 

At  the  same  time  it  appears  from  this  correspondence,  that 
the  Duke  recommended,  and  that  the  King  bestowed,  a 
"  merced,"  which  Stanley  did  not  refuse  f  and  it  was  very  well 
known  that  to  no  persons  in  the  world  was  Philip  apt  to  be  so 
generous  as  to  men  of  high  rank,  Flemish,  Walloon,  or  English, 
who  deserted  the  cause  of  his  rebellious  subjects  to  serve  under 
his  own  banners.  Yet,  strange  to  relate,  almost  at  the  very 
moment  that  Stanley  was  communicating  his  fatal  act  of 
treason,  in  order  that  he  might  open  a  high  career  for  his 
ambition,  a  most  brilliant  destiny  was  about  to  dawn  upon 
him.  The  Queen  had  it  in  contemplation,  in  recompense  for 
his  distinguished  services,  and  by  advice  of  Leicester,  to  bestow 
great  honors  and  titles  upon  him,  and  to  appoint  him  Viceroy 
of  Ireland — of  that  very  country  which  he  was  now  proposing, 
as  an  enemy  to  his  sovereign  and  as  the  purchased  tool  of  a 
foreign  despot,  to  invade.^ 


■  MS.  Letters  before  cited.  Doyley 
to  Walsingham,  25  March,  1587.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

^  "  Que  ha  sido  de  nota,"  &c. 
Parma  to  Philip,  12  Feb.  1587.  (Arch, 
de  Simancas,  MS.) 

^  Ibid.  Compare  Bentivoglio,  P.  II. 
1.  V.  312.  "Era  Cattohco  lo  Stanlej^, 
e  mostro   di   farlo    per   zelo   principal- 


Compare  Strada,  TI.  468,  469,  who  is 
very  emphatic  with  regard  to  the 
purity  of  Stanley's  motives :  "  Motura 
so  ad  dedendam  urbem  Stanlaeus  ad- 
junxit,  non  largitionibus,  aut  honorum 
tituhs,  proditorum  pretiis ;  quae  quarry 
vis  oblata  respuerii  uti  aUena  a  majo- 
rum  claritudiue,  vitaque  sua,"  &c. 
The  Jesuit  adds,  that  the  Duke  waraaly 


mente  di   Religione,"   says   tlie   Cardi-  ;    adjured  his  s6vereign  not  to  allow  such 

nal,   "contuccio  ne  fu  premiaio  larga-  disinterestedness  to  go   unrewarded — 

mente  dal  Re,  e  tanto  piu,  perche  egli  and  it  did  not. 

tiro   seco   nel    medesimo    servitio    tutti  *  This    is   stated   distinctly   by  Lei- 

gli  Inglesi   ch'    eravano   in   Deventer,"  cester  in  his  letter  to  the  States-Gene- 

&c.     This  last  statement  we  have  seen  !    ral,    on    first    being   informed    of   the 

Jo  b^  eptir^l^  »  mistake,  eurreoder   of    Deventer;    "J>WectJoi) 


1587. 


SUBSEQUENT  FATE  OP  STANLEY  AND  YORK. 


177 


Stanley's  subsequent  fate  was  obscure.  A  i)rico  of  3000 
florins  was  2)ut  by  the  States  upon  his  head  and  upon  that  of 
York/  He  went  to  Spain,  and  afterwards  returned  to  the 
Provinces.  He  was  even  reported  to  have  become,  through 
the  judgment  of  God,  a  lunatic,^  although  the  tale  wanted  con- 
firmation ;  and  it  is  certain  that  at  the  close  of  the  year  he  had 
mustered  his  regiment  under  Farnese,  prepared  to  join  the 
Duke  in  the  great  invasion  of  England.'' 

Roland  York,  who  was  used  to  such  practices,  cheerfully 
consmumated  his  crime  on  the  same  day  that  witnessed  the 
surrender  of  Deventer.  He  rode  up  to  the  gates  of  that  city 
on  the  morning  of  the  29th  January,  inquired  quietly  whether 
Tassis  was  master  of  the  place,  and  then  galloped  furiously 
back  the  ten  miles  to  his  fort.  Entering,  he  called  his  soldiers 
together,  bade  them  tear  in  pieces  the  colours  of  England,  and 
follow  him  into  the  city  of  Zutphen.*  Two  companies  of 
States'  troops  offered  resistance,  and  attempted  to  hold  the 
place  ;  but  they  were  overpowered  by  the  English  and  Irish, 
assisted  by  a  force  of  Spaniards,  who,  by  a  concerted  move- 
ment, made  their  appearance  from  the  town.  He  received  a 
handsome  reward,  having  far  surpassed  the  Duke  of  Parma's 


et  soing  qu  ay  toujours  eu  a  la  con- 
servation de  I'estat  des  prov=«s  unies 
m'augmentent  tant  plus  de  regret  qu 
ay  eu  d'entendre  la  traliison  de  la  villa 
de  Deventer,  qu  elle  a  este  forme  par 
la  laschete  de  celuy  auquel  S.  M.  eiU 
voulu  confier  royaumes  entiers  et  lequel 
elle  pensoit  aunoblir  des  jjlus  grands 
titres  avecq  recompenses  condignes, 
p(jur  le  promouvoir  a  la  dignite  do 
Vice    Roy  d'lrlande,"    kc.      Leicester 

to   the    States-General,  —   Feb.  1587. 

'    12 

(Hague  Archives,  MS.) 

I  Bor,  IL  xxii.  882.  Wagenaar,  viii. 
199. 

'  "By  letters  from  Deventer,  they 
write  that  the  traitor  Stanley  groweth 
frantic — a  just  punishment  of  (rod — 
and  his  men  ver}'  poor  and  in  misery. 
The  other  traitor,  York,  has  been 
seen  of  late  in  Antwerp  and  Brussels, 
little  regarded,  whose  determination 
is  to  go  to  Spain  or  Naples,  there  to 

VOL.  II. — N 


live  on  his  stipend,  out  of  the  stir  of 
these  wars,  fearing  that  which  I  hope 
to  God  he  shall  never  escape." 
Captain  Ed.  Burnham  to  Walsingham, 
7  March,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  It  is  bruited  that  Stanley  was  now 
lately  become  a  lunatic,  void  of  go- 
vernment and  discretion If  this 

be  true,  as  he  was  known  for-  a 
traitor,  so  he  may  be  noted  for  a  fool." 
Lloyd  to  Walsingham,  15  Oct.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  "Among  them.  Sir  William  Stan- 
ley was  the  leader  of  his  companies, 
800  or  900  men,  the  most  part  Irish 
and  Scotch  and  the  rest  English.  I 
heard  an  Italian  captain  report  that 
Stanley's  companies  were  the  best  that 
they  make  account  of"  John  Giles 
to  Walsingham,  4  Dec.  1587.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

■*  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  24  Jan.  1681. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


178  THE   UNlTJiD  NETHEULANDS.  Chap.  XlU. 

expectations,  when  he  made  his  original  oflfer  of  service.  He 
died  very  suddenly,  after  a  great  banquet  at  Deventer,  in  the 
course  of  the  same  year,  not  having  succeeded  in  making  his 
escape  into  Spain  to  live  at  ease  on  his  stipend.  It  was  sup- 
posed that  he  was  poisoned  ;  but  the  charge  in  those  days  was 
a  common  one,  and  nobody  cared  to  investigate  the  subject. 
His  body  was  subsequently  exhumed — when  Deventer  came 
into  the  hands  of  the  patriots — and  with  impotent  and  con- 
temptible malice  hanged  upon  a  gibbet.  This  was  the  end  of 
Roland  York.' 

Parma  was  highly  gratified,  as  may  be  imagined,  at  such 
successful  results.  "  Thus  Fort  Zutphen,"  said  he,  "  about 
which  there  have  been  so  many  fisticuffs,  and  Deventer — which 
was  the  real  object  of  the  last  campaign,  and  which  'has  cost 
the  English  so  much  blood  and  money,  and  is  the  safety  of 
Groningen  and  of  all  those  Provinces — is  now  your  Majesty's. 
Moreover,  the  effect  of  this  treason  must  be  to  sow  great 
distrust  between  the  English  and  the  rebels,  who  will  hence- 
forth never  know  in  whom  they  can  confide."  ^ 

Parma  was  very  right  in  this  conjuncture.  Moreover,  there 
was  just  then  a  fearful  run  against  the  States.  The  castle  of 
Wauw,  within  a  league  of  Bergen-op-Zoom,  which  had  been 
entrusted  to  one  Le  Marchand,  a  Frenchman  in  the  service  of 
the  republic,  was  delivered  by  him  to  Parma  for  16,000  florins. 
"  'Tis  a  very  important  post,"  said  the  Duke,  "  and  the  money 
was  well  laid  out."^ 

The  loss  of  the  city  of  Gelder,  capital  of  the  Province  of  the 
same  name,  took  place  in  the  summer.  This  town  belonged 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  Martin  Schenk,  and  was  his  chief  place 
of  deposit  for  the  large  and  miscellaneous  property  acquired 
by  him  during  his  desultory,  but  most  profitable,  freebooting 
career.  The  famous  partisan  was  then  absent,  engaged  in  a 
lucrative  job  in  the  way  of  his  profession.      He  had  made  a 

'  Bor,     Reyd,     Hoofd,     Wagenaar,  i       »  Parma  to  Philip  II.   12   Feb.   1587. 
Strada,  Bentivoglio,  Camden,  Le  Petit,       (Arch,  de  Simancas  MS.) 
Haracus,    loci';  cliatis.      Baker's  Chro-  '  Ibid.     Compare  Bor,  II.  xxii.   878. 

nicle,  385.    Meteren,  xiv.  245-250.    MS.  |    Strada.   11.   466.     Wagenaar,  viii.    196, 

Letters  already  cited.  \   Haraeus,  III.  397  tt  mult.  al. 


168?.  SETtlAYAL  OF  GELDfiR  tO  PARMA.  179 

contract — in  a  very  business-like  way — with  the  States,  to 
defend  the  city  of  Rheinberg  and  all  the  country  round 
against  the  Duke  of  Parma,  pledging  himself  to  keep  on  foot 
for  that  purpose  an  army  of  3300  foot  and  700  horse.  For 
this  extensive  and  important  operation  he  was  to  receive 
20,000  florins  a  month  from  the  general  exchequer,  and  in 
addition  he  was  to  be  allowed  the  brandschatz — the  black- 
mail, that  is  to  say — of  the  whole  country-side,  and  the 
taxation  upon  all  vessels  going  up  and  down  the  river  before 
Rheinberg  ;  an  ad  valorem  duty,  in  short,  upon  all  river- 
merchandise,  assessed  and  collected  in  summary  fashion.^ 
A  tariff  thus  enforced  was  not  likely  to  be  a  mild  one  ;  and 
although  the  States  considered  that  they  had  got  a  "good 
penny-worth"  by  the  job,  it  was  no  easy  thing  to  get  the 
better,  in  a  bargain,  of  the  vigilant  Martin,  who  was  as  thrifty 
a  speculator  as  he  was  a  desperate  fighter.  A  more  accom- 
plished highwayman,  artistically  and  enthusiastically  devoted 
to  his  pursuit,  never  lived.  Nobody  did  his  work  more 
thoroughly — nobody  got  himself  better  paid  for  his  work — 
and  Thomas  Wilkes,  that  excellent  man  of  business,  thought 
the  States  not  likely  to  make  much  by  their  contract.^  Never- 
theless, it  was  a  comfort  to  know  that  the  work  would  not  be 
neglected. 

Schenk  was  accordingly  absent,  jobbing  the  Rheinberg 
siege,  and  in  his  place  one  Aristotle  Patton,  a  Scotch  colonel 
in  the  States'  service,  was  commandant  of  Gelders.  Now  the 
thrifty  Scot  had  an  eye  to  business,  too,  and  was  no  more 
troubled  with  qualms  of  conscience  than  Rowland  York  himself 
Moreover,  he  knew  himself  to  be  in  great  danger  of  losing  his 
place,  for  Leicester  was  no  friend  to  him,  and  intended  to 
supersede  him.  Patton  had  also  a  decided  grudge  against 
Martin  Schenk,  for  that  truculent  personage  had  recently 
administered  to  him  a  drubbing,  which  no  doubt  he  had  richly 
deserved.''     Accordingly,  when  the   Duke  of  Parma  made  a 


'  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  3   Dec.   1586. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.)  '  ll)id. 

'  Strada,  II.  500.     Baudartii  Poleino- 
VOL.      I.  — 0* 


graphia.  II.  90.  Compare  Wagenaar, 
viii.  226,  who  is  the  authority  for  tho 
illustrious  pa^an  uame  of  the  Scot. 


180  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIU 

secret  offer  to  him  of  36,000  florins  if  he  would  quietly  sur- 
render the  city  entrusted  to  him,  the  colonel  jumped  at  so 
excellent  an  opportunity  of  circumventing  Leicester,  feeding 
his  grudge  against  Martin,  and  making  a  handsome  fortune  for 
himself.  He  knew  his  trade  too  well,  however,  to  accept  the 
offer  too  eagerly,  and  bargained  awhile  for  better  terms,  and 
to  such  good  purpose,  that  it  was  agreed  he  should  have  not 
only  the  36,000  florins,  but  all  the  horses,  arms,  jjlate,  furni- 
ture, and  other  moveables  in  the  city  belonging  to  Schenk, 
that  he  could  lay  his  hands  upon.  Here  were  revenge  and 
solid  damages  for  the  unforgotten  assault  and  battery — for 
Schenk's  property  alone  made  no  inconsiderable  fortune — and 
accordingly  the  city,  towards  Midsummer,  was  surrendered  to 
the  Seigneur  d'Haultepenne.^  Moreover,  the  excellent  Patton 
had  another  and  a  loftier  motive.  He  was  in  love.  He  had 
also  a  rival.  The  lady  of  his  thoughts  was  the  widow  of 
Pontus  de  Noyelle,  Seigneur  de  Bours,  who  had  once  saved 
the  citadel  of  Antwerp,  and  afterwards  sold  that  city  and 
himself  His  rival  was  no  other  than  the  great  Seigneur  de 
Champagny,  brother  of  Cardinal  Granvelle,  eminent  as  soldier, 
diplomatist,  and  financier,  but  now  growing  old,  not  in  affluent 
circumstances,  and  much  troubled  with  the  gout.  Madame 
de  Bours  had,  however,  accepted  his  hand,  and  had  fixed  the 
day  for  the  wedding,  when  the  Scotchman,  thus  suddenly 
enriched,  renewed  a  previously  unsuccessful  suit.  The  widow 
then,  partially  keeping  her  promise,  actually  celebrated  her 
nuptials  on  the  appointed  evening  ;  but,  to  the  surprise  of  the 
Provinces,  she  became  not  the  haulte  et  jpuissante  dame  de 
Champag7iy,  but  Mrs.  Aristotle  Patton.^ 

For  this  last  treason  neither  Leicester  nor  the  English  were 
responsible.  Patton  was  not  only  a  Scot,  but  a  follower  of 
Hohenlo,  as  Leicester  loudly  protested.^     Le  Marchant  was  a 

*  Ibid.  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  1  '  Baudart,  uhi  sup.  Le  Petit,  IL 
4  July,  4  Aug.   1587.     Lloyd  to  Wal-      346-347. 


Bingham,  3  July,  1587.  (S.  P.  Office 
MSS.)  But  Strada  states  that  the 
plate  and  other  property  were  reserved 
to  the  Spanish  government. 


"It  is  so  that  Gelders  is  lost,  given 
up  by  Paton,  the  Scotchman,  and  com- 
manded thither  by  the  Count  Hollock, 
and  hath  been  wholly  at  his  direction 


1587. 


THESE  TREASONS  CAST  ODIUM  ON  THE  ENGLISH. 


181 


Frenchman.  But  Deventer  and  Zutphen  were  places  of  vital 
importance,  and  Stanley  an  Englishman  of  highest  considera- 
tion, one  who  had  been  deemed  worthy  of  the  command  in 
chief  in  Leicester's  absence.  Moreover,  a  cornet  in  the  service 
of  the  Earl's  nephew.  Sir  Robert  Sidney,  had  been  seen  at 
Zutphen  in  conference  with  Tassis  ;  and  the  horrible  suspicion 
went  abroad  that  even  the  illustrious  name  of  Sidney  was  to 
be  polluted  also.^  This  fear  was  fortunately  false,  although  the 
cornet  was  unquestionably  a  traitor,  with  whom  the  enemy  had 
been  tampering  ;  but  the  mere  thought  that  Sir  Robert  Sidney 
could  betray  the  trust  reposed  in  him  was  almost  enough  to  make 
the  still  unburied  corpse  of  his  brother  arise  from  the  dead. 

Parma  was  right  when  he  said  that  all  confidence  of  the 
Netherlanders  in  the  Englishmen  would  now  be  gone,  and 
that  the  Provinces  would  begin  to  doubt  their  best  friends. 
No  fresh  treasons  followed,  but  they  were  expected  every  day. 
An  organized  plot  to  betray  the  country  was  believed  in,  and 
a  howl  of  execration  swept  through  the  land.  The  noble 
deeds  of  Sidney  and  Willoughby,  and  Norris  and  Pelham,  and 
Roger  Williams,  the  honest  and  valuable  services  of  Wilkes, 
the  generosity  and  courage  of  Leicester,  were  for  a  season 
forgotten.  The  English  were  denounced  in  every  city  and 
village  of  the  Netherlands  as  traitors  and  miscreants.  Re- 
spectable English  merchants  went  from  hostelry  to  hostelry, 
and  from  town  to  town,  and  were  refused  a  lodging  for  love 
or  money.  The  nation  was  put  under  ban.^  A  most  melan- 
choly change  from  the  beginning  of  the  year,  when  the  very 
men  who  were  now  loudest  in  denunciation  and  fiercest  in  hate, 
had  been  the  warmest  friends  of  Elizabeth,  of  England,  and  of 
Leicester, 


and  commandment.  Yet  for  the  good 
nature  of  Norris  and  Wilkes,  so  soon 
as  they  heard  of  this,  reported  to  the 
States  that  this  Patton  was  a  colonel 
of  my  preferment  to  make  the  peuplo 
to  hate  me,"  &c.  Leicester  to  Walsing- 
ham,  2  July,  1587.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
It  will  be  perceived  that  this  occur- 
rence has  been  placed  iu  juxtaposition 
with  similar  occurrences  in  the  narra- 


tive, although  a  few  months  removed 
from  them  in  chronological  sequence. 

'  Examination  of  Newton.  MS. 
before  cited.  Compare  Meteren,  xiv. 
210-250.     Revd,  vi.  97-98. 

»  Wilkes  tc  Hatton,  24  Jan.  1587. 
Memorial  given  to  Sir  Roger  Williams, 
Feb.  1587.  "Wilkes  to  the  Queen, 
le  Feb,  1587,    (S,  P,  Office  MSS.) 


182  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIIL 

At  Hohenlo's  table  the  opinion  was  loudly  expressed,  even 
in  the  presence  of  Sir  Koger  Williams,  that  it  was  highly 
im})rohahle,  if  a  man  like  Stanley,  of  such  high  rank  in  the 
kingdom  of  England,  of  such  great  connections  and  large 
means,  could  commit  such  a  treason,  that  he  could  do  so 
without  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  her  Majesty.^ 

Barneveld,  in  council  of  state,  declared  that  Leicester,  by 
his  restrictive  letter  of  24th  November,  had  intended  to  carry 
the  authority  over  the  republic  into  England,  in  order  to 
dispose  of  everything  at  his  pleasure,  in  conjunction  with  the 
English  cabinet-council,  and  that  the  country  had  never  been 
so  cheated  by  the  French  as  it  had  now  been  by  the  English, 
and  that  their  government  had  become  insupportable.^ 

Councillor  Carl  Roorda  maintained  at  the  table  of  Elector 
Truchsess  that  the  country  had  fallen  de  tyrannide  in  tyrranni- 
dem,  and — if  they  had  spurned  the  oppression  of  the  Spaniards 
and  the  French — that  it  was  now  time  to  rebel  against  the 
English.  Barneveld  and  Buys  loudly  declared  that  the  Pro- 
vinces were  able  to  protect  themselves  without  foreign  assist- 
ance, and  that  it  was  very  injurious  to  impress  a  contrary 
opinion  upon  the  public  mind.^ 

The  whole  college  of  the  States-General  came  before  the 
state-council,  and  demanded  the  name  of  the  man  to  whom 
the  Earl's  restrictive  letter  had  been  delivered — that  docu- 
ment by  which  the  governor  had  dared  surreptitiously  to 
annul  the  authority  which  publicly  he  had  delegated  to  that 
body,  and  thus  to  deprive  it  of  the  power  of  preventing  an- 
ticipated crimes.  After  much  colloquy  the  name  of  Brackel 
was  given,  and,  had  not  the  culprit  fortunately  been  absent, 
his  life  might  have  been  in  danger,  for  rarely  had  grave 
statesmen  been  so  thoroughly  infuriated.^ 

No   language    can    exaggerate    the    consequences    of  this 


'  Abuses  offered  to  her  Majesty  and  I       '  Ibid.      Compare    Strada,   II.   469 
his  Excellency  and  the  whole  English   |  Bentivoglio,     P.    II.     1.   iv.     312-313 


nation  by  the  States  and  others.  April, 
1587.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Sir  J.  Norris 
to  Walsingham,  25  March,  1587.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.)  '  Ibid. 


Bor,  II.  xxii.  883;  "Wagenaar,  viii.  199 
et  mult.  al. 

*  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  24  Jan.  1587, 
(S.  P.  Office  MS,) 


1587. 


MISERABLE  PLIGHT  OF  THE  ENGLISH  TROOPS. 


183 


wretched  treason.  Unfortunately,  too,  the  abject  condition 
to  which  the  English  troops  had  been  reduced  by  the  nig- 
gardliness of  their  sovereign  was  an  additional  cause  of 
danger.  Leicester  was  gone,  and  since  her  favourite  was  no 
longer  in  the  Netherlands,  the  Queen  seemed  to  forget  that 
there  was  a  single  Englishman  upon  that  fatal  soil.  In  Jive 
months  not  one  penny  had  been  sent  to  her  troops.  While  the 
Earl  had  been  there  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand  pounds 
had  been  sent  in  seven  or  eight  months.  After  his  departure 
not  five  thousand  pounds  were  sent  in  one  half  year.^ 

The  English  soldiers,  who  had  fought  so  well  in  every  Flemish 
battle-field  of  freedom,  had  become — such  as  were  left  of 
them — mere  famishing  half  naked  vagabonds  and  marauders. 
Brave  soldiers  had  been  changed  by  their  sovereign  into 
brigands,  and  now  the  universal  odium  which  suddenly 
attached  itself  to  the  English  name  converted  them  into 
outcasts.  Forlorn  and  crippled  creatures  swarmed  about  the 
Provinces,  but  were  forbidden  to  come  through  the  towns,  and 
so  wandered  about,  robbing  hen-roosts  and  pillaging  the 
peasantry.^  Many  deserted  to  the  enemy.  Many  begged 
their  way  to  England,  and  even  to  the  very  gates  of  the 
palace,  and  exhibited  their  wounds  and  their  misery  before 
the  eyes  of  that  good  Queen  Bess  who  claimed  to  be  the 
mother  of  her  subjects, — and  begged  for  bread  in  vain.^ 

The  English  cavalry,  dwindled  now  to  a  body  of  five 
hundred,  starving  and  mutinous,  made  a  foray  into  Holland, 
rather  as  highwaymen  than  soldiers.  Count  Maurice  com- 
manded their  instant  departure,  and  Hohenlo  swore  that  if 
the  order  were  not  instantly  obeyed,  he  would  put  himself  at 
the  head  of  his  troops  and  cut  every  man  of  them  to  pieces.' 
A  most  painful  and  humiliating  condition  for  brave  men  who 
had  been  fighting  the  battles  cf  their  Queen  and  of  the  republic, 
to  behold  themselves — through  the  parsimony  of  the  one  and 


'  J.  Norris  to  "Walsingham,  25  March, 
1687.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

2  "Wilkes  to  the  Queen,  16  Feb.  1587. 
Same  to  "Walsingham,  19  Jan.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 


3  Memorial  (in  Burghley's  hand)  of 
things  to  be  declared,  Nov.  1587.  (S. 
P.  Office  MS.) 

<  "V\nikes  to  Leicester,  12  March 
1587.     (MS.) 


184 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


cuAP.  xm. 


the  infuriated  sentiment  of  the  other — compelled  to  starve,  to 
rob,  or  to  be  massacred  by  those  whom  they  had  left  their 
homes  to  defend  ! 

At  last,  honest  Wilkes,  ever  watchful  of  his  duty,  succeeded 
in  borrowing  eight  hundred  pounds  sterling  for  two  months, 
by  "  pawning  his  own  carcase  "  as  he  expressed  himself  This 
gave  the  troopers  about  thirty  shillings  a  man,  with  which 
relief  they  became,  for  a  time,  contented  and  well  disposed.^ 


'  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  12  Marcli, 
1587.  (MS.)  "  So  great  is  the  lack  of 
discipline  among  the  garrisons,"  wrote 
Wilkes,  "especially  of  our  nation,  that 
I  am  ashamed  to  hear  the  continual 
complaints  which  come  to  this  council 
against  them.  And  albeit  Sir  Jolui 
Norris  and  I  have  written  often  unto 
the  captains  and  governors  to  see  re- 
formation" had  of  the  insolences  and 
disorders  of  their  soldiers  within  the 
towns,  it  is  notwithstanding  so  slen- 
derly respected  as  there  foUoweth  no 
amendment  at  all ;  so  as  we  begin  to 
grow  as  hateful  to  the  people  as  the 
Spaniard  himself,  who  governeth  his 
ioicns  of  conquest  with  a  7nilder  hand 
than  ive  do  our  friends  and  allies.  The 
causes  hereof  we  find  to  be  two.  Tlie 
one  is  for  lack  of  pay,  without  which 
it  is  impossible  to  preserve  discipline 
among  the  soldiers,  and  most  of  the 
troops  in  her  Majesty's  pay  (excepting 
the  garrisons  of  Brill  and  Flushing) 
have  not  been  paid  from  the  beginning 
of  September  last,  being  now  about 
five  months.  The  other  is  lack  of 
government  in  the  captains  and  officers, 
who  for  the  most  part  are  either  such 
as  never  served  before,  and  have  no 
judgment — no  not  to  rule  themselves, 
and  such  as  make  their  profit  of  the 
poor  soldiers  so  extremely  as  they  are 
hateful  to  the  companies,  wherein  if 
there  is  no  redress,  it  were  better  her 
Majesty  did  revoke  all ;  for  as  the  case 
of  the  common  soldier  now  standoth 
the  States  receive  little  or  no  service 
of  them  but  spoil  and  ruin  of  their 
towns  and  countries."  Wilkes  to  Wal- 
singham,  19  Jan.  1587.     (MS.) 

And  again  he  writes  to  the  Queen, 
about  "  the  weakness  and  confusion  to 
which  her  troops  are  reduced  for  want 
of  pay,  liaving  received  nothing  from 
1  Sept.  to  that  day"  (16  Feb).     "The 


captains  of  the  horsemen,"  he  says, 
"are  all  in  England,  and  thereby  the 
most  of  the  companies  evil  led  and 
governed,  committing  daily  upon  the 
villages  and  people  extreme  spoils,  in- 
solences, and  mischiefs,  which,  toge- 
ther with  the  example  of  the  late 
treasons  of  Stanley  and  York,  hath 
drawn  our  nation  into  the  hatred  of 
this  people  very  deeply,  so  as  they  are 
for  the  most  part  turned  out  of  the 
towns,  and  refused  to  be  taken  into 
garrison.  The  horsemen,  destitute  of 
money  and  food,  are,  without  order, 
entered  now  into  Holland  (an  unfit 
place  for  their  abode),  where  the  people 
are  risen  against  tlaem,  and  they  to 
the  number  of  500  or  600,  in  terms 
either  themselves  to  do  mischief,  or 
themselves  to  be  cut  in  pieces  by  the 
country — a  case  very  lamentable  to  us 
that  feel  the  grief  of  so  hard  a  choice, 
and  can  find  almost  no  way  to  prevent 
the  peril.  I  have  urged  the  States  by 
earnest  letters  (myself  being  at  this 
present  sick,  by  God's  visitation,  to 
the  danger  of  my  hfe)  to  take  some 
order  to  relieve  your  people  in  this 
distress,  myself  ofiering  my  carcase  in 
pawn,  to  answer  as  much  as  they  shall 
eat,  after  a  certain  rate.  I  find  them 
reasonably  inclined,  yet  affected  by 
two  impediments — a  strange  jealousy, 
by  them  conceived  of  all   our  nation ; 

the  other  their  own  want The 

confusions  are  wonderful  that  are 
grown  in  this  State  in  the  absence  of 
my  Lord  of  Leicester,  which  hath 
opened  many  gaps  to  di.sorder,"  &c. 
Wilkes  to  the  Queen,  16  Feb.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Ofiace  MS.) 

And  once  more  he  writes,  "  I  saw 
no  remedy  for  them  but  to  engage 
myself  for  some  means  to  feed  them 
until  other  order  might  be  taken, 
whereupon  with  the  help  of  mine  own 


1587. 


HONESTY  AND  ENERGY  OF  WILKES. 


185 


Is  this  picture  exaggerated  ?  Is  it  drawn  by  pencils  hostile 
to  the  English  nation  or  the  English  Queen  ?  It  is  her  own 
generals  and  confidential  counsellors  who  have  told  a  story 
in  all  its  painful  details,  which  has  hardly  found  a  place  in 
other  chronicles.  The  parsimony  of  the  great  Queen  must 
ever  remain  a  blemish  on  her  character,  and  it  was  never 
more  painfully  exhibited  than  towards  her  brave  soldiers  in 
Flanders  in  the  year  1587.  Thomas  Wilkes,  a  man  of  truth, 
and  a  man  of  accounts,  had  informed  Elizabeth  that  the 
expenses  of  one  year's  war,  since  Leicester  had  been  governor- 
general,  had  amounted  to  exactly  five  hundred  and  seventy- 
nine  thousand  three  hundred  and  sixty  pounds  and  nineteen 
shillings,  of  which  sum  one  hundred  and  forty-six  thousand 
three  hundred  and  eighty-six  pounds  and  eleven  shillings  had 
been  spent  by  her  Majesty,  and  the  balance  had  been  paid, 
or  was  jjartly  owing  by  the  States.^  These  were  not  agreeable 
figures,  but  the  figures  of  honest  accountants  rarely  flatter, 
and  Wilkes  was  not  one  of  those  financiers  who  have  the  wish 
or  the  gift  to  make  things  pleasant.  He  had  transmitted  the 
accounts  just  as  they  had  been  delivered,  certified  by  the 
treasurers  of  the  States  and  by  the  English  paymasters,  and 
the  Queen  was  appalled  at  the  sum-totals.  She  could  never 
proceed  with  such  a  war  as  that,  she  said,  and  she  declined 
a  loan  of  sixty  thousand  pounds  which  the  States  requested, 
besides  .stoutly  refusing  to  advance  her  darling  Robin  a 
penny  to  pay  off  the  mortgages  upon  two-thirds  of  his  estates, 
on  which  the  equity  of  redemption  was  fast  expiring,  or  to 
give  him  the  slightest  help  in  furnishing  him  forth  anew  for 
the  wars. 

Yet  not  one  of  her  statesmen  doubted  that  these  Netherland 
battles  were  English  battles,  almost  as  much  as  if  the  fighting- 
ground  had  been  the  Isle  of  Wight  or  the  coast  of  Kent,  the 


credit,  and  pawn  of  my  own  carcase, 
to  repay  at  the  end  of  two  months 
800Z.  which  I  divided  among  tlie  com- 
panies distressed,  being  eight  in  num- 
ber, which  extended  to  thirty  shillings 


a    man,"    <fec.      "Wilkes    to    Leicester, 
12  March,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

»  Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  12  Jaa 
1587.  Same  to  Burghley,  12  Jan.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 


186 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  Xlll 


charts  of  which  the   statesmen  and  generals  of  Spain  were 
daily  conning. 

Wilkes,  too,  while  defending  Leicester  stoutly  behind  his 
back,  doing  his  best  to  explain  his  short-comings,  lauding  his 
courage  and  generosity,  and  advocating  his  beloved  theory  of 
popular  sovereignty  with  much  ingenuity  and  eloquence,  had 
told  him  the  .truth  to  his  face.  Although  assuring  him  that 
if  he  came  back  soon,  he  might  rule  the  States  "  as  a  school- 
master doth  his  boys,"^  he  did  not  ftiil  to  set  before  him  the 
disastrous  eifects  of  his  sudden  departure  and  of  his  protracted 
absence  ;  he  had  painted  in  darkest  colours  the  results  of  the 
Deventer  treason,  he  had  unveiled  the  cabals  against  his 
autliority,  he  had  repeatedly  and  vehemently  implored  his 
return  ;  he  had  informed  the  Queen,  that  notwithstanding 
some  errors  of  administration,  he  was  much  the  fittest  man 
to  represent  her  in  the  Netherlands,  and  that  he  could 
accomplish,  by  reason  of  his  experience,  more  in  three  months 
than  any  other  man  could  do  in  a  year.  He  had  done  his 
best  to  reconcile  the  feuds  which  existed  between  him  and 
important  personages  in  the  Netherlands,  he  had  been  the 
author  of  the  complimentary  letters  sent  to  him  in  the  name 
of  the  States-G-eneral — to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  Queen — 
but  he  had  not  given  up  his  friendship  with  Sir  John  Norris, 
because  he  said  "  the  virtues  of  the  man  made  him  as  worthy 
of  love  as  any  one  living,  and  because  the  more  he  knew 
him,  the  more  he  had  cause  to  affect  and  to  admire  him."^ 

This  was  the  unpardonable  oifence,  and  for  this,  and  for 
having  told  the  truth  about  the  accounts,  Leicester  denounced 
Wilkes  to  the  Queen  as  a  traitor  and  a  hypocrite,  and 
threatened  rejjeatedly  to  take  his  life.  He  had  even  the 
meanness  to  prejudice  Burghley  against  him — by  insinuating 
to  the  Lord- Treasurer  that  he  too  had  been  maligned  by 
Wilkes — and  thus  most  effectually  damaged  the  character  of 
the   plain-spoken   councillor   with  the  Queen  and   many  of 


'  "Wilkes    to  Walsingham,    IV     Feb. 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  US.) 
*  lhid^.     Sanae  to  the  Queen,  16  Feb. 


1587.     Same  to  Walsingham,  17   May, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 


1581  Il?t)IGl?ANT   DlSCUSSlOff  IN   TltE!   ASSEMBLY.  187 

her  advisers  ;  notwithstanding  that  he  plaintively  besought 
her  to  "allow  him  to  reiterate  his  sorry  song,  as  doth  the 
cuckoo,  that  she  would  please  not  condemn  her  poor  servant 
unheard."  ^ 

Immediate  action  was  tai?en  on  the  Deventer  treason,  and 
on  the  general  relations  between  the  States-General  and  the 
English  government.  Barneveld  immediately  drew  up  a 
severe  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  On  the  2nd  February 
Wilkes  came  by  chance  into  the  assembly  of  the  States- 
General,  with  the  rest  of  the  councillors,  and  found  Barneveld 
just  demanding  the  public  reading  of  that  document.  The 
letter  was  read.     Wilkes  then  rose  and  made  a  few  remarks. 

"  The  letter  seems  rather  sharp  upon  his  Excellency,"  he 
observed.  "  There  is  not  a  word  in  it,"  answered  Barneveld 
curtly,  "  that  is  not  perfectly  true  ;"  and  with  this  he  cut  the 
matter  short,  and  made  a  long  speech  upon  other  matters 
which  were  then  before  the  assembly. 

Wilkes,  very  anxious  as  to  the  effect  of  the  letter,  both  upon 
public  feeling  in  England  and  upon  his  own  position  as 
English  councillor,  waited  immediately  upon  Count  Maurice, 
President  van  der  Myle,  and  upon  Villiers  the  clergyman,  and 
implored  their  interposition  to  prevent  the  transmission  of  the 
epistle.  They  promised  to  make  an  eifort  to  delay  its  despatch 
or  to  mitigate  its  tone.  A  fortnight  afterwards,  however, 
Wilkes  learned  with  dismay,  that  the  document  (the  leading 
passages  of  which  will  be  given  hereafter)  had  been  sent  to  its 
destination.^ 

Meantime,  a  consultation  of  civilians  and  of  the  family 
council  of  Count  Maurice  was  held,  and  it  was  determined  that 
the  Count  should  assume  the  title  of  Prince  more  formally 
than  he  had  hitherto  done,^  in  order  that  the  actual  head  of 
the  Nassaus  might  be  superior  in  rank  to  Leicester  or  to  any 


'  Wilkes  to  the  Queeu,  8  Feb.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  17  May, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

Compare  Wagenaar,  viii.  201,  who 
states  that  the  famous  4th  of  February 


Wilkes.  This  is  an  error,  as  appears 
in  the  narrative  given  in  the  text  from 
the  MS.  letter-book  of  Wilkes. 

'  Memorial  given  by  Wilkes  to  Sir 
R.  Williams,  Feb.  1587.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.)     Compare  Le   Petit,  11.  xiv.  541. 


letter    was     read     and    approved     by   |   Wagenaar,  viii.  203-204. 


188  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIII. 

man  who  could  be  sent  from  England.  Maurice  was  also 
appointed  by  the  States,  provisionally,  governor-general, 
with  Hohenlo  for  his  lieutenant-general.^  That  formidable 
personage,  now  fully  restored  to  health,  made  himself  very 
busy  in  securing  towns  and  garrisons  for  the  party  of  Holland, 
and  in  cashiering  all  functionaries  suspected  of  English 
tendencies.  Especially  he  became  most  intimate  with  Count 
Moeurs,  stadholder  of  Utrecht — the  hatred  of  which  individual 
and  his  wife  towards  Leicester  and  the  English  nation, 
springing  originally  from  the  unfortunate  babble  of  Otheman, 
had  grown  more  intense  than  ever, — "banquetting  and 
feasting"  with  him  all  day  long,  and  concocting  a  scheme, 
by  which,  for  certain  considerations,  the  province  of  Utrecht 
was  to  be  annexed  to  Holland  under  the  perpetual  stad- 
holderate  of  Prince  Maurice. 

*  Meteren,  xiv.  250.     Wagenaar,  viii.  204.    Rejd,  vL  100. 


1687.  LEICESTER   IN   ENGLAND.  189 


CHAPTER     XIV. 

Leicester  in  England — Trial  of  the  Queen  of  Scots — Fearful  Perplexitj  at 
the  English  Court — Infatuation  and  Obstinacy  of  the  Queen — Net'aer- 
land  Envoys  in  England — Queen's  bitter  Invective  against  them — 
Amazement  of  the  Envoys — They  consult  with  her  chief  Councillors — 
Remarks  of  Burghley  and  Davison — Foiirth  of  February  Letter  from  the 
States — Its  severe  Language  towards  Leicester — Painful  Position  of  the 
Envoys  at  Coiu-t — Queen's  Parsimony  towards  Leicester. 

The  scene  shifts,  for  a  brief  interval,  to  England.  Leicester 
had  reached  the  court  late  in  November.  Those  "  blessed 
beams,"  under  whose  shade  he  was  wont  to  find  so  much 
"  refreshment  and  nutrition,"  had  again  fallen  with  full 
radiance  upon  him.  "  Never  since  I  was  born,"  said  he,  "  did 
I  receive  a  more  gracious  welcome."  ^  Alas,  there  was  not 
so  much  benignity  for  the  starving  English  soldiers,  nor 
for  the  Provinces,  which  were  fast  growing  desperate  ;  but 
although  their  cause  was  so  intimately  connected  with  the 
"  great  cause,"  which  then  occupied  Elizabeth,  almost  to  the 
exclusion  of  other  matter,  it  was,  perhaps,  not  wonderful, 
although  unfortunate,  that  for  a  time  the  Netherlands  should 
be  neglected. 

The  "  daughter  of  debate "  had  at  last  brought  herself,  it 
was  supposed,  within  the  letter  of  the  law,  and  now  began 
those  odious  scenes  of  hypocrisy  on  the  part  of  Elizabeth, 
that  frightful  comedy — more  melancholy  even  than  the 
solemn  tragedy  which  it  preceded  and  followed — which  must 
ever  remain  the  darkest  passage  in  the  history  of  the  Queen. 
It  is  unnecessary,  in  these  pages,  to  make  more  than  a 
passing  allusion  to  the  condemnation  and  death  of  the  Queen 
of  Scots.  Who  doubts  her  participation  in  the  Babington 
conspiracy.^    Who  doubts  that  she  was  the  centre  of  one  endless 

'  Leicester  to  Wilkes,  4  Dec.  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


190  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIV. 

conspiracy  by  Spain  and  Rome  against  the  throne  and  life 
of  Elizabeth  ?     Who  doubts  that  her  long  imprisonment  in 
England  was  a  violation  of  all  law,  all  justice,  all  humanity  ? 
Who  doubts  that  the  fineing,  whipping,  torturing,  hanging, 
embo welling  of  men,  women,  and  children,  guilty  of  no  other 
crime  than  adhesion  to  the  Catholic  faith,  had  assisted  the 
Pope  and  Philip,  and  their  band  of  English,  Scotch,  and  Irish 
conspirators,  to  shake  Elizabeth's  throne  and  endanger  her  life  ? 
Who  doubts  that,  had  the  English  sovereign  been  capable  of 
conceiving  the  great  thought  of  religious  toleration,  her  reign 
would  have  been  more  glorious  than  it  was,  the  cause  of  Pro- 
testantism   and    freedom    more    triumphant,    the    name    of 
Elizabeth  Tudor  dearer  to  human  hearts  ?     Who  doubts  that 
there   were  many  enlightened  and  noble  spirits   among   her 
Protestant  subjects  who  lifted  up  their  voices,  over  and  over 
again,  in  parliament  and  out  of  it,  to  denounce  that  wicked 
persecution  exercised  upon  their  innocent  Catholic  brethren, 
which   was  fast  converting   loyal    Englishmen,  against  their 
will,  into  traitors  and  conspirators  ?     Yet  who  doubts  that  it 
would  have   required,  at  exactly  that   moment,  and  in  the 
midst  of  that  crisis,  more  elevation  of  soul  than  could  fairly 
be  predicated   of  any  individual,   for  Elizabeth   in  1587   to 
pardon  Mary,  or  to  relax  in   the  severity  of  her  legislation 
towards  English  Papists  ? 

Yet,  although  a  display  of  sublime  virtue,  such  as  the  world 
has  rarely  seen,  was  not  to  be  expected,  it  was  reasonable  to 
look  for  honest  and  royal  dealing,  from  a  great  sovereign, 
brought  at  last  face  to  face  with  a  great  event.  The  "great 
cause"  demanded  a  great,  straightforward  blow.  It  was 
obvious,  however,  that  it  would  be  difficult,  in  the  midst  of 
the  tragedy  and  the  comedy,  for  the  Nethetland  business  to 
come  fairly  before  her  Majesty.  "  Touching  the  Low  Country 
causes,"  said  Leicester,  "  very  little  is  done  yet,  by  reason  of 
the  continued  business  we  have  had  about  the  Queen  of 
Scots'  matters.  All  the  speech  I  have  had  with  her  Majesty 
hitherto    touching    those    causes    hath   been    but    private."' 

'  Leicester  to  Wilkes,  4  Dec.  158C.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1587.  TRIAL   OF  THE   QUEEN   OF   SCOTS.  191 

Walsingham,  longing  for  retirement,  not  only  on  account  of 
*'  his  infinite  grief  for  the  death  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  which 
hath  been  the  cause/'  he  said,  "  that  I  have  ever  since  betaken 
myself  into  solitariness,  and  withdrawn  from  public  affairs/' 
but  also  by  reason  of  the  perverseness  and  difficulty  manifested 
in  the  gravest  affairs  by  the  sovereign  he  so  faithfully  served, 
sent  information,  that,  notwithstanding  the  arrival  of  some 
of  the  States'  deputies,  Leicester  was  persuading  her  Majesty 
to  proceed  first  in  the  great  cause.  "  Certain  principal 
persons,  chosen  as  committees,"  he  said,  "  of  both  Houses  are 
sent  as  humble  suitors  to  her  Majesty  to  desire  that  she 
would  be  pleased  to  give  order  for  the  execution  of  the 
Scottish  Queen.  Her  Majesty  made  answer  that  she  was 
loath  to  proceed  in  so  violent  a  course  against  the  said  Queen, 
as  the  taking  away  of  her  life,  and  therefore  prayed  them  to 
think  of  some  other  way  which  might  be  for  her  own  and 
their  safety.  They  replied,  no  other  way  but  her  execution. 
Her  Majesty,  though  she  yielded  no  answer  to  this  their  latter 
reply,  is  contented  to  give  order  that  the  proclamation  be 
published,  and  so  also  it  is  hoped  that  she  will  be  moved  by 
this  their  earnest  instance  to  proceed  to  the  thorough  ending 
of  the  cause."  ^ 

And  so  the  cause  went  slowly  on  to  its  thorough  ending. 
And  when  "no  other  way"  could  be  thought  of  but  to  take 
Mary's  life,  and  when  "  no  other  way "  of  taking  that  life 
could  be  "  devised/'  at  Elizabeth's  suggestion,  except  by 
public  execution,  when  none  of  the  gentlemen  "  of  the 
association,"  nor  Paulet,  nor  Drury — how  skilfully  soever 
their  "pulses  had  been  felt"^  by  Elizabeth's  command — 
tv^ould  commit  assassination  to  serve  a  Queen  who  was  capable 
of  punishing  them  afterwards  for  the  murder,  the  great 
cause  came  to  its  inevitable  conclusion,  and  Mary  Stuart 
was  executed  by  command  of  Elizabeth  Tudor.  The  world 
may  continue  to  differ  as  to  the  necessity  of  the  execution, 
but  it  has  long  since  pronounced  a  unanimous  verdict  as  to 

»  'Walsingham  to  Wilkes,  3  Dec.  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MSO 
'  Davison,  in  Camden,  iil  393. 


192 


THE    UNITED    NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIV. 


the  respective   display  of  royal    dignity  by  the  two   Queens 
upon  that  great  occasion. 

During  this  interval  the  Netherland  matter,  almost  as  vital 
to  England  as  the  execution  of  Mary,  was  comparatively 
neglected.  It  was  not  absolutely  in  abeyance,  but  the  con- 
dition of  the  Queen's  mind  coloured  every  state-affair  with  its 
tragic  hues.  Elizabeth,  harassed,  anxious,  dreaming  dreams, 
and  enacting  a  horrible  masquerade,  was  in  the  worst  possible 
temper  to  be  approached  by  the  envoys.  She  was  furious 
with  the  Netherlanders  for  having  maltreated  her  favourite. 
She  was  still  more  furious  because  their  war  was  costing  so 
much  money.  Her  disposition  became  so  uncertain,  her 
temper  so  ungovernable,  as  to  drive  her  counsellors  to 
their  wit's  ends.  Burghley  confessed  himself  "  weary  of  his 
miserable  life,"  and  protested  "  that  the  only  desire  he  had  in 
the  world  was  to  be  delivered  from  the  ungrateful  burthen  of 
service,  which  her  Majesty  laid  upon  him  so  very  heavily."  ^ 
Walsingham  wished  himself  "well  established  in  Basle." ^ 
The  Queen  set  them  all  together  by  the  ears.  She  wrangled 
spitefully  over  the  sum-totals  from  the  Netherlands ;  she 
worried  Leicester,  she  scolded  Burghley  for  defending  Lei- 
cester, and  Leicester  abused  Burghley  for  taking  part  against 
him.^ 


'  Burghley  to  Leicester,  *l  Feb.  1587, 
(Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  xi.  252.     MS.) 

'  Walsingham  to  Wilkes,  2  May, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

3  Burghley  to  Leicester.  (MS.  before 
cited.) 

"Your  Lordship  is  greatly  offended," 
said  the  Lord  Treasurer,  "  for  my 
speeches  in  her  Majesty's  presence. 
What  you  couceive,  my  good  Lord,  is 
best  known  to  yourself;  what  I  meant 
is  best  known  to  me ;  and  I  do  avow 
in  the  presence  of  God  that  I  no  more 
meant  to  offend  you  in  any  thing  I 
spoke,  than  I  meant  to  offend  the  iiest 
and  dearest  friend  I  can  imagine  in 
England.  And  yet  her  Majesty  many 
times  chargeth  me  that  I  conceit,  I 
flatter,  I  dare  not  speak  anj^thing  that 
you  should  mislike.  I  see  my  hard 
fortune    continueih    to  be   subject    to 


your  doubtful  opinion,  howsoever  I  do 
behave  myself!  ....  You  believe  me 
to  have  moved  her  Majesty  to  be 
offended  with  you  for  lack  of  your 
procuring  a  more  certainty  of  the  ex- 
penses and  accounts  of  the  last  year's 
charges  on  the  States  behalf.  .... 
But  I  never  did  sa\',  nor  mean  to  say, 
that  your  Lordship  ought  to  be  blamed 
for  those'  accounts ;  for  I  did  say,  and 
do  still  say,  that  their  accounts  are 
obscure,  confused,  and  without  credit. 
....  I  say  that  they  ought  to  have 
been  commanded  by  your  authority  to 
have  reformed  the  same,  and  made 
your  Lordship  more  privy  to  their 
doings.  For  not  doing  so  I  condemned 
them,  and  not  your  Lordsliip,  who  had 
so  often  complained  that  you  were  not 
better  obeyed  by  them  in  those  points. 
And  so  your  Lordship  did  fully  answer 


1587. 


FEARFUL  PERPLEXITY  AT  THE  ENGLISH  COURT. 


193 


The  Lord-Treasurer,  overcome  with  "grief  which  pierced 
both  his  body  and  his  heart,"  battled  his  way — as  best  he 
could — through  the  throng  of  dangers  which  beset  the  path 
of  England  in  that  great  crisis.  It  was  most  obvious  to  every 
statesman  in  the  realm  that  this  was  not  the  time — ^when  the 
gauntlet  had  been  thrown  full  in  the  face  of  Philip  and  Sixtus 
and  all  Catholicism,  by  the  condemnation  of  Mary — to  leave  the 
Netherland  cause  "  at  random,"  and  these  outer  bulwarks  of 
her  own  kingdom  insufficiently  protected. 

"  Your  Majesty  will  hear,"  wrote  Parma  to  Philip,  "  of  the 
disastrous,  lamentable,  and  pitiful  end  of  the  poor  Queen  of 
Scots.  Although  for  her  it  will  be  immortal  glory,  and  she 
will  be  placed  among  the  number  of  the  many  martyrs  whose 
blood  has  been  shed  in  the  kingdom  of  England,  and  be 
crowned  in  Heaven  with  a  diadem  more  precious  than  the 
one  she  wore  on  earth,  nevertheless  one  cannot  repress  one's 
natural  emotions.  I  believe  firmly  that  this  cruel  deed  will 
be  the  concluding  crime  of  the  many  which  that  English- 
woman has  committed,  and  that  our  Lord  will  be  pleased  that 
she  shall  at  last  receive  the  chastisement  which  she  has  these 
many  long  years  deserved,  and  which  has  been  reserved  till 
now,  for  her  greater  ruin  and  confusion."^  And  with  this, 
the  Duke  proceeded  to  discuss  the  all  important  and  rapidly- 
preparing  invasion  of  England,  Farnese  was  not  the  man  to 
be  deceived  by  the  aiFected  reluctance .  of  Elizabeth  before 
Mary's  scaffold,  although  he  was  soon  to  show  that  he  was 
himself  a  master  in  the  science  of  grimace.     For  Elizabeth — - 


my  speeches,  and  I  also  did  affirm  the 
Bame  by  often  repetition  to  her  Majesty 
that  both  in  that  as  in  many  other 
things,  the  States  had  grossly  and  most 
rudely  encountered  your  Lordship. 
And  although  her  Majesty  was  dis- 
posed to  leave  the  cause  unrelieved, 
persisting  on  her  misliking  of  the  ac- 
counts, and  so  to  take  occasion  to  deny 
their  requests,  yet  I  trust  that  your 
Lordship  and  the  rest  did  see  how- 
earnest  I  was  to  draw  her  Majesty  from 
these  reckonings  of  expenses,  and  to 
take  regard  to  the  cause  which  I  said 
and  do    say   may   not   now   he  left  at 

VOL.  IT.— U 


random  for  respect  to  any  charges.  I 
do  persist  in  the  opinion  that  hcT 
Majesty  may  not  abandon  the  causa 
without  manifest  injury  to  her  state, 
as  the  case  and  time  now  forceth  her. 
....  Your  Lordship  hath  seen  and 
heard  her  tax  me  very  sharply,  that  in 
not  applauding  to  her  censures,  I  do 
commonly  flatter  you  and  that  I  do 
against  my  conscience  hold  opinions 
to  please  you — a  very  hard  case  held 
against  me." 

'  Parma   to    Philip  TI.,    22   March, 
1587.     (Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 


194 


THK   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIV 


more  than  ever  disposed  to  be  friends  with  Spain  and  Rome, 
now  tluit  war  to  the  knife  was  made  inevitable — was  wistfully 
regarding  that  trap  of  negotiation,  against  which  all  her  best 
friends  were  endeavouring  to  warn  her.  She  was  more  ill- 
natured  than  ever  to  the  Provinces,  she  turned  her  back  upon 
the  Bearnese,  she  affronted  Henry  III.  by  affecting  to  believe 
in  the  fable  of  his  envoy's  complicity  in  the  Stafford  con- 
spiracy against  her  life.^ 

"  I  pray  God  to  open  her  eyes,"  said  Walsingham,  "  to  see 
the  evident  peril  of  the  course  she  now  holdeth.  ...  If  it  had 
pleased  her  to  have  followed  the  advice  given  lier  touching 
the  French  ambassador,  our  ships  had  been  released  ....  but 
she  has  taken  a  very  strange  course  by  writing  a  very  sharp 
letter  unto  the  French  King,  which  I  fear  will  cause  him  to 
give  ear  to  those  of  the  League,  and  make  himself  a  party  with 
them,  seeing  so  little  regard  had  to  him  here.  Your  Lordshij) 
may  see  that  our  courage  doth  greatly  increase,  for  that  we 

make  no  difficulty  to  fall  out  with  all  the  world I  never 

saw  her  worse  affected  to  the  poor  King  of  Navarre,  and  yet 
doth  she  seek  in  no  sort  to  yield  contentment  to  the  French 
King.  If  to  offend  all  the  world,"  repeated  the  Secretary 
bitterly,  "be  a  good  cause  of  government,  then  can  w^e  not  do 

amiss I  never  found  her  less  disjjosed  to  take  a  course 

of  prevention  of  the  approaching  mischiefs  toward  this  realm 
than  at  this  present.  ,  And  to  be  plain  with  you,  there  is  none 
here  that  hath  either  credit  or  courage  to  deal  effectually  with 
her  in  any  of  her  great  causes."  - 

Thus  distracted  by  doubts  and  dangers,  at  war  with  her 
best  friends,  with  herself,  and  with  all  the  world,  was  Elizabeth 
during  the  dark  days  and  months  which  preceded  and  followed 
the  execution  of  the  Scottish  Queen.  If  the  great  fight  was 
at  last  to  be  fought  triumphantly  through,  it  was  obvious  that 
England  was  to  depend  upon  Englishmen  of  all  ranks  and 


'  "  Declaration  of  the  Negotiations 
with  the  French  Ambassador,  I'Aubes- 
pine,  at  the  Lord  Treasurer's  house," 
12  Jan.  1587,  in  Murdin,  579-583. 
Compare     Mignet,     'Hist,    de     Marie 


Stuart,'  3rd  edition,  II.  344,  seq- 

'  Walsingham  to  Leicester,  8  April, 
1587.  Same  to  Same,  10  April.  1587, 
(Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  xi.  319-321, 
MSS.) 


1587.  INFATUATION  AND  OBSTINACY  OF  THE  QUEEN.  -^95 

classes,  upon  her  prudent  and  far-seeing  statesmen,  upon 
her  nobles  and  her  adventurers,  on  her  Anglo-Saxon  and 
Anglo-Norman  blood  ever  mounting  against  oppression,  on 
Howard  and  Essex,  Drake  and  Williams,  Norris  and 
Willoughby,  upon  high-born  magnates,  plebeian  captains, 
London  merchants,  ujwn  yeomen  whose  limbs  were  made  in 
England,  and  upon  Hollanders  and  Zeelanders  whose  fearless 
mariners  were  to  swarm  to  the  protection  of  her  coasts,  quite 
as  much  in  that  year  of  anxious  expectation  as  upon  the 
great  Queen  herself  Unquestionable  as  were  her  mental 
capacity  and  her  more  than  woman's  courage,  when  fairly 
brought  face  to  face  with  the  danger,  it  was  fortunately  not 
on  one  man  or  woman's  brain  and  arm  that  England's  salvation 
depended  in  that  crisis  of  her  fate. 

As  to  the  Provinces,  no  one  ventured  to  speak  very  boldly 
in  their  defence.  "  When  I  lay  before  her  the  peril,"  said 
Walsingham,  "  she  scorneth  at  it.  The  hope  of  a  peace  with 
Spain  has  put  her  into  a  most  dangerous  security." '  Nor 
would  any  man  now  assume  responsibility.  The  fate  of 
Davison — of  the  man  who  had  already  in  so  detestable  a 
manner  been  made  the  scape-goat  for  Leicester's  sins  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  who  had  now  been  so  barbarously  sacrificed 
by  the  Queen  for  faithfully  obeying  her  orders  in  regard  to 
the  death-warrant,  had  sickened  all  courtiers  and  counsellors 
for  the  time.  "  The  late  severe  dealing  used  by  her  Elighness 
towards  Mr.  Secretary  Davison,"  said  Walsingham  to  Wilkes, 
''maketh  us  very  circumspect  and  careful  not  to  proceed  in 
anything  but  wherein  we  receive  direction  from  herself,  and 
therefore  you  must  not  find  it  strange  if  we  now  be  more 
sparing  than  heretofore  hath  been  accustomed."  - 

Such  being  the  portentous  state  of  the  political  atmosphere, 
and  such  the  stormy  condition  of  the  royal  mind,  it 

,  .  28^ Jan.  (O.  S.) 

may  be  supposed  that  the  interviews  of  the  Nether-     :  i-ibToTs:) 

land  envoys  with  her  Majesty  during  this  period 

were  not  likely  to  be  genial.     Exactly  at  the  most  gloomy 

'  Walsingham  to  Leicester,  &c.,  MS.  last  cited. 
"  Walsingham  to  Wilkes,  13  April,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


196 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIV. 


moment — thirteen  days  before  the  execution  of  Mary — they 
came  first  into  Elizabeth's  presence  at  Greenwich.^ 

The  envoys  were  five  in  number,  all  of  them  experienced 
and  able  statesmen — Zuylen  van  Nyvelt,  Joos  de  Menyn, 
Nicasius  de  Silla,  Jacob  Valck,  and  Vitus  van  Kamminga.^ 
The  Queen  was  in  the  privy  council-chamber,  attended  by 
the  admiral  of  England,  Lord  Thomas  Howard,  Lord  Hunsdon, 
great-chamberlain.  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  vice-chamberlain, 
Secretary  Davison,  and  many  other  persons  of  distinction. 

The  letters  of  credence  were  duly  presented,  but  it  was 
obvious  from  the  beginning  of  the  interview  that  the  Queen 
was  ill-disposed  toward  the  deputies,  and  had  not  only  been 
misinformed  as  to  matters  of  fact,  but  as  to  the  state  of  feeling 
of  the  Netherlanders  and  of  the  States-General  towards  her- 
self.3 

Menyn,  however,  who  was  an  orator  by  profession — being 
pensionar}''  of  Dort — made,  in  the  name  of  his  colleagues,  a 
brief  but  pregnant  speech,  to  which  the  Queen  listened  atten- 
tively, although  with  frequent  indications  of  anger  and  im- 
patience. He  commenced  by  observing  that  the  United 
Provinces  still  entertained  the  hope  that  her  Majesty  would 
conclude,  upon  further  thoughts,  to  accept  the  sovereignty 
over  them,  with  reasonable  conditions;  but  the  most  important 
passages  of  his  address  were  those  relating  to  the  cost  of  the 
war.  "  Besides  our  stipulated  contributions,"  said  the  pen- 
sionary, "of  200,000  florins  the  month,  we  have  furnished 
500,000  as  an  extraordinary  grant ;  making  for  the  year 
2,900,000  florins,  and  this  over  and  above  the  particular  and 
special  expenditures  of  the  Provinces,  and  other  sums  for 
military  purposes.  We  confess.  Madam,  that  the  succour  of 
your  Majesty  is  a  truly  royal  one,  and  that  there  have  been 
few  princes  in  history  who  have  given  such  assistance  to  their 
neighbours  unjustly  oppressed.     It  is  certain  that  by  means  of 


'  Brief  van   de    Gedeputeerden    uit 
9 
England,  —  Feb.  1587.     (Hague  Arch., 

MS.)     Compare  Bor,   II.  xxii.  8*72,  scq. 
Wagenaar,  viii.  214,  seq. 

»  Menyn    was    pensionary   of  Dort; 


Silla,  pensionary  of  Amsterdam ;  Valck 
member  of  the  state-council.  Wage- 
naar, viiL  192. 

'  Letter  of  the  Deputies  last  cited. 
(Hague  Archives,  MS.) 


1587.  NETHERLAND   ENVOYS   IN    ENGLAND.  I97 

that  help,  joined  with  the  forces  of  the  United  Provinces,  the 
Earl  of  Leicester  has  been  able  to  arrest  the  course  of  the 
Duke  of  Parma's  victories  and  to  counteract  his  designs. 
Nevertheless,  it  appears,  Madam,  that  these  forces  have  not 
been  sufficient  to  drive  the  enemy  out  of  the  country.  We  are 
obliged,  for  regular  garrison  work  and  defence  of  cities,  to  keep 
up  an  army  of  at  least  27,000  foot  and  3500  horse.  Of  this 
number  your  Majesty  pays  5000  foot  and  1000  horse,  and  we 
are  now  commissioned.  Madam,  humbly  to  request  an  increase 
of  your  regular  succour  during  the  war  to  10,000  foot  and 
2000  horse.  We  also  implore  the  loan  of  60,000?.  sterling, 
in  order  to  assist  us  in  maintaining  for  the  coming  season  a 
sufficient  force  in  the  field."  ^ 

Such,  in  brief,  was  the  oration  of  pensionary  Menyn,  de- 
livered in  the  French  language.  He  had  scarcely  concluded, 
when  the  Queen — evidently  in  a  great  passion- — rose  to  her 
feet,  and  without  any  hesitation,  replied  in  a  strain  of  vehe- 
ment eloquence  in  the  same  tongue. 

"  Now  I  am  not  deceived,  gentlemen,"  she  said,  "  and  that 
which  I  have  been  fearing  has  occurred.  Our  common 
adage,  which  we  have  in  England,  is  a  very  good  one.  When 
one  fears  that  an  evil  is  coming,  the  sooner  it  arrives  the 
better.  Here  is  a  quarter  of  a  year  that  I  have  been  expect- 
ing you,  and  certainly  for  the  great  benefit  I  have  conferred 
on  you,  you  have  exhibited  a  great  ingratitude,  and  I  consider 
myself  very  ill  treated  by  you.  'Tis  very  sti'ange  that  you 
should  begin  by  soliciting  still  greater  succour  without  render- 
ing me  any  satisfaction  for  your  past  actions,  which  have  been 
80  extraordinary,  that  I  swear  by  the  living  Grod  I  think  it 
impossible  to  find  peoples  or  states  more  ungrateful  or  ill- 
advised  than  yourselves. 

I  have  sent  you  this  year  fifteen,  sixteen,  aye  seventeen  or 
eighteen  thousand  men.  You  have  left  them  without  pay- 
ment, you  have  let  some  of  them  die  of  hunger,  driven 
others  to  such   desperation  that   they  have  deserted  to  the 

'  Discours  do  Menin — Audience  a  I  '  "  Zeer  geultereert,"  MS.  Letter, 
Greenwich.     (Hague  Arch.  MS.)  )   ubi  sup. 


198  'ry^  tJNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIV. 

enemy.  Is  it  not  mortifying  for  the  English  nation  and  a 
great  shame  for  you  that  Englishmen  should  say  that  they 
have  found  more  courtesy  from  Spaniards  than  from  Nether- 
landers  ?  Truly,  I  tell  you  frankly  that  I  will  never  endure 
such  indignities.  Rather  will  I  act  according  to  my  will,  and 
you  may  do  exactly  as  you  think  best. 

"  If  I  chose,  I  could  do  something  very  good  without  you, 
although  some  persons  are  so  fond  of  saying  that  it  was  quite 
necessary  for  the  Queen  of  England  to  do  what  she  does  for 
her  own  protection.  No,  no  !  Disabuse  yourselves  of  that 
impression.  These  are  but  false  persuasions.  Believe  boldly 
that  I  can  play  an  excellent  game  without  your  assistance, 
and  a  better  one  than  I  ever  did  with  it,^  Nevertheless,  I 
do  not  choose  to  do  that,  nor  do  I  wish  you  so  much  harm. 
But  likewise  do  I  not  choose  that  you  should  hold  such 
language  to  me.  It  is  true  that  I  should  not  wish  the 
Spaniard  so  near  me  if  he  should  be  my  enemy.  But  why  should 
I  not  live  in  peace,  if  we  were  to  be  friends  to  each  other  ? 
At  the  commencement  of  my  reign  we  lived  honourably 
together,  the  King  of  Spain  and  I,  and  he  even  asked  me  to 
marry  him,  and,  after  that,  we  lived  a  long  time  very  peace- 
fully, without  any  attempt  having  been  made  against  my  life. 
If  we  both  choose,  we  can  continue  so  to  do. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  I  sent  you  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  as 
lieutenant  of  my  forces,  and  my  intention  was  that  he  should 
have  exact  knowledge  of  your  finances  and  contributions. 
But,  on  the  contrary,  he  has  never  known  anything  about 
them,  and  you  have  handled  them  in  your  own  manner  and 
amongst  yourselves.  You  have  given  him  the  title  of  governor, 
in  order,  under  this  name,  to  cast  all  your  evils  on  his  head. 
That  title  he  accepted  against  my  will,  by  doing  which  he 
ran  the  risk  of  losing  his  U/e,  and  his  estates,  and  the  gi'ace 
and  favour  of  his  Princess,  which  was  more  important  to  him 
than  all.  But  he  did  it  in  order  to  maintain  your  tottering 
state.     And  what  authority,  I  pray  you,  have  you  given  him  ? 


1  "Que  je  feroy  bien  un  bon  parti 
Bans  vous  y  appeller,  et  meilleur  que  je 
uay  faict  oucques   avecq   vous."      '  Re- 


ponse  de    Sa   Majeste  au   Discours  da 
S"'  de  Menin.'     (Hague  Archives,  MS.) 


1587. 


QUEEN'S   BITTER  INVECTIVE   AGAINST   THEM. 


199 


A  shadowy  authority,  a  purely  imaginary  one.  This  is  but 
mockery.  He  is,  at  any  rate,  a  gentleman,  a  man  of  honour 
and  of  counsel.  You  had  no  right  to  treat  him  thus.  If  I 
had  accepted  the  title  which  you  wished  to  give  me,  by  the 
living  God,  I  would  not  have  suffered  you  so  to  treat  me. 

"But  you  are  so  badly  advised  that  when  there  is  a  man 
of  worth  who  discovers  your  tricks  you  wish  him  ill,  and  make 
an  outcry  against  him  ;  and  yet  some  of  you,  in  order  to  save 
your  money,  and  others  in  the  hope  of  bribes,  have  been 
favouring  the  Spaniard,  and  doing  very  wicked  work.  No, 
believe  me  that  God  will  punish  those  who  for  so  great  a 
benefit  wish  to  return  me  so  much  evil.  Believe,  boldly  too, 
that  the  King  of  Spain  will  never  trust  men  who  have  aban- 
doned the  party  to  which  they  belonged,  and  from  which  they 
have  received  so  many  benefits,  and  will  never  believe  a  word 
of  what  they  promise  him.  Yet,  in  order  to  cover  up  their 
filth,  they  spread  the  story  that  the  Queen  of  England  is 
thinking  of  treating  for  peace  without  their  knowledge.  No, 
I  would  rather  be  dead  than  that  any  one  should  have  occasion 
to  say  that  I  had  not  kept  my  promise.  But  princes  must 
listen  to  both  sides,  and  that  can  be  done  without  breach  of 
faith.^  For  they  transact  business  in  a  certain  way,  and  with 
a  princely  intelligence,  such  as  private  persons  cannot  imitate.^ 

"  You  are  States,  to  be  sure,  but  private  individuals  in 
regard  to  princes.  Certainly,  I  would  never  choose  to  do 
unything  without  your  knowledge,  and  I  would  never  allow 
the  authority  which  you  have  among  yourselves,  nor  your 
privileges,  nor  your  statutes,  to  be  infringed.  Nor  will  I  allow 
you  to  be  perturbed  in  your  consciences.  What  then  would 
you  more  of  me  ?  You  have  issued  a  proclamation  in  your 
country  that  no  one  is  to  talk  of  peace.  Very  well,  very 
good.     But  permit  princes  likewise  to  do  as  they  shall  think 


'  "  Et  encores  que  les  princes  oyent 
aulcunes  fois   Tung  et  I'.aultre,  cela  se 

peult  faire  sans "     There  is   a 

broken  sentence  here  in  the  original, 
which  seems  to  require  a  phrase  siini- 
IttT  to  the  one  wliicii  I  have  supphed. 


'  Reponse,'  Ac,  just  cited. 

'  "Car  ils  besoiguent  avecq  une 
maniere  de  faire  et  intelligence  dea 
princes,  ce  que  les  particuliers  na 
scauroient  faire."     (Ibid.) 


200 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


CuAP.  XIT 


best  for  the  security  of  their  state,  provided  it  does  you  no 
injury.  Among  us  princes  we  are  not  wont  to  make  such 
long  orations  as  you  do,  but  you  ought  to  be  content  with  the 
few  words  that  we  bestow  upon  you,  and  make  yourself  quiet 
thereby.^ 

"  If  I  ever  do  anything  for  you  again,  I  choose  to  be  treated 
more  honourably.  I  shall  therefore  appoint  some  j)ersonages 
of  my  council  to  communicate  with  you.  And  in  the  first 
place  I  choose  to  hear  and  see  for  myself  what  has  taken 
place  already,  and  have  satisfaction  about  that,  before  I  make 
any  reply  to  what  you  have  said  to  me  as  to  greater  assist- 
ance. And  so  I  will  leave  you  to-day,  without  troubling  you 
further."^ 

With  this  her  Majesty  swept  from  the  apartment,  leaving 
the  deputies  somewhat  astounded  at  the  fierce  but  adroit 
manner  in  which  the  tables  had  for  a  moment  been  turned 
upon  them. 

It  was  certainly  a  most  unexpected  blow,  this  charge  of 
the  States  having  left  the  English  soldiers — whose  numbers 
the  Queen  had  so  suddenly  multiplied  by  three — unpaid  and 
unfed.  Those  Englishmen  who,  as  individuals,  had  entered 
the  States'  service,  had  been — like  all  the  other  troops — ■ 
regularly  paid.  This  distinctly  appeared  from  the  statements 
of  her  own  counsellors  and  generals.^  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Queen's  contingent,  now  dwindled  to  about  half  their 
original  number,  had  been  notoriously  unpaid  for  nearly  six 
months. 

This  has  already  been  made  sufficiently  clear  from  the 
private  letters  of  most  responsible  persons.  That  these  sol- 
diers were  starving,  deserting,  and  pillaging,  was,  alas  !  too 
true  ;  but  the  envoys  of  the  States  hardly  expected  to  be 
censured  by  her  Majesty,  because  she  had  neglected  to  pay 


'  "  Entre  nous  princes  nous  ne  sca- 
vons  ainsi  orer  comme  vous  faictes, 
mais  vous  devriez  estre  contentz  avecq 
ce  peu  de  parolles  qui'on  vous  diet,  et 
vous  asseurer  la  dessus."  'Reponse,' 
i^c,  just  cited. 


*  Ibid.  Compare  Bor,  II.  xxii  873, 
874.     "Wagenaar,  viii.  193-194. 

3  Memorial  given  by  Wilkes  to  Sir 
R.  WiUiams,  Feb.  1587.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 


1587. 


AMAZEMENT  OF  THE  ENVOYS. 


201 


her  own  troops.  It  was  one  of  the  points  concerning  which 
they  had  been  especially  enjoined  to  complain,  that  the  English 
cavalry,  converted  into  highwaymen  by  want  of  pay,  had  been 
plundering  the  peasantry,'  and  we  have  seen  that  Thomas 
Wilkes  had  "  pawned  his  carcase  "  to  j)rovide  for  their  tem- 
porary relief. 

With  regard  to  the  insinuation  that  prominent  personages 
in  the  country  had  been  tampered  with  by  the  enemy,  the 
envoys  were  equally  astonished  by  such  an  attack.  The 
great  Deventer  treason  had  not  yet  been  heard  of  in  England 
— for  it  had  occurred  only  a  week  before  this  first  interview 
— ^but  something  of  the  kind  was  already  feared  ;  for  the 
slippery  dealings  of  York  and  Stanley  with  Tassis  and  Parma 
had  long  been  causing  painful  anxiety,  and  had  formed  the 
subject  of  repeated  remonstrances  on  the  part  of  the  States 
to  Leicester  and  to  the  Queen.  The  deputies  were  hardly 
prepared  therefore  to  defend  their  own  people  against  dealing 
privately  with  the  King  of  Spain.  The  only  man  suspected 
of  such  practices  was  Leicester's  own  favourite  and  financier, 
Jacques  Ringault,  whom  the  Earl  had  persisted  in  employing 
against  the  angry  remonstrances  of  the  States,  who  believed 
him  to  be  a  Spanish  spy  ;  and  the  man  was  now  in  prison,  and 
threatened  with  capital  punishment. 

To  suppose  that  Buys  or  Barneveld,  Roorda,  Meetkerk,  or 
any  other  leading  statesman  in  the  Netherlands,  was  contem- 
plating a  private  arrangement  with  Philip  II.,  was  as  ludicrous 
a  conception  as  to  imagine  Walsingham  a  pensioner  of  the 
Pope,  or  Cecil  in  league  with  the  Duke  of  Guise.  The  end 
and  aim  of  the  States"  party  was  war.     In  war  they  not  only 


'  "  Les  compagnies  Anglaises,"  wrote 
the  States-General  to  Leicester,  "  tant 
de  cheval  que  de  pied  a  la  charge  de 
S.  Majeste,  ayans  delaisse  les  frontieres 
se  sont  jectez  en  HoUande,  ou  ils 
foulent  et  mangent  le  bon  homme 
soubs  pretexte  qu'ils  disent  n'avoir 
ro^u  aulcun  payment  en  cincq  mois, 
ce  que  cause  grande  alteration  par- 
dessus  I'amoindrissement  des  contri- 
butions du  Plat  Pays.     Et  comme  ils 


tiennent  journellement  plusieurs  pro- 
pos  estranges  coatre  la  dite  province 
d'Hollande,  et  qu'ils  y  veuillent  pour- 
chasser  leur  payement,  a  cste  trouve 
bon  de  les  faire  contenir  ou  ils  soot," 
&c.  States-General  to  Leicester, 
1  March,  1587.  (Hague  Archives, 
MS.) 

The  statements  of  Wilkes  to  his 
government,  of  like  import,  have  been 
given  in  the  notes  on  preceding  pages. 


20'i  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  XlV. 

saw  the  safety  of  the  reformed  religion,  but  the  only  means 
of  maintaining  the  commercial  prosperity  of  the  commonwealth. 
The  whole  correspondence  of  the  times  shows  that  no  politician 
in  the  country  dreamed  of  peace,  either  by  public  or  secret 
negotiation.  On  the  other  hand — as  will  be  made  still  clearer 
than  ever — the  Queen  was  longing  for  peace,  and  was  treating 
for  peace  at  that  moment  through  private  agents,  quite 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  States,  and  in  spite  of  her 
indignant  disavowals  in  her  speech  to  the  envoys. 

Yet  if  Elizabeth  could  have  had  the  j^rivilege  of  entering — 
as  we  are  about  to  do — into  the  private  cabinet  of  that  excellent 
King  of  Spain,  with  whom  she  had  once  been  such  good 
friends,  who  had  even  sought  her  hand  in  marriage,  and  with 
whom  she  saw  no  reason  whatever  why  she  should  not  live 
at  peace,  she  might  have  modified  her  expressions  on  this 
subject.  Certainly,  if  she  could  have  looked  through  the 
piles  of  papers — as  we  intend  to  do — which  lay  upon  that 
library-table,  far  beyond  the  seas  and  mountains,  she  would 
have  perceived  some  objections  to  the  scheme  of  living  at 
peace  with  that  diligent  letter-writer. 

Perhaps,  had  she  known  how  the  subtle  Farnese  was  about 
to  express  himself  concerning  the  fast-approaching  execution 
of  Mary,  and  the  as  inevitably  impending  destruction  of  "  that 
Eneclishwoman  "  through  the  schemes  of  his  master  and  him- 
self,  she  would  have  paid  less  heed  to  the  sentiments  couched 
in  most  exquisite  Italian  which  Alexander  was  at  the  same 
time  whispering  in  her  ear,  and  would  have  taken  less  offence 
at  the  blunt  language  of  the  States- General. 

Nevertheless,  for  the  present,  Elizabeth  would  give  no 
better  answer  than  the  hot-tempered  one  which  had  already 
somewhat  discomfited  the  deputies. 

Two  days  afterwards,  the  five  envoys  had  an  interview  with 
several  members  of  her  Majesty's  council,  in  the  private  apart- 
ment of  the  Lord-Treasurer  in  Greenwich  Palace.  Burghley, 
being  indisposed,  was  lying  upon  his  bed.  Leicester,  Admiral 
Lord  Howard,  Lord  Hunsden,  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  Lord 
Buckhurst,  and    Secretary    Davison,    were   present,   and   the 


1587.  THEY  CONSULT  WITfl  HER  CHIEF  COUNCILLORS.  203 

Lord-Treasurer  proposed  that  the  conversation  sliould  be  in 
Latin,  that  being  the  common  language  most  familiar  to  them 
all.^  Then,  turning  over  the  leaves  of  the  report,  a  copy  of 
which  lay  on  his  bed,  he  asked  the  envoys,  whether,  in  case 
her  Majesty  had  not  sent  over  the  assistance  which  she  had 
done  under  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  their  country  would  not  have 
been  utterly  ruined. 

"  To  all  appearance,  yes,"  replied  Menyn. 

"  But,"  continued  Burghley,  still  running  through  the  pages 
of  the  document,  and  here  and  there  demanding  an  explana- 
tion of  an  obscure  passage  or  two,  "  you  are  now  proposing 
to  her  Majesty  to  send  10,000  foot  and  2000  horse,  and  to 
lend  60,0001.  This  is  altogether  monstrous  and  excessive. 
Nobody  ivill  ever  da7-e  even  to  speak  to  her  Majesty  on  the  sub- 
ject. When  you  first  came  in  1585,  you  asked  for  12,000 
men,  but  you  were  fully  authorized  to  accept  6000.  No  doubt 
that  is  the  case  now."  - 

"  On  that  occasion,"  answered  Menyn,  "our  main  2>urpose 
was  to  induce  her  Majesty  to  accept  the  sovereignty,  or  at 
least  the  perpetual  protection  of  our  country.  Failing  in  that 
we  broached  the  third  point,  and  not  being  able  to  get  12,000 
soldiers  we  compounded  for  5000,  the  agreement  being  subject 
to  ratification  by  our  principals.  We  gave  ample  security  in 
shape  of  the  mortgaged  cities.  But  experience  has  shown  us 
that  these  forces  and  tliis  succour  are  insufficient.  We  have 
therefore  been  sent  to  beg  her  Majesty  to  make  up  the  con- 
tingent to  the  amount  originally  requested." 

"  But  we  are  obliged  to  increase  the  garrisons  in  the 
cautionary  towns,"  said  one  of  the  English  councillors,  "as 
800  men  in  a  city  like  Flushing  arc  very  little." 

"  Pardon  me,"  replied  Valck,  "  the  burghers  are  not  enemies 
but  friends  to  her  Majesty  and  to  the  English  nation.  They 
are  her  dutiful  subjects  like  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  Nether- 
lands." 


*  Rapport   de   la  Legation.     Conference  des  Deputes  avec  lea  Commlssaires 
de  S.  M.,  -  Feb.  1587.     (Hague  Archives,  MS.)  »  Ibid- 


204  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIV, 

"  It  is  quite  true/'  said  Burghlcy,  after  having  made  some 
critical  remarks  upon  the  military  system  of  the  Provinces, 
"  and  a  very  common  adage,  quod  tunc  tua  res  agitur,  paries 
cum  proximus  ardet,  but,  nevertheless,  this  war  principally 
concerns  you.  Therefore  you  are  bound  to  do  your  utmost 
to  meet  its  expenses  in  your  own  country,  quite  as  much  as 
a  man  who  means  to  build  a  house  is  expected  to  provide  the 
stone  and  timber  himself  But  the  States  have  not  done  their 
best.  They  have  not  at  the  appointed  time  come  forward 
with  their  extraordinary  contributions  for  the  last  campaign. 
"  How  many  men,"  he  asked,  "  are  required  for  garrisons  in 
all  the  fortresses  and  cities,  and  for  the  field  ?  " 

"  But,"  interposed  Lord  Hunsden,  "  not  half  so  many  men 
are  needed  in  the  garrisons  ;  for  the  burghers  ought  to  be 
able  to  defend  their  own  cities.  Moreover  it  is  probable  that 
your  ordinary  contributions  might  he  continued  and  doubled 
and  even  tripled."  * 

"  And  on  the  whole,"  observed  the  Lord  Admiral,  "  don't 
you  think  that  the  putting  an  army  in  the  field  might  be  dis- 
pensed with  for  this  year  ?  Her  Majesty  at  present  must 
get  together  and  equip  a  fleet  of  war  vessels  against  the  King 
of  Spain,  which  will  be  an  excessively  large  pennyworth, 
besides  the  assistance  which  she  gives  her  neighbours." 

'•'  Yes,  indeed,"  said  Secretary  Davison,  "  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  exaggerate  the  enormous  expense  which  her  Majesty 
must  encounter  this  year  for  defending  and  liberating  her 
own  kingdoms  against  the  King  of  Spain.  That  monarch  is 
making  great  naval  preparations,  and  is  treating  all  English- 
men in  the  most  hostile  manner.  We  are  on  the  brink  of 
declared  war  with  Spain,  with  the  French  King,  who  is  arrest- 
ing all  English  persons  and  property  within  his  kingdom,  and 
with  Scotland,  all  which  countries  are  understood  to  have 
made  a  league  together  on  account  of  the  Queen  of  Scotland, 
whom  it  will  be  absolutely  necessary  to  put  to  death  in  order  to 
-preserve  the  life  of  her  Majesty,  and  are  about  to  make  war 

'  MS.  Report  last  cited. 


1587.  BEMARKS   OF   BURGHLEY   AND    DAVISON.  205 

upon  England.  This  matter  then  will  cost  us,  the  current 
year,  at  least  eight  liundred  thousand  pounds  sterling.  Never- 
theless her  Majesty  is  sure  to  assist  you  so  far  as  her  means 
allow  ;  and  I,  for  my  part,  will  do  my  best  to  keep  her  Majesty 
well  disposed  to  your  cause,  even  as  I  have  ever  done,  as  you 
well  know."  ^ 

Thus  spoke  poor  Davison,  but  a  few  days  before  the  fatal 
8th  of  February,  little  dreaming  that  the  day  for  his  in- 
fluencing the  disposition  of  her  Majesty  would  soon  be  gone, 
and  that  he  was  himself  to  be  crushed  for  ever  by  the  blow 
which  was  about  to  destroy  the  captive  Queen.  The  political 
combinations  resulting  from  the  tragedy  were  not  to  be  ex- 
actly as  he  foretold,  but  there  is  little  doubt  that  in  him  the 
Netherlands,  and  Leicester,  and  the  Queen  of  England,  were 
to  lose  an  honest,  diligent,  and  faithful  friend. 

"Well,  gentlemen,"  said  the  Lord-Treasurer,  after  a  few 
more  questions  concerning  the  financial  abilities  of  the  States 
had  been  asked  and  answered,  "  it  is  getting  late  into  the 
evening,  and  time  for  you  all  to  get  back  to  London.  Let 
me  request  you,  as  soon  as  may  be,  to  draw  up  some  articles 
in  writing,  to  which  we  will  respond  immediately."^ 

Menyn  then,  in  the  name  of  the  deputies,  expressed  thanks 
for  the  urbanity  shown  them  in  the  conference,  and  spoke  of 
the  deep  regret  with  which  they  had  perceived,  by  her  Majesty's 
answer  two  days  before,  that  she  was  so  highly  offended  with 
them  and  with  the  States-General.  He  then,  notwithstanding 
Burghley's  previous  hint  as  to  the  lateness  of  the  hour,  took 
up  the  Queen's  answer,  point  by  point,  contradicted  all  its 
statements,  appealing  frequently  to  Lord  Leicester  for  con- 
firmation of  what  he  advanced,  and  concluded  by  begging  the 
councillors  to  defend  the  cause  of  the  Netherlands  to  her 
Majesty.  Burghley  requested  them  to  make  an  excuse  or 
reply  to  the  Queen  in  writing,  and  send  it  to  him  to  present.^ 

Thus  the  conference  terminated,  and  the  envoys  returned 
to  London.     They  were  fully  convinced  by  the  result  of  these 

'  MS.  Report  last  cited.  '  Ibii 

•  Ibid.     Compare  Bor,  II.  xxil  875-877,  seq. 


206  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIV. 

interviews,  as  they  told  their  constituents,  that  her  Majesty, 
by  false  statements  and  reports  of  persons  either  grossly 
ignorant  or  not  having  the  good  of  the  commonwealth  before 
their  eyes,  had  been  veiy  incorrectly  informed  as  to  the  con- 
dition of  the  Provinces,  and  of  the  great  ejBforts  made  by  the 
States-General  to  defend  their  country  against  the  enemy. 
It  was  obvious,  they  said,  that  their  measures  had  been  ex- 
aggerated in  order  to  deceive  the  Queen  and  her  council.' 

And  thus  statements  and  counter-statements,  protocols 
and  apostilles,  were  glibly  exchanged,  the  heap  of  diplomatic 
rubbish  was  rising  higher  and  higher,  and  the  councillors  and 
envoys,  pleased  with  their  work,  were  growing  more  and  more 
amicable,  when  the  court  was  suddenly  startled  by  the  news 
of  the  Deventer  and  Zutphen  treason.  The  intelligence  was 
accompanied  by  the  famous  4th  of  February  letter,  which 
descended,  like  a  bombshell,  in  the  midst  of  the  decorous 
council-chamber.  Such  language  had  rarely  been  addressed 
to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  and,  through  him,  to  the  imperious 
sovereign  herself,  as  the  homely  truths  with  which  Barneveld, 
speaking  with  the  voice  of  the  States-General,  now  smote  the 
delinquent  governor, 

"My  Lord,"  said  he,  "it  is  notorious,  and  needs  no  illustra- 
tion whatever,  with  what  true  confidence  and  unfeigned  affec- 
tion we  received  your  Excellency  in  our  land  ;  the  States- 
General,  the  States-Provincial,  the  magistrates,  and  the  com- 
munities of  the  chief  cities  in  the  United  Provinces,  all  uniting 
to  do  honour  to  her  serene  Majesty  of  England  and  to  your- 
self, and  to  confer  upon  you  the  government-general  over  us. 
And  although  we  should  willingly  have  placed  some  limitations 
upon  the  authority  thus  bestowed  on  you,  in  order  that  by 
such  a  course  your  own  honour  and  the  good  and  constitutional 
condition  of  the  country  might  be  alike  preserved,  yet  finding 
your  Excellency  not  satisfied  with  those  limitations,  we  post- 
poned every  objection,  and  conformed  ourselves  to  your 
pleasure.     Yet,  before  coming  to  that  decision,  we  had  well 

M&  Report,  -  Feb.  1587,  before  cited. 


1587.       FOURTH  OF  FEBRUARY  LETTER  FROM  THE  STATES.        207 

considered  that  by  doing  so  we  might  be  opening  a  door  to 
many  ambitious,  avaricious,  and  pernicious  persons,  both  of 
these  countries  and  from  other  nations,  who  might  seize  the 
occasion  to  advance  their  own  private  profits,  to  the  detriment 
of  the  country  and  tlie  dishonour  of  your  Excellency. 

"  And,  in  truth,  such  persons  have  done  their  work  so  effi- 
ciently as  to  inspire  you  with  distrust  against  the  most  faithful 
and  capable  men  in  the  Provinces,  against  the  Estates  General 
and  Provincial,  magistrates,  and  jjrivate  persons,  knowing  very 
well  that  they  could  never  arrive  at  their  own  ends  so  long 
as  you  were  guided  by  the  constitutional  authorities  of  the 
country.  And  precisely  upon  the  distrust,  thus  created  as  a 
foundation,  they  raised  a  back-stairs  council,  by  means  of  which 
they  were  able  to  further  their  ambitious,  avaricious,  and  se- 
ditious practices,  notwithstanding  the  good  advice  and  remon- 
strances of  the  council  of  state,  and  the  States^  General  and 
Provincial."^ 

He  proceeded  to  handle  the  subjects  of  the  English  rose- 
noble,  put  in  circulation  by  Leicester's  finance  or  back-stairs 
council  at  two  florins  above  its  value,  to  the  manifest  detriment 
of  the  Provinces,  to  the  detestable  embargo  which  had  pre- 
vented them  from  using  the  means  bestowed  upon  them  by 
God  himself  to  defend  their  country,  to  the  squandering  and 
embezzlement  of  the  large  sums  contributed  by  the  Provincea 
and  entrusted  to  the  Earl's  administration,  to  the  starving 
condition  of  the  soldiers,  maltreated  by  government,  and  thus 
compelled  to  prey  upon  the  inhabitants — so  that  troops  in 
the  States'  service  had  never  been  so  abused  during  the  whole 
war,  although  the  States  had  never  before  voted  such  largo 
contributions  nor  paid  them  so  promptly — to  the  placing  ui 
posts  of  high  honour  and  trust  men  of  notoriously  bad 
character  and  even  Spanish  spies  ;  to  the  taking  away  the 
public  authority  from  those  to  whom  it  legitimately  belonged, 
and  conferring  it  on  incompetent  and  unqualified  persons  ;  to 
the  illegal  banishment  of  respectable  citizens,  to  the  violation 

•  Lettre  des  Etats  a  Leycestre,  I  Compare  Bor,  II.  xxii.  944,  seq.  Wage- 
i  Feb.   1587.     (Hague  Archivus,  MS.)   \   naar,  viii.  202.     Lo  Petit,  II.  xiv.  541. 


208  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIV. 

of  time-honoured  laws  and  privileges,  to  the  shameful  attempts 
to  repudiate  the  ancient  authority  of  the  States,  and  to  usurp 
a  control  over  the  communities  and  nobles  by  them  repre- 
sented, and  to  the  perpetual  efforts  to  foster  dissension,  dis- 
union, and  rebellion  among  the  inhabitants.  Having  thus 
drawn  up  a  heavy  bill  of  indictment,  nominally  against  the 
Earl's  illegal  counsellors,  but  in  reality  against  the  Earl  him- 
self, he  proceeded  to  deal  with  the  most  important  matter  of 
all. 

"The  principal  cities  and  fortresses  in  the  country  have 
been  placed  in  hands  of  men  suspected  by  the  States  on  legiti- 
toate  grounds,  men  who  had  been  convicted  of  treason  against 
these  Provinces,  and  who  continued  to  be  suspected,  notwith- 
standing that  your  Excellency  had  pledged  your  own  honour 
for  their  fidelity.  Finally,  by  means  of  these  scoundrels,^  it 
was  brought  to  pass,  that — the  council  of  state  having  been 
invested  by  your  Excellency  with  supreme  authority  during 
your  absence — a  secret  document  was  brought  to  light  after 
your  departure,  by  which  the  most  substantial  matters,  and 
those  most  vital  to  the  defence  of  the  country,  were  withdrawn 
from  the  disposition  of  that  council.  And  now,  alas,  we  see 
the  effects  of  these  practices  ! 

"  Sir  William  Stanley,  by  you  appointed  governor  of  Deven- 
ter,  and  Rowland  York,  governor  of  Fort  Zutphen,  have  re- 
fused, by  virtue  of  that  secret  document,  to  acknowledge  any 
authority  in  this  country.  And  notwithstanding  that  since 
your  departure  they  and  their  soldiers  have  been  supported  at 
our  expense,  and  had  just  received  a  full  month's  pay  from 
the  States,  they  have  traitorously  and  villainously  delivered 
the  city  and  the  fortress  to  the  enemy,  with  a  declaration 
made  by  Stanley  that  he  did  the  deed  to  ease  his  conscience, 
and  to  render  to  the  King  of  Spain  the  city  which  of  right 
was  belonging  to  him.  And  this  is  a  crime  so  dishonourable, 
scandalous,  ruinous,  and  treasonable,  as  that,  during  this 
whole  war,  we  have  never  seen  the  like.  And  we  are  now  in 
daily  fear  lest  the  English  commanders  in  Bergen-op-Zoom, 

»  "aibJer."    MS.  last  cJteO. ' 


1587.  ITS  SEVERE  LANGUAGE  TOWARDS  LKICESTER.  209 

Ostend,  and  other  cities,  should  commit  the  same  crime. 
And  although  we  fully  suspected  the  designs  of  Stanley  and 
York,  yet  your  Excellency's  secret  document  had  deprived  us 
of  the  power  to  act. 

"  We  doubt  not  that  her  Majesty  and  your  Excellency  will 
think  this  strange  language.  But  we  can  assure  you,  that  wo 
too  think  it  strange  and  grievous  that  those  places  should 
have  been  confided  to  such  men,  against  our  repeated  remon- 
strances, and  that,  moreover,  this  very  Stanley  should  have 
been  recommended  by  your  Excellency  for  general  of  all  the 
forces.  And  although  we  had  many  just  and  grave  reasons 
for  opposing  your  administration — oven  as  our  ancestors  were 
often  wont  to  rise  against  the  sovereigns  of  the  country — we 
have,  nevertheless,  patiently  suffered  for  a  long  time,  in  order 
not  to  diminish  your  authority,  which  we  deemed  so  important 
to  our  welfare,  and  in  the  hope  that  you  would  at  last  be 
moved  by  the  perilous  condition  of  the  commonwealth,  and 
awake  to  the  artifices  of  your  advisers. 

"  But  at  last — feeling  that  the  existence  of  the  state  can  no 
longer  be  preserved  without  proper  authority,  and  that  the 
whole  community  is  full  of  emotion  and  distrust,  on  account 
of  these  great  treasons — we,  the  States-General,  as  well  as 
the  States-Provincial,  have  felt  consirained  to  establish  such  a 
government  as  we  deem  meet  for  the  emergency.  And  of 
this  we  think  proper  to  apprize  your  Excellency." 

He  then  expressed  the  conviction  that  all  these  evil  deeds 
had  been  accomplished  against  the  intentions  of  the  Earl  and 
the  English  government,  and  requested  his  Excellency  so  to 
deal  with  her  Majesty  that  the  contingent  of  horse  and  foot 
hitherto  accorded  by  her  "  might  be  maintained  in  good 
order,  and  in  better  pay." 

Here,  then,  was  substantial  choleric  phraseology,  as  good 
plain  speaking  as  her  Majesty  had  just  been  employing,  and 
with  quite  as  sufficient  cause.  Here  was  no  pleasant  diplo- 
matic fencing,  but  straightforward  vigorous  thrusts.  It  was 
no  wonder  that  poor  Wilkes  should  have  thought  the  letter 
"  too  sharp,"  when  he  heard  it  read  in  the  assembly,  and  that 

VOL.  n. — P 


^10 


*rHE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  HV. 


he  should  have  done  his  best  to  prevent  it  from  being  de- 
spatched. He  would  have  thought  it  sharper  could  lie  have 
seen  how  the  pride  of  her  Majesty  and  of  Leicester  was 
wounded  by  it  to  the  quick.  Her  list  of  grievances  against 
the  States  seem  to  vanish  into  air.  Who  had  been  tampering 
with  the  Spaniards  now.^  Had  that  "  shadowy  and  imaginary 
authority "  granted  to  Leicester  not  proved  substantial 
enough  ?  Was  it  the  States-General,  the  state-council,  or  was 
it  the  "absolute  governor" — who  had  carried  off  the  supreme 
control  of  the  commonwealth  in  his  pocket — that  was  respon- 
sible for  the  ruin  effected  by  Englishmen  who  had  scorned  all 
"  authority"  but  his  own  ? 

The  States,  in  another  blunt  letter  to  the  Queen  herself, 
declared  the  loss  of  Deventer  to  be  more  disastrous  to  them 
than  even  the  fall  of  Antwerp  had  been  ;  for  the  republic  had 
now  been  split  asunder,  and  its  most  ancient  and  vital  por- 
tions almost  cut  away.  Nevertheless  they  were  not  "  dazzled 
nor  despairing,"  they  said,  but  more  determined  than  ever  to 
maintain  their  liberties,  and  bid  defiance  to  the  Spanish 
tyrant.  And  again  they  demanded  of,  rather  than  implored, 
her  Majesty  to  be  true  to  her  engagements  with  them,' 

The  interviews  which  followed  were  more  tempestuous  than 
ever.  "  I  had  intended  that  my  Lord  of  Leicester  should 
return  to  you,"  she  said  to  the  envoys.  "But  that  shall  never 
be.  He  has  been  treated  with  gross  ingratitude,  he  has  served 
the  Provinces  with  ability,  he  has  consumed  his  own  property 
there,  he  has  risked  his  life,  he  has  lost  his  near  kinsman. 
Sir  Philip  Sidney,  whose  life  I  should  be  glad  to  purchase 
with  many  millions,  and,  in  jjlace  of  all  reward,  he  receives 
these  venomous  letters,  of  which  a  copy  has  been  sent  to  his 
sovereign  to  blacken  him  with  her."     She  had  been  advising 


^  "  Car  si  la  perte  d'Anvers  a  este 
tres  grande  pour  toute  le  pays,  ceste 
cy  tire  avec  soi  plus  grande  conse- 
quence, tout  au  regard  de  plusieurs 
autres  villes  circumvoisines  de  De- 
venter,  lesquelles  ne  pourront  etre 
avictuaillees  que  par  force,  que  aultre- 
ment.  Non  pas  que  nous  disons  cesq 
comme  esblouys  et  par  desespoir 


Car  nous  ne  manquerons  jamais  en 
nos  premieres  resolutions  de  nous  vou- 
loir  maintenir  contre  le  Roi  d"Espaigne, 
pour  la  conservation  de  la  religion 
Chrestienne,  nos  privileges,  franchises, 
et  libertes."  States-General  to  the 
Queen,  6  Feb.  1587.  (Hague  Archives, 
MS.) 


1587.  PAINFUL  POSITION  OP  THE  ENVOYS  AT  COURT.  211 

him  to  return,  she  added,  but  she  was  now  resolved  that  he 
should  never  set  foot  in  the  Provinces  again."  ^ 

Here  the  Earl,  who  was  present,  exclaimed — beating  him- 
self on  the  breast — "  a  tali  officio  libera  nos,  Domine  !"- 

But  the  States,  undaunted  by  these  explosions  of  wrath, 
replied  that  it  had  ever  been  their  custom,  when  their  laws 
and  liberties  were  invaded,  to  speak  their  mind  boldly  to 
kings  and  governors,  and  to  procure  redress  of  their  grievances, 
as  became  free  men.^ 

During  that  whole  spring  the  Queen  was  at  daggers  drawn 
with  all  her  leading  counsellors,  mainly  in  regard  to  that  great 
question  of  questions — the  relations  of  England  with  the 
Netherlands  and  Spain.  Walsingham — who  felt  it  madness 
to  dream  of  peace,  and  who  believed  it  the  soundest  policy  to 
deal  with  Parma  and  his  veterans  upon  the  soil  of  Flanders, 
with  the  forces  of  the  republic  for  allies,  rather  than  to  await 
his  arrival  in  London — was  driven  almost  to  frenzy  by  what 
he  deemed  the  Queen's  perverseness. 

"  Our  sharp  words  continue,"  said  the  Secretary,  "  whicli 
doth  greatly  disquiet  her  Majesty,  and  discomfort  her  poor 
servants  that  attend  her.  The  Lord-Treasurer  remaineth  still 
in  disgrace,  and,  behind  my  back,  her  Majesty  giveth  out 
very  hard  speeches  of  myself,  which  I  the  rather  credit,  for 
that  I  find,  in  dealing  with  her,  I  am  nothing  gracious  ;  and  if 
her  Majesty  could  be  otherwise  served,  I  know  I  should  not  bo 

used Her  Majesty  doth  wholly  lend  herself  to  devise 

some  further  means  to  disgrace  her  poor  council,  in  respect 

whereof  she  neglecteth  all  other  causes The  discord 

between  her  Majesty  and  her  council  hindereth  the  necessary 
consultations  that  were  to  be  destined  for  the  preventing  of 

the  manifold  perils  that  hang   over  this  realm Sir 

Christopher   Hatton   hath   dealt   very  plainly  and   dutifully 


'  Bor,  TT.  xxii.  949. 

'  Ibid. 

3    "  Nous      sommes  accoustuinez, 

comme    aussi    ont   ete  nos    predeccs- 

seurs,  de  remonstrer  a  nos  princes  et 

gouverneurs    librement  des    desordrcs 


contre  nos  privileges  et  liberies,  commo 
avons  fait  a  V.  K.  ctant  ici, — ce  quo 
nous  avons  toujours  tenu  etre  de  notre 
devoir  et  vrai  moyen  pour  parvenir  au 
redres  des  dites  desordres,"  &c.  States- 
General   to  Leicester,    1   March,    1587. 


et   contraventions    que   uoua   trouvons  1  (Ilaguo  Archives,  MS.) 

I.  — 7« 


212  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIV. 

with  her,  which  hath  been  accepted  in  so  evil  part  as  he  is 
resolved    to  retire   for  a  time.      I    assure   you  I    find   every 

man  weary  of  attendance   here I  would  to  God  I 

could  find  as  good  resolution  in  her  Majesty  to  proceed  in 
a  princely  course  in  relieving  the  United  Provinces,  as  I  find 
an  honorable  disi^osition  in  your  Lordship  to  employ  your- 
self in  their  service."  ^ 

The  Lord-Treasurer  was  much  puzzled,  very  wretched,  but 
philosophically  resigned.  "  Why  her  Majesty  useth  me  thus 
strangely,  I  know  not,"  he  observed.  "  To  some  she  saith 
that  she  meant  not  I  should  have  gone  from  the  court ;  to 
some  she  saith,  she  may  not  admit  me,  nor  give  me  con- 
tentment. I  shall  dispose  myself  to  enjoy  Grod's  favour, 
and  shall  do  nothing  to  deserve  her  disfavour.  And  if  I 
be  suffered  to  be  a  stranger  to  her  affairs,  I  shall  have  a 
quieter  life."^ 

Leicester,  after  the  first  burst  of  his  anger  was  over,  was 
willing  to  return  to  the  Provinces.  He  protested  that  he  had 
a  greater  affection  for  the  Netherland  people — not  for  the 
governing  powers — even  than  he  felt  for  the  people  of  Eng- 
land."^ "  There  is  nothing  sticks  in  my  stomach,"  he  said, 
"  but  the  good- will  of  that  poor  afflicted  people,  for  whom,  I 
take  God  to  record,  I  could  be  content  to  lose  any  limb  I  have 
to  do  them  good."*  But  he  was  crippled  with  debt,  and  the 
Queen  resolutely  refused  to  lend  him  a  few  thousand  pounds, 
without  which  he  could  not  stir.  Walsingham  in  vain  did 
battle  with  her  parsimony,  representing  how  urgently  and 
vividly  the  necessity  of  his  return  had  been  depicted  by  all 
her  ministers  in  both  countries,  and  how  much  it  imported  to 
her  own  safety  and  service.  But  she  was  obdurate.  "  She 
would  rather/'  he  said  bitterly  to  Leicester,  "  hazard  the  in- 
crease of  confusion  there — which  may  put  the  whole  country 
in  peril — than  supply  your  want.  The  like  course  she  holdeth 
in  the  rest  of  her  causes,  which  maketh  me  to  wish  myself 


'  "Walsingham  to  Leicester,  3  April, 
1587.  Same  to  same,  10  April,  1587. 
(Brit.  Mug.  Galba,  C,  xi.  315-319.) 

'  Burghley   to   Leicester,    16   April, 


1587.     (Brit.  Mus.   Galba,  C.  3d.  333.) 

*  Bor,  II.  xiii.  950-952. 

*  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  16  Apri.^ 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


158T. 


QUEEN'S  PARSIMONY  TOWARDS  LEICESTER. 


213 


from  the  helm."  At  last  she  agreed  to  advance  him  ten 
thousand  pounds,  but  on  so  severe  conditions,  that  the  Earl 
declared  himself  heart-broken  again,  and  protested  that  he 
would  neither  accept  the  money,  nor  ever  set  foot  in  the 
Netherlands.  "  Let  Norris  stay  there,"  he  said  in  a  fury  ; 
"  he  will  do  admirably,  no  doubt.  Only  let  it  not  be  sup- 
posed that  I  can  be  there  also.  Not  fur  one  hundred  thousand 
pounds  would  I  be  in  that  country  with  liim."^ 

Meantime  it  was  agreed  that  Lord  Buckhurst    should    be 
sent  forth  on  what  Wilkes  termed  a  mission  of  expostulation, 


'"For  the  lO.OOOZ.  for  your  parti- 
cular," said  "Walsinghara,  "  I  iiave  dealt 
very  earnestly,  but  cannot  prevail  to 
win  her  Majesty  to  assent  thereunto. 
I  caused  Mr.  Barker  to  set  down  a  note 
of  your  mortc^ayes  that  stfuid  upon 
forfeiture  for  lack  of  this  promised 
support  of  the  10,000Z,  wherewith  she 
has  been  made  acquainted,  but  not 
moved  thereby  to  relieve  you."  Wal- 
singham  to  Leicester,  6  April,  1587. 
(Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  xi.  323.     MS.) 

And  again,  two  days  later — "I  am 
sorry  that  her  Majesty  sticketh  with 
you  for  the  loan,  for  I  see,  without  your 
return,  both  the  cause  and  many  an 
honest  man  that  have  showed  them 
most  constantly  atfected  to  you,  will 
go  to  ruin.  I  wish  you  had  it,  though 
it  were  for  but  two  months.  The 
enemy  is  not  like  to  attempt  any  great 
matter  in  respect  of  his  wants.  But 
I  am  most  sorry  to  see  so  great  an 
Tidvantage  lost  as  her  Majesty  might 
have  had,  in  case  she  had  been  induced 
to  contribute  towards  the  putting  an 
army  into  the  field."  Same  to  same, 
8  April,  1587.     Ibid.  p.  321-331.     MS. 

And  once  more,  a  week  afterwards — 
"She  can  be  content  to  furnish  j'ou 
with  10,000/.,  so  as  j^ou  would  devise, 
out  of  her  entertainment  and  the  States 
to  pay  her  in  one  year  the  said  sum, 
which  she  saith  you  promised  unto 
herself,  and  therefore  willed  mo  to 
write  to  you  to  know  whether  you  can 
make  repayment  in  sucli  order  as  she 
requireth."  Same  to  same,  14  April, 
1587.     Ibid.  326. 

There  was  not  much  sentiment  be- 
tween the  "  throned  vestal "  and 
"Sw^et    E(.)l>iu"  yi'hGU    pounds    ^d 


shillings  were  discussed;  and  it  will 
be  seen  that  the  Earl  was  rendered 
quite  frantic  by  the  screwing  process 
to  which  he  found  himself  subjected 
by  her  whose  •'  blessed  beams "  had 
formerly  been  so  "  nutritious." 

*  "I  perceive  by  your  letters,"  said 
Leicester,  "that  her  Majesty  would 
now  I  should  go  over,  and  will  lend 
me  10,000/.  so  she  may  be  sure  to  re- 
ceive it  back  within  a  year.  I  did 
ofler  to  her  Majesty  heretofore  that 
she  should  have  all  I  receive  of  her 
entertainment,  and  as  much  besides  as 
shall  yield  her  2,000/.,  paid  either 
1,000/.  at  Michaelmas  and  the  other  at 
our  Lady-day,  or  else  both  at  our  Lady, 
which  is  less  than  a  year ;  and  so  long 
as  I  shall  receive,  then  her  Majesty 
shall  receive  after  this  sort  till  her 
10,000/.  be  paid.  And  tliis  is  more,  I 
am  now  persuaded,  than  I  shall  be  able 
to  do,  and  keep  any  countenance  fit 
for  the  place  ....  but  seeing  1  find 
her  Majesty's  hardness  continue  still 
to  mo  as  it  doth,  I  pray  you  let  me 
3'our  earnest  and  true  furtherance  for 
my  abode  at  home  and  discharge  .  .  . 
for  my  heart  is  more  than  half-broken, 
and  I  do  tliink  lier  Majestj^  had  rather 
far  continue  Sir  J.  Norris  there,  in 
respect  to   the   reconciliation   between 

him  and  Count  Hollock But  I 

will  never  serve  with  him  again  as  long 
as  I  live;  no,  not  for  to  have  100,000/. 

given  me I  know  the  man  too 

well  to  trust  to  his  service.  I  shall 
have  no  good  therobj' — not  if  I  were 
an  angel,  for  lie  cannot  obey  nor  almost 
like  of  nn  equal  ....  and  already'  ho 
J'Mth  taken  advantage  to  curry  favour 
witU  cu|>taiud  and  soldiers.  .  •  t  •  U^ 


214 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XV 


and  a  very  ill-timed  one.  This  new  envoy  was  to  inquire  into 
the  causes  of  the  discontent,  and  to  do  his  best  to  remove 
them  :  as  if  any  man  in  England  or  in  Holland  doubted  as  to 
the  causes,  or  as  to  the  best  means  of  removing  them  ;  or  as 
if  it  were  not  absolutely  certain  that  delay  was  the  very  worst 
specific  that  could  be  adopted — delay — w^hich  the  Nether- 
land  statesmen,  as  well  as  the  Queen's  wisest  counsellors,  moet 
deprecated,  which  Alexander  and  Philip  most  desired,  and  by 
indulging  in  which  her  Majesty  was  most  directly  playing  into 
her  adversary's  hand.  Elizabeth  was  preparing  to  put  cards 
upon  the  table  against  an  antagonist  whose  game  was  close, 
whose  honesty  was  always  to  be  suspected,  and  who  was  a 
consummate  master  in  what  was  then  considered  diplomatic 
sleight  of  hand.  So  Lord  Buckhurst  was  to  go  forth  to  ex- 
postulate at  the  Hague,  while  transports  were  loading  in 
Cadiz  and  Lisbon,  reiters  levying  in  Germany,  pikemen  and 
musketeers  in  Spain  and  Italy,  for  a  purpose  concerning 
which  Walsingham  and  Barneveld  had  for  a  long  time  felt 
little  doubt. 

Meantime  Lord  Leicester  went  to  Bath  to  drink  the  waters, 
and  after  he  had  drunk  the  waters,  the  Queen,  ever  anxiou.; 
for  his  health,  was  resolved  that  he  should  not  lose  the  benefit 
of  those  salubrious  draughts  by  travelling  too  soon,  or  by 
plunging  anew  into  the  fountains  of  bitterness  which  flowed 
perennially  in  the  Netherlands.^ 


shall  never  bear  sway  under  me;  his 
disdain  and  craft  hath  no  moderation; 
and  I  know,  for  all  those  speeches  of 
my  going,  his  friends  make  lull  account 
that  he  shall  remain  there  as  her  Ma- 
jesty's general  of  the  forces."  Leicester 
to  Walsingham,  16  April,  1587.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

'  "Finding  your  presence  here  ne- 
cessary," wrote  Walsingham,  "for  the 
expedition  of  the  Low  Country  causes, 


I  moved  her  Majesty  that  I  might 
be  authorised  in  her  name  to  hasteu 
your  repair  hither,  whereunto  she 
would  ia  no  sort  consent,  pretend- 
ing that  after  the  use  of  the  Bath,  it 
would  be  dangerous  for  your  Lord- 
ship to  take  any  extraordinary  travail. 
There  is  some  doubt  that  Ostend  will 
be  presently  besieged,"  &c.  &c.  Wal- 
singham to  Leicester,  17  April,  1587. 
(B.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  xi.  327,  MS.) 


1687.  BUCKHURST  SENT  TO  THE  NETHERLANDS.  215 


CHAPTER     Xy. 

Buokhurst  sent  to  the  Netherlands — Alarming  State  of  Affairs  on  his  Arrival 
—  His  Efforts  to  conciliate  —  Democratic  Theories  of  Wilkes  —  Sophistry 
of  the  Argument  —  Dispute  between  Wilkes  and  Barueveld  —  Religious 
Tolerance  by  the  States  —  Their  Constitutional  Theory  —  Deventer's  bad 
Counsels  to  Leicester  —  Their  pernicious  Effect  — '-  Real  and  supposed 
Plots  against  Hohenlo  —  Mutual  Suspicion  and  Distrust  —  Buckhurst  seeks 
to  restore  good  Feeling  —  The  Queen  angry  and  vindictive  —  She  cen- 
sures Buckhurst's  Course  —  Leicester's  Wrath  at  Hohenlo's  Charges  of  a 
Plot  by  the  Earl  to  murder  him  —  Buckhurst's  eloquent  Appeals  to  the 
Queen  —  Her  perplexing  and  contradictory  Orders  —  Despair  of  Wilkea  — 
Leicester  announces  his  Return  —  His  Instructions  —  Letter  to  Junius  — 
Barneveld  denounces  him  in  the  States. 

We  return  to  the  Netherlands.  If  ever  proof  were  afforded 
of  the  influence  of  individual  character  on  the  destiny  of 
nations  and  of  the  world,  it  certainly  was  seen  in  the  year 
1587.  We  have  lifted  the  curtain  of  the  secret  council- 
chamber  at  Greenwich.  We  have  seen  all  Elizabeth's  ad- 
visers anxious  to  arouse  her  from  her  fatal  credulity,  from  her 
almost  as  fatal  parsimony.  We  have  seen  Leicester  anxious 
to  return,  despite  all  fancied  indignities,  Walsingham  eager 
to  expedite  the  enterprise,  and  the  Queen  remaining  obdurate, 
while  month  after  month  of  precious  time  was  melting  away. 

In  the  Netherlands,  meantime,  discord  and  confusion  had 
been  increasing  every  day  ;  and  the  first  great  cause  of  such  a 
dangerous  condition  of  affairs  was  the  absence  of  the  governor. 
In  this  all  parties  agreed.  The  Leicestrians,  the  anti-Leicee- 
trians,  the  Holland  party,  the  Utrecht  party,  the  English 
counsellors,  the  English  generals,  in  private  letter,  in  solemn 
act,  all  warned  the  Queen  against  the  lamentable  effects 
resulting  from  Leicester's  inopportune  departure  and  pro- 
longed absence.^ 

On  the  first  outbreak  of  indignation  after  the  Deventer 
affair.  Prince  Maurice  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  general 
government,  with  the  violent  Hohenlo  as  his  lieutenant.^     The 

'  Documents  in  Bor,  III.  xxiii.  76-80.  '  Wagenaar,  viii.  204. 


216  THE  tJNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XV. 

greatest  exertions  were  made  by  these  two  nobles  and  by 
Barneveld,  who  guided  the  whole  policy  of  the  party,  to 
secure  as  many  cities  as  possible  to  their  cause.  Magistrates 
and  commandants  of  garrisons  in  many  towns  willingly  gave 
in  their  adhesion  to  the  new  government  ;  others  refused  ; 
especially  Diedrich  Sonoy,  an  officer  of  distinction,  who  was 
governor  of  Enkhuyzen,  and  influential  throughout  North 
Holland,  and  who  remained  a  stanch  partisan  of  Leicester.' 
Utrecht,  the  stronghold  of  the  Leicestrians,  was  wavering  and 
much  torn  by  faction  ;  Hohenlo  and  Moeurs  had  "  banquetted 
and  feasted  "  to  such  good  purpose  that  they  had  gained  over 
half  the  captains  of  the  burgher-guard,  and,  aided  by  the 
branch  of  nobles,  were  making  a  good  fight  against  the 
Leicester  magistracy  and  the  clerical  force,  enriched  by  the 
plunder  of  the  old  Catholic  livings,  who  denounced  as  Pa- 
pistical and  Hispaniolized  all  who  favoured  the  party  of 
Maurice  and  Barneveld. 

By  the  end  of  March  the  envoys  returned  from  London, 
and  in  their  company  came  Lord  Buckhurst,  as  special  am- 
bassador from  the  Queen.^ 

Thomas  Sackville,  Lord  Buckhurst — afterwards  Earl  of 
Dorset  and  lord-treasurer — was  then  fifty-one  years  of  age. 
A  man  of  large  culture — poet,  dramatist,  diplomatist — bred 
to  the  bar  ;  afterwards  elevated  to  the  peerage  ;  endowed  with 
high  character  and  strong  intellect  ;  ready  with  tongue  and 
pen  ;  handsome  of  person,  and  with  a  fascinating  address,  he 
was  as  fit  a  person  to  send  on  a  mission  of  expostulation  as 
any  man  to  be  found  in  England.  But  the  author  of  the 
'  Induction  to  the  Mirror  for  Magistrates '  and  of  '  Gorboduc,' 
had  come  to  the  Netherlands  on  a  forlorn  hope.  To  expos- 
tulate in  favour  of  jieace  with  a  people  who  knew  that  their 
existence  depended  on  war,  to  reconcile  those  to  delay  who 
felt  that  delay  was  death,  and  to  heal  animosities  between 
men  who  we^e  enemies  from  their  cradles  to  their  graves,  was 
a  difficult  mission.  But  the  chief  ostensible  object  of  Buck- 
hurst was  to  smooth  the  way  for  Leicester,  and,  if  possible,  to 

'Wagenaar,  vuL  1?6,  185,  209-21],  270-278.  Bor,  TIL  xxiii.  10,  seq. 
Eeyd,  vi.  101.  ^  Bor,  xxii.  952.     Wagenaar,  216. 


1587.         ALARMING  STATE  OF  AFFAIRS  AT  HIS  ARRIVAL.  217 

persuade  the  Netherlanders  as  to  the  good  inclinations  of  the 
English  government.  This  was  no  easy  task,  for  they  knew 
that  their  envoys  had  been  dismissed,  without  even  a  promise 
of  subsidy.  They  had  asked  for  twelve  thousand  soldiers  and 
sixty  thousand  pounds,  and  had  received  a  volley  of  abuse. 
Over  and  over  again,  through  many  months,  the  Queen  fell 
into  a  paroxysm  of  rage  when  even  an  allusion  was  made  to 
the  loan  of  fifty  or  sixty  thousand  pounds  ;  and  even  had  she 
promised  the  money,  it  would  have  given  but  little  satisfac- 
tion. As  Count  Moeurs  observed,  he  would  rather  see  one 
English  rose-noble  than  a  hundred  royal  promises.  So  the 
Hollanders  and  Zeelanders — not  fearing  Leicester's  influence 
within  their  little  morsel  of  a  territory — were  concentrating 
their  means  of  resistance  upon  their  own  soil,  intending  to 
resist  Spain,  and,  if  necessary,  England,  in  their  last  ditch, 
and  with  the  last  drop  of  their  blood. 

While  such  was  the  condition  of  affairs.  Lord  Buckhurst 
landed  at  Flushing — four  months  after  the  departure  of 
Leicester — on  the  24th  March,  having  been  tossing  three  days 
and  nights  at  sea  in  a  great  storm,  "  miserably  sick  and  in 
great  danger  of  drowning."^  Sir  William  Russell,  governor 
of  Flushing,  informed  him  of  the  progress  making  by  Prince 
Maurice  in  virtue  of  his  new  authority.  He  told  him  that  the 
Zeeland  regiment,  vacant  by  Sidney's  death,  and  which  the 
Queen  wished  bestowed  upon  Russell  himself,  had  been  given 
to  Count  Solms  ;  a  circumstance  which  was  very  sure  to  ex- 
cite her  Majesty's  ire  ;  but  that  the  greater  number,  and  those 
of  the  better  sort,  disliked  the  alteration  of  government,  and 
relied  entirely  upon  the  Queen.  Sainte  Aldegonde  visited  him 
at  Middelburgh,  and*  in  a  "  long  discourse "  expressed  the 
most  friendly  sentiments  towards  England,  with  free  offers  of 
personal  service.  "  Nevertheless,"  said  Buckhm'st,  cautiously, 
"  I  mean  to  trust  the  effect,  not  his  words,  and  so  I  hope  he 
shall  not  much  deceive  me.  His  opinion  is  that  the  Earl  of 
Leicester's  absence  hath  chiefly  caused  this  change,  and  that 
without  his  return  it  will  hardly  be  restored  again,  but  that 

'  Buckhurst  to  Walsingham,  26th  March,  1587.     (S,  P.  OflQce  MS.) 


218  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XV 

upon  his  arrival  all  these  clouds  will  prove  but  a  summer- 
shower."  ^ 

As  a  matter  of  course  the  new  ambassador  lifted  up  his 
voice,  immediately  after  setting  foot  on  shore,  in  favour  of 
the  starving  soldiers  of  his  Queen.  "  'Tis  a  most  lamentable 
thing,"  said  he,  "  to  hear  the  complaints  of  soldiers  and 
captains  for  want  of  pay."  ....  Whole  companies  made  their 
way  into  his  presence,  literally  crying  aloud  for  bread.  "For 
Jesus'  sake,"  wrote  Buckhurst,  "  hasten  to  send  relief  with  all 
speed,  and  let  such  victuallers  be  appointed  as  have  a  con- 
science not  to  make  themselves  rich  with  the  famine  of  poor 
soldiers.  If  her  Majesty  send  not  money,  and  that  with  speed, 
for  their  payment,  I  am  afraid  to  think  what  mischief  and 
miseries  are  like  to  follow."  ^ 

Then  the  ambassador  proceeded  to  the  Hague,  holding 
interviews  with  influential  personages  in  private,  and  with  the 
States-General  in  public.  Such  was  the  charm  of  his  manner, 
and  so  firm  the  conviction  of  sincerity  and  good- will  which 
he  inspired,  that  in  the  course  of  a  fortnight  there  was  already 
a  sensible  change  in  the  aspect  of  affairs.  The  enemy,  who, 
at  the  time  of  their  arrival,  had  been  making  bonfires  and 
holding  triumphal  processions  for  joy  of  the  great  breach 
between  Holland  and  England,  and  had  been  "  hoping  to 
swallow  them  all  up,  while  there  were  so  few  left  who  knew 
how  to  act/'  were  already  manifesting  disappointment.^ 

In  a  solemn  meeting  of  the  States-General  with  the  state- 
council,  Buckhurst  addressed  the  assembly  upon  the  general 
subject  of  her  Majesty's  goodness  to  the  Netherlands.  He 
spoke  of  the  gracious  assistance  rendered  by  her,  notwith- 
standing her  many  special  charges  for  the  common  cause,  and 
of  the  mighty  enmities  which  she  had  incurred  for  their  sake. 
He  sharply  censured  the  Hollanders  for  their  cruelty  to 
men  who  had  shed  their  blood  in  their  cause,  but  who  were 
now  driven  forth  from  their  towns,  and  left  to  starve  on  the 
highways,  and  hated  for  their  nation's  sake  ;  as  if  the  whole 

'  Buckhurst  to  Walsingham,  MS.  I  ^  Bartholomew  Ck-rk  to  Burghley, 
last  cited.  '  Ibid.  |    12  April,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1587.  HIS  EFFORTS  I'O   CONCILIATE.  219 

English  name  deserved  to  be  soiled  "  for  the  treachery  of  two 
miscreants."  He  spoke  strongly  of  their  demeanour  towards 
the  Earl  of  Leicester,  and  of  the  wrongs  they  had  done  him, 
and  told  them,  that,  if  they  were  not  ready  to  atone  to  her 
Majesty  for  such  injuries,  they  were  not  to  wonder  if  their 
deputies  received  no  better  answer  at  her  hands.  "  She  who 
embraced  your  cause,"  he  said,  "  when  other  mighty  princes 
forsook  you,  will  still  stand  fast  unto  you,  yea,  and  increase 
her  goodness,  if  her  present  state  may  suffer  it."  ^ 

After  being  addressed  in  this  manner  the  council  of  state 
made  what  Counsellor  Clerk  called  a  "  very  honest,  modest, 
and  wise  answer  ;"  but  the  States-General,  not  being  able 
"  so  easily  to  discharge  that  which  had  so  long  boiled  within 
them,"  deferred  their  reply  until  the  following  day.  They  then 
brought  forward  a  deliberate  rejoinder,  in  which  they  ex- 
pressed themselves  devoted  to  her  Majesty,  and,  on  the  whole, 
well  disposed  to  the  Earl.  As  to  the  4th  February  letter,  it 
had  been  written  "  in  amaritudine  cordis,"  upon  hearing  the 
treasons  of  York  and  Stanley,  and  in  accordance  with  "  their 
custom  and  liberty  used  towards  all  princes,  whereby  they  had 
long  preserved  their  estate,"  and  in  the  conviction  that  the 
real  culprits  for  all  the  sins  of  his  Excellency's  government 
were  certain  "lewd  persons  who  sought  to  seduce  his  Lord- 
ship, and  to  cause  him  to  hate  the  States." 

Buckhurst  did  not  think  it  well  to  reply,  at  that  moment, 
upon  the  ground  that  there  had  been  already  crimination  and 
recrimination  more  than  enough,  and  that  "  a  little  bitterness 
more  had  rather  caused  them  to  determine  dangerously  than 
resolve  for  the  best."^ 

They  then  held  council  together — the  envoys  and  the 
States-General,  as  to  the  amount  of  troops  absolutely  neces- 
sary— casting  up  the  matter  "  as  pinchingly  as  possibly  might 
be."  And  the  result  was,  that  20,000  foot  and  2000  horse  for 
garrison  work,  and  an  army  of  13,000  foot,  5000  horse,  and 
1000  pioneers,  for  a  campaign  of  five  or  six  months,  were  pro- 
nounced indispensable.     This  would  require  all  their  240,000^. 

'  Bartholomew  Clerk  to  Burghley,  ubi  sup.  '  Ibid. 


220  'i'HK   UNITKD    NKTUERLANDS.  Chap.  XV. 

sterling  a-year,  regular  contribution,  her  Majesty's  contingent 
of  140,000/.,  and  an  extra  sum  of  150,000/.  sterling.  Of  this 
sum  the  States  requested  her  Majesty  should  furnish  two- 
thirds,  while  they  agreed  to  furnish  the  other  third,  which 
would  make  in  all  240,000/.  for  the  Queen,  and  290,000/.  for 
the  States.  As  it  was  understood  that  the  English  subsidies 
were  only  a  loan,  secured  by  mortgage  of  the  cautionary  towns, 
this  did  not  seem  very  unreasonable,  when  the  intimate  blend- 
ing of  England's  welfare  with  that  of  the  Provinces  was 
considered.^ 

Thus  it  will  be  observed  that  Lord  Buckhurst — while  doing 
his  best  to  conciliate  personal  feuds  and  heartburnings — had 
done  full  justice  to  the  merits  of  Leicester,  and  had  placed 
in  strongest  light  the  favours  conferred  by  her  Majesty. 

He  then  proceeded  to  Utrecht,  where  he  was  received  with 
many  demonstrations  of  respect,  'Svith  solemn  speeches" 
from  magistrates  and  burgher-captains,  with  military  proces- 
sions, and  with  great  banquets,  which  were,  however,  con- 
ducted with  decorum,  and  at  which  even  Count  Moeurs  excited 
universal  astonishment  by  his  sobriety.^  It  was  difficult,  how- 
ever, for  matters  to  go  very  smoothly,  excej^t  upon  the  surface. 
What  could  be  more  disastrous  than  for  a  little  common- 
wealth— a  mere  handful  of  people,  like  these  Netherlanders, 
engaged  in  mortal  combat  with  the  most  powerful  monarch 
in  the  world,  and  with  the  first  general  of  the  age,  within  a 
league  of  their  borders — thus  to  be  deprived  of  all  organized 
government  at  a  most  critical  moment,  and  to  be  left  to 
wrangle  with  their  allies  and  among  themselves,  as  to  the 
form  of  polity  to  be  adopted,  while  waiting  the  pleasure  of  a 
capricious  and  despotic  woman  ? 

And  the  very  foundation  of  the  authority  by  which  the 
Spanish  yoke  had  been  abjured,  the  sovereignty  offered  to 
Elizabeth,  and  the  government-general  conferred  on  Leicester, 
was  fiercely  assailed  by  the  confidential  agents  of  Elizabeth 
herself.     The  dispute  went  into  the  very  depths  of  the  social 

*  Bartholomew  Clerk  to  Bursliley,  1  *  Gilpin  to  Wilkes,  25  April,  1587. 
MS.  last  eilLd.  '  [   (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1587.  DEMOCRATIC  TIIKORIES  OF  WILKES.  221 

contract.  Already  Wilkes,  standing  up  stoutly  for  the  demo- 
cratic views  of  the  governor,  who  was  so  foully  to  requite  him, 
had  assured  the  English  government  that  the  "  people  were 
ready  to  cut  the  throats"  of  the  States-General  at  any  con- 
venient moment.  The  sovereign  people,  not  the  deputies, 
were  alone  to  be  heeded,  he  said,  and  although  he  never 
informed  the  world  by  what  process  he  had  learned  the 
deliberate  opinion  of  that  sovereign,  as  there  had  been  no 
assembly  excepting  those  of  the  States-General  and  States- 
Provincial — he  was  none  the  less  fully  satisfied  that  the  people 
were  all  with  Leicester,  and  bitterly  opposed  to  the  States. 

"For  the  sovereignty,  or  supreme  authority,"  said  he, 
"  through  failure  of  a  legitimate  prince,  belongs  to  the  people, 
and  not  to  you,  gentlemen,  who  are  only  servants,  ministers, 
and  deputies  of  the  people.  You  have  your  commissions  or  in- 
structions surrounded  by  limitations — which  conditions  are  so 
widely  different  from  the  power  of  sovereignty,  as  the  might 
of  the  subject  is  in  regard  to  his  prince,  or  of  a  servant  in 
respect  to  his  master.  For  sovereignty  is  not  limited  either 
as  to  power  or  as  to  time.  Still  less  do  you  represent  the 
sovereignty  ;  for  the  people,  in  giving  the  general  and  absolute 
government  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  have  conferred  ujjon  him 
at  once  the  exercise  of  justice,  the  administration  of  polity, 
of  naval  affairs,  of  war,  and  of  all  the  other  points  of  sove- 
reignty. Of  these  a  governor-general  is  however  only  the 
depositary  or  guardian,  until  such  time  as  it  may  jilease  the 
prince  or  people  to  revoke  the  trust ;  there  being  no  other 
in  this  state  who  can  do  this  ;  seeing  that  it  was  the  2)eople, 
who,  through  the  instrumentality  of  your  offices — through  you 
as  its  servants — conferred  on  his  Excellency,  this  power, 
authority,  and  government.  According  to  the  common  rule 
of  law,  therefore,  quo  jure  quid  stutuitur,  eodem  Jure  tolli 
debet.  You  having  been  fully  empowered  by  the  provinces 
and  cities,  or,  to  speak  more  correctly,  by  your  masters  and 
superiors,  to  confer  the  government  on  his  Excellency,  it  fol- 
lows that  you  require  a  like  power  in  order  to  take  it  away 
thither  m  whole  or  in  part,    If  then  you  bad  no  pomroissioa 


222 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


CuAP.  XY, 


to  curtail  his  authority,  or  even  that  of  the  state-council,  and 
thus  to  tread  upon  and  usurp  his  power  as  governor  general 
and  absolute,  there  follows  of  two  things  one  :  either  you 
did  not  well  understand  what  you  were  doing,  nor  duly  con- 
sider how  far  that  power  reached,  or — much  more  probably — 
you  have  fallen  into  the  sin  of  disobedience,  considering  how 
solemnly  you  swore  allegiance  to  him.^ 

Thus  subtly  and  ably  did  Wilkes  defend  the  authority  of 
the  man  who  had  deserted  his  post  at  a  most  critical  moment, 
and  had  compelled  the  States,  by  his  dereliction,  to  take  the 
government  into  their  own  hands. 

For,  after  all,  the  whole  argument  of  the  English  counsellor 
rested  upon  a  quibble.  The  people  were  absolutely  sovereign, 
he   said,  and   had   lent   that  sovereignty  to  Leicester.     How 


'  Kluit.  'Holl.  Staatsreg.'  II.  281. 
Compare  Wagenaar,  viiu  208. 

It  is  very  important  to  observe,  that 
Wilkes  retracted  these  democratic 
views  before  the  end  of  the  summer, 
and  gradually  adopted  the  constitu- 
tional tlieory  maintained  by  Holland. 
He  informed  the  Queen,  on  the  12th 
July,  1587,'  that  in  case  she  refused 
tlie  sovereignty,  it  "should  remain 
with  such  as  by  the  laws  of  the 
country  do  retain  it,  wliich  is  not  in  the 
common  people,  but  in  some  fifty  or 
sixty  persons  in  every  city  and  town 
called    by    the   name    of    Vroedschap. 

If  the    Earl   of  Leicester," 

said  he,  "  should  attempt  to  remove 
any  of  these  persons  constituting  this 
Vroedschap,  as  it  is  rumoured  he  in- 
tends doing,  it  will  hazard  the  ruin  of 
the  whole  country,  endanger  the  Earl 
greatly,  and  prove  the  loss  of  all  her 
Majesty's  charge  employed  in  the  de- 
fence of  the  country.  It  is  a  mistake 
to  suppose  that  it  will  be  a  facile 
matter  to  carry  the  common  people 
into  any  such  violence  at  any  time 
against  the  States;  for  the  magistrates 
of  every  city  and  town,  upon  pre- 
monition already  given,  are  holding  a 
vigilant  eye  and  severe  hand  over  any 
that  shall  stir  within  any  of  their 
jurisdiction." 

"The  remedy,"  continued  Wilkes, 
"  to  prevent  any  mischief  that  might 
tissue  of  any  popular  commotion,  would 


be  to  leave  that  course,  and  to  follow 
the  example  of  the  late  Prince  of 
Orange,  who  had  quite  as  many  diffi- 
culties to  contend  with  as  the  Earl  of 
Leicester,  and  yet  fbrebore  to  discredit 
the  States  with  the  people — gaining 
five  or  six  of  the  States'  members  that 
had  the  most  credit  with  the  assem- 
blies, and  through  them  working  upon 
all  the  rest ;  there  being  nothing  de- 
termined or  to  be  handled  in  their 
assemblies  but  he  knew  of  it  always 
beforehand;  and  whensoever  he  had 
anything  to  propound  or  bring  to  pass 
among  them,  he  first  consulted  with 
these  persons,  and  by  them  was  made 
acquainted  whether  the  matter  would 
pass  or  be  impugned,  and  acted 
accordingly."  "  Tlie  Prince,"  said 
Wilkes,  "  never  attempted  anything 
of  importance  without  consulting  the 
States.  The  people  are  the  same  now 
as  they  were  then,  and  do  not  love  to 
be  subject  to  any  monarchical  govern- 
ment." Wilkes  to  the  Queen,  12  July, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

It  is  obvious,  from  this  change  of 
opinion  on  the  part  of  tlie  counsellor, 
that  he  would  become  liable  to  the 
disapprobation  of  Leicester;  but  it 
seems  hardly  credible  that  he  should 
have  thereby  inspired  the  Earl  with 
such  a  hatred  and  longing  for  revenge 
against  him  aa  he  unquestionably  did 
excite. 


i587.  SOPmSTRT  OF  THE  ARGUMENT.  223 

had  they  made  that  loan  ?  Through  the  machinery  of  tho 
States-General.  So  long  then  as  the  Earl  retained  the  absolute 
sovereignty,  the  States  were  not  even  representatives  of  the 
sovereign  people.  The  sovereign  people  was  merged  into  one 
English  Earl.  The  English  Earl  had  retired— indefinitely — 
to  England.  Was  the  sovereign  people  to  wait  for  months,  or 
years,  before  it  regained  its  existence  ?  And  if  not,  how  was 
it  to  reassert  its  vitality  ?  How  but  through  the  agency  of 
the  States-General,  who — according  to  Wilkes  himself — had 
been  fully  empowed  by  the  Provinces  and  Cities  to  confer  the 
government  on  the  Earl  ?  The  people  then,  after  all,  were  the 
provinces  and  cities.  And  the  States-General  were  at  that 
moment  as  much  qualified  to  represent  those  provinces  and 
cities  as  they  ever  had  been,  and  they  claimed  no  more. 
Wilkes,  nor  any  other  of  the  Leicester  party,  ever  hinted  at 
a  general  assembly  of  the  people.  Universal  suffrage  was  not 
dreamed  of  at  that  day.  By  the  people,  he  meant,  if  he 
meant  anything,  only  that  very  small  fraction  of  the  in- 
habitants of  a  country,  who,  according  to  the  English  system, 
in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  constituted  its  Commons.  He  chose, 
rather  from  personal  and  political  motives  than  philosophical 
ones,  to  draw  a  distinction  between  the  people  and  the 
'  States,'  but  it  is  quite  obvious,  from  the  tone  of  his  private 
communications,  that  by  the  '  States '  he  meant  the  indi- 
viduals who  happened,  for  the  time-being,  to  be  the  deputies 
of  the  States  of  each  Province.  But  it  was  almost  an  affecta- 
tion to  accuse  those  individuals  of  calling  or  considering  them- 
selves ^  sovereigns  ;  '  for  it  was  very  well  known  that  they 
sat  as  envoys,  rather  than  as  members  of  a  congress,  and  were 
perpetually  obliged  to  recur  to  their  constituents,  the  States  of 
each  Province,  for  instructions.  It  was  idle,  because  Buys  and 
Barneveld,  and  Roorda,  and  other  leaders,  exercised  the  in- 
fluence due  to  their  talents,  patriotism,  and  experience,  to 
stigmatise  them  as  usurpers  of  sovereignty,  and  to  hound 
the  rabble  upon  them  as  tyrants  and  mischief-makers.  Yet 
to  take  this  course  pleased  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  who  saw  no 
hope  for  the  liberty  of  the  people,  unless  absolute  and  uncon- 


224  THE   UNITED  NETHliiRLAiTDS.  Chap.  XV. 

(litioual  authority  over  the  people,  in  war,  naval  affairs, 
justice,  and  policy,  were  placed  in  his  hands.  This  was  the 
view  sustained  by  the  clergy  of  the  Reformed  Church,  because 
they  found  it  convenient,  through  such  a  theory,  and  by  Lei- 
cester's power,  to  banish  Papists,  exercise  intolerance  in 
matters  of  religion,  sequestrate  for  their  own  private  uses  the 
property  of  the  Catholic  Church,  and  obtain  for  their  own  a 
political  power  which  was  repugnant  to  the  more  liberal  ideas 
of  the  Barneveld  party. 

The  States  of  Holland — inspired  as  it  were  by  the  memory 
of  that  great  martyr  to  religious  and  political  liberty,  William 
the  Silent — maintained  freedom  of  conscience. 

The  Leicester  party  advocated  a  different  theory  on  the 
religious  question.  They  were  also  determined  to  omit  no 
effort  to  make  the  States  odious. 

"  Seeing  their  violent  courses,"  said  Wilkes  to  Leicester, 
"I  have  not  been  negligent,  as  well  by  solicitations  to  tJie 
ministers,  as  by  my  letters  to  such  as  have  continued  constant 
in  affection  to  your  Lordship,  to  have  the  people  informed  of 
the  ungrateful  and  dangerous  proceedings  of  the  States.  They 
have  therein  travailed  with  so  good  effect,  as  tJie  people  are 
now  wonderfully  well  disposed,  and  have  delivered  every- 
where in  speeches,  that  if,  by  the  overthwart  dealings  of  the 
States,  her  Majesty  shall  be  drawn  to  stay  her  succours  and 
goodness  to  them,  and  that  thereby  your  Lordship  be  also 
disco-uraged  to  return,  they  will  cut  their  throats."  ^ 

Who  the  ^'^ people"  exactly  were,  that  had  been  so  wonder- 
fully well  disposed  to  throat-cutting  by  the  ministers  of  the 
Gospel,  did  not  distinctly  appear.  It  was  certain,  however, 
that  they  were  the  special  friends  of  Leicester,  great  orators, 
very  pious,  and  the  sovereigns  of  the  country.  So  much  could 
not  be  gainsaid. 

"  Your  Lordship  would  wonder,"  continued  the  councillor, 
"  to  see  the  people — who  so  lately,  by  the  practice  of  the  said 
States  and  the  accident  of  Deventer,  were  notably  alienated — 

^  '  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  12  March,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1587.  DISPUTE  BETWEE::^  WILKliS  AND  BARNEVELD.  225 

80  returned  to  their  former  devotion  towards  her  Majesty, 
your  Lordship,  and  our  nation." 

Wilkes  was  able  moreover  to  gratify  the  absent  governor- 
general  with  the  intelligence — of  somewhat  questionable 
authenticity  however — that  the  States  were  very  "  much 
terrified  with  these  threats  of  the  people,"  But  Barneveld 
came  down  to  the  council  to  inquire  what  member  of  that 
body  it  was  who. had  accused  the  States  of  violating  the 
Earl's  authority.  "  Whoever  he  is,"  said  the  Advocate,  "  let 
him  deliver  his  mind  frankly,  and  he  shall  be  answered." 
The  man  did  not  seem  much  terrified  by  the  throat-cutting 
orations,  "  It  is  true,"  replied  Wilkes,  perceiving  himself  to 
be  the  person  intended,  "  that  you  have  very  injuriously,  in 
many  of  your  proceedings,  derogated  from  and  trodden  the 
authority  of  his  Lordship  and  of  this  council  under  your 
feet."  1 

And  then  he  went  into  particulars,  and  discussed,  more  siio, 
the  constitutional  question,  in  which  various  Leicestrian  coun- 
sellors seconded  him. 

But  Barneveld  grimly  maintained  that  the  States  were  the 
sovereigns,  and  that*  it  was  therefore  unfit  that  the  governor, 
who  drew  his  author ity  from  them,  should  call  them  to  account 
for  theu  doings.  "  It  was  as  if  the  governors  in  the  time  of 
Charles  V.,"  said  the  Advocate,  "  should  have  taxed  that 
Emperor  for  any  action  of  his  done  in  the  government." - 

In  brief,  the  rugged  Barneveld,  with  threatening  voice, 
and  lion  port,  seemed  to  impersonate  the  States,  and  to  hold 
reclaimed  sovereignty  in  his  grasp.  It  seemed  difficult  to 
tear  it  from  him  again. 

"  I  did  what  I  could,"  said  Wilkes,  "  to  beat  them  from  this 
humour  of  their  sovereignty,  showing  that  upon  that  error  they 
had  grounded  the  rest  of  their  wilful  absurdities."^ 

Next  night,  he  drew  up  sixteen  articles,  showing  the  dis- 
orders of  the  States,  their  breach  of  oaths,  and  violations  of 
the  Earl's  authority  ;   and  with  that  commenced  a  series  of 


'  Wilkes  to  Leicester,  MS.  last  cited. 
"  Ibid.      Compare     Kluit,    IT.    281, 
q.      Bor,    II.    xxii.    918,    921,    seq. 
VOL.  II. Q 


Wagenaar,  viii.  208. 

'  Wilkes     to     Leicester,     MS.     last 
cited. 


226  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XV. 

papers  iaterchanged  by  the  two  parties,  in  which  the  topics  of 
the  origin  of  goverameat  and  the  principles  of  religious 
freedom  were  handled  with  much  ability  on  both  sides,  but 
at  unmerciful  length. 

On  the  religious  question,  the  States-General,  led  by  Bar- 
neveld  and  by  Francis  Franck,  expressed  themselves  man- 
fully, on  various  occasions,  during  the  mission  of  Buckhurst. 

"  The  nobles  and  cities  constituting  tliQ,  States,"  they  said, 
"  have  been  denounced  to  Lord  Leicester  as  enemies  of 
religion,  by  the  self-seeking  mischief-makers  who  surround 
him.  Why  ?  Because  tliey  had  refused  the  demand  of 
certain  preachers  to  call  a  general  synod,  in  defiance  of  the 
States-General,  and  to  introduce  a  set  of  ordinances,  with  a 
system  of  discipline,  according  to  their  arbitrary  will.  This 
the  late  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  States-General  had  always 
thought  detrimental  both  to  religion  and  polity.  They  re- 
spected the  difference  in  religious  opinions,  and  leaving  all 
churches  in  their  freedom,  they  cliose  to  compel  no  man's  con- 
science— a  course  which  all  statesmen,  knowing  the  diversity 
of  human  opinions,  had  considered  necessary  in  order  to 
maintain  fraternal  harmony." ' 

Such  words  shine  through  the  prevailing  darkness  of  the 
religious  atmosphere  at  that  epoch,  like  characters   of  light. 


■  Meteren,  xiv.  250-253. 

The  States  of  Holland,  under  the 
guidance  of  Barneveld,  took  strong 
ground,  on  several  occasions  this  year, 
against  attempts  made  by  the  Reformed 
Church  to  meddle  with  secular  matters. 


(Bor,  III.  xxiii.  76.) 

A  few  days  later,  a  resolution  upon 
the  subject  of  the  petition  was  passed 
by  the  States,  printed,  and  sent  to  all 
the  cities  in  the  Province,  with  an 
order   to   the   magistrates    to   summon 


On  the  presentation  of  a  petition  rela-  j  the    preachers     before     them,     deliver 

tive  to  politics,  by  a  committee  of  four  '  them   a   copy  of  the   resolution,    warn 

preacliers,    representing    the    churclies  j  them    to   keep   their   congregations   in 

of  Holland,  answer  was  made  through  |  tranquOUty    and     harmony,     and,     for 


the  mouth  of  Barneveld,  that  J' the 
States  were  very  well  acquainted  with 
the  matters  mentioned  in  the  petition, 
and  with  many  other  things  besides ; 
that  the  States  were  quite  as  much 
interested  as  the  churches  could  be 
in  the  welfare  of  the  land,  and  that 
they  could  provide  for  it,  without  the 
assistance  of  the  preachers."  The 
petitioners    were    accordingly    advised 


their  own  part,  to  occupy  themselves 
with  praying,  teaching,  and  preach- 
ing, and  to  allow  the  States  and  the 
magistrates  to  administer  the  govern- 
ment. 

The  resolution  itself — which  the 
preachers  characterised  as  a  rude 
answer  to  a  courteous  request — was 
conceived  much  in  the  spirit  of 
Barneveld's     original      verbal      reply. 


to   go   home,  and  leave  the  States  to   j   (See  the  documents  in  Bor,  III.  xxiii 
manage    the    atiairs    of   the    country.   |   7G,  85  seq.) 


1587.  RELIGIOUS   TOLERANCE   BY   THE   STATES.  227 

They  are  beacons  in  the  upward  path  of  mankind.  Never 
before,  had  so  bold  and  wise  a  tribute  to  the  genius  of  the 
reformation  been  paid  by  an  organized  community.  Indi- 
viduals walking  in  advance  of  their  age  had  enunciated  such 
truths,  and  their  voices  had  seemed  to  die  away ,  but,  at  last, 
a  little,  struggling,  half-developed  commonwealth  had  pro- 
claimed the  rights  of  conscience  for  all  mankind — for  Papists 
and  Calvinists,  Jews  and  Anabaptists — because  "having  a 
respect  for  differences  in  religious  opinions,  and  leaving  all 
churches  in  their  freedom,  they  chose  to  compel  no  man's 
conscience." 

On  the  constitutional  question,  the  States  commenced  by  an 
astounding  absurdity.  "  These  mischief-makers,  moreover," 
said  they,  "  have  not  been  ashamed  to  dispute,  and  to  cause 
the  Earl  of  Leicester  to  dispute,  the  lawful  constitution  of  the 
Provinces  ;  a  matter  which  has  not  been  disputed  for  eight 
hundred  years."  ^ 

This  was  indeed  to  claim  a  respectable  age  for  their 
republic.  Eight  hundred  years  took  them  back  to  the  days 
of  Charlemagne,  in  whose  time  it  would  have  been  somewhat 
difficult  to  detect  a  germ  of  their  States-General  and  States- 
Provincial,  That  the  constitutional  government — consistins: 
of  nobles  and  of  the  vroedschaps  of  chartered  cities — should 
have  been  in  existence  four  hundred  and  seventeen  years 
before  the  first  charter  had  ever  been  granted  to  a  city,  was  a 
very  loose  style  of  argument.  Thomas  Wilkes,  in  reply, 
might  as  well  have  traced  the  English  parliament  to  Hengist 
and  Horsa.  "  For  eight  hundred  years,"  they  said,  "  Holland 
had  been  governed  by  Counts  and  Countesses,  on  whom  the 
nobles  and  cities,  as  representing  the  States,  had  legally  con- 
ferred sovereignty."^ 

Now  the  first  incorporated  city  of  Holland  and  Zeeland  that 
ever  existed  was  Middelburg,  which  received  its  charter  from 
Count  William  I.  of  Holland  and  Countess  Joan  of  Flanders, 
in  the  year  1217.      The  first  Count   that   had  any  legal  or 

'  Bor,  IIL  xxiii.  76-84.     Meteren,  xiv.  250-25:5.     Kluit,  H.  28G,  seq. 
"  Bor,  Meteren,  Kluit,  uhi  sup. 


228  'I'nE   UiaiED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XV. 

recognized  authority  was  Dirk  the  First  to  whom  Charles  the 
Simple  presented  the  territory  of  Holland,  by  letters-patent, 
in  922.  Yet  the  States-General,  in  a  solemn  and  eloquent 
document,  gravely  dated  their  own  existence  from  the  year 
787,  and  claimed  the  regular  possession  and  habitual  delega- 
tion of  sovereignty  from  that  epocli  down  ! 

After  this  fabulous  preamble,  they  proceeded  to  handle  the 
matter  of  fact  with  logical  precision.  It  was  absurd,  they 
said,  that  Mr.  Wilkes  and  Lord  Leicester  should  affect  to  con- 
found the  persons  who  appeared  in  the  assembly  with  the 
States  themselves  ;  as  if  those  individuals  claimed  or  exer-  • 
cised  sovereignty.  Any  man  who  had  observed  what  had 
been  passing  during  the  last  fifteen  years,  knew  very  well 
that  the  supreme  authority  did  not  belong  to  the  thirty  or 

forty  individuals  who  came  to  the  meetings The  nobles, 

by  reason  of  their  ancient  dignity  and  splendid  possessions, 
took  counsel  together  over  state  matters,  and  then,  appearing 
at  the  assembly,  deliberated  with  the  deputies  of  the  cities. 
The  cities  had  mainly  one  form  of  government — a  college  of 
counsellors,  or  wise  men,  40,  32,  28,  or  24  in  number,  of  the 
most  respectable  out  of  the  whole  community.  They  were 
chosen  for  life,  and  vacancies  were  supplied  by  the  colleges 
themselves  out  of  the  mass  of  citizens.  These  colleges  ^  alone 
governed  the  city,  and  that  which  had  been  ordained  by  them 
was  to  be  obeyed  by  all  the  inhabitants — a  system  against 
which  there  had  never  been  any  rebellion.  The  colleges 
again,  united  with  those  of  the  nobles,  represented  the  whole 
state,  the  whole  body  of  the  population  ;  and  no  form  of 
government  could  be  imagined,  they  said,  that  could  resolve, 
with  a  more  thorough  knowledge  of  the  necessities  of  the 
country,  or  that  could  execute  its  resolves  with  more  unity  of 


'  "These  colleges,"  says  the  docu- 
ment, "  are  as  old  as  the  cities ;  or  so 
old  at  least,  that  there  is  no  memory 
left  of  their  commencement." 

Here,  too,  was  a  gross  misstatement, 
for  the  colleges  of  Vroedschappen 
dated  only  from  the  time  of  Philip  the 
Good — not  much  more  than  a  century 
before    the    publication   of   thia    docu- 


ment; and  the  cities  themselves,  as 
organized  coiporations,  were  Vjut  350 
years  old,  at  most.  It  is  difficult  to 
understand  how  such  inaccuracies 
should  find  their  way  into  so  able  a 
state-paper. 

Compare    Kluit,     '  Holl.    Staatsrege- 
ring,  II.  291. 


1587.  THEIR   CONSTITUTIONAL  THEORY.  229 

purpose  and  decisive  authority.  To  bring  the  colleges  into 
an  assembly  could  only  be  done  by  means  of  deputies.  These 
deputies,  chosen  by  their  colleges,  and  properly  instructed, 
were  sent  to  the  place  of  meeting.  During  the  war  they  had 
always  been  commissioned  to  resolve  in  common  on  matters 
regarding  the  liberty  of  the  land.  These  deputies,  thus  assem- 
bled, repixsentcd,  by  commission,  the  States  ;  but  they  are  not, 
in  their  own  jjcrsons,  the  States  ;  and  no  one  of  them  had  any 
such  pretension.  "The  people  of  this  country,"  said  the 
States,  "  have  an  aversion  to  all  ambition  ;  and  in  these  dis- 
astrous times,  wherein  nothing  but  trouble  and  odium  is  to  be 
gathered  by  public  employment,  these  commissions  are  ac- 
counted  munera  nccessaria This  form  of  government 

has,  by  God's  favour,  protected  Holland  and  Zeeland,  during 
this  war,  against  a  powerful  foe,  without  loss  of  territory, 
without  any  popular  outbreak,  without  military  mutiny,  be- 
cause all  business  has  been  transacted  with  ope7i  doors  ;  and 
because  the  very  smallest  towns  are  all  represented,  and  vote 
in  the  assembly."^ 

In  brief,  the  constitution  of  the  United  Provinces  was  a 
matter  of  fact.  It  was  there  in  good  working  order,  and  had, 
for  a  generation  of  mankind,  and  throughout  a  tremendous 
war,  done  good  service.  Judged  by  the  principles  of  reason 
and  justice,  it  was  in  the  main  a  wholesome  constitution, 
securing  the  independence  and  welfare  of  the  state,  and  the 
liberty  and  property  of  the  individual,  as  well  certainly  as 
did  any  polity  then  existing  in  the  world.  It  seemed  more 
hopeful  to  abide  by  it  yet  a  little  longer  than  to  adopt  the 
throat-cutting  system  by  the  people,  recommended  by  Wilkes 
and  Leicester  as  an  improvement  on  the  old  constitution. 
This  was  the  view  of  Lord  Buckhurst.  He  felt  that  threats 
of  throat-cutting  were  not  the  best  means  of  smoothing  and 
conciliating,  and  he  had  come  over  to  smooth  and  conciliate. 
"  To  spend  the  time,"  said  he,  "  in  private  brabbles  and  piques 
between  the  States  and  Lord  Leicester,  when  we  ought  to 
prepare  an  army  against  the  enemy,  and  to  repair  the  shaken 

*  Bor,  Meteren,  Kluit,  vbi  awp. 


230  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XV. 

and  torn  state,  is  not  a  good  course  for  her  Majesty's  service.'" 
Letters  were  continually  circulating  from  hand  to  hand  among 
the  antagonists  of  the  Holland  party,  written  out  of  England 
by  Leicester,  exciting  the  ill-will  of  the  populace  against  the 
organized  government.  "  By  such  means  to  bring  the  States 
into  hatred,"  said  Buckhurst,  "  and  to  stir  up  the  people 
against  them,  tends  to  great  damage  and  miserable  end.  This 
his  Lordship  doth  full  little  consider,  being  the  very  way  to 
dissolve  all  government,  and  so  to  bring  all  into  confusion,  and 
open  the  door  for  the  enemy.  But  oh,  how  lamentable,  a  thing 
it  is,  and  how  doth  my  Lord  of  Leicester  abuse  her  Majesty, 
making  her  authority  the  means  to  uphold  and  justify,  and 
under  her  name  to  defend  and  maintain,  all  his  intolerable 
errors.  I  thank  God  that  neither  his  might  nor  his  malice 
shall  deter  me  from  laying  open  all  those  things  which  my 
conscience  knoweth,  and  which  appertaineth  to  be  done  for  the 
good  of  this  cause  and  of  her  Majesty's  service.  Herein,  though 
I  were  sure  to  lose  my  life,  yet  will  I  not  offend  neither  the 
one  nor  the  other,  knowing  very  well  that  I  must  die  ;  and 
to  die  in  her  Majesty's  faithful  service,  and  with  a  good 
conscience,  is  far  more  happy  than  the  miserable  life  that  I 
am  in.  If  Leicester  do  in  this  sort  stir  up  the  people  against 
the  States  to  follow  his  revenge  against  them,  and  if  the  Queen 
do  yield  no  better  aid,  and  the  minds  of  Count  Maurice  and 
Hohenlo  remain  thus  in  fear  and  hatred  of  him,  what  good 
end  or  service  can  be  hoped  for  here  ?  "  ^ 

Buckhurst  was  a  man  of  unimpeached  integrity  and  gentle 
manners.  He  had  come  over  with  the  best  intentions  towards 
the  governor-general,  and  it  has  been  seen  that  he  boldly 
defended  him  in  his  first  interviews  with  the  States.  But  as 
the  intrigues  and  underhand  plottings  of  the  Earl's  agents  were 
revealed  to  him,  he  felt  more  and  more  convinced  that  there 
was  a  deep  laid  scheme  to  destroy  the  government,  and  to 
constitute  a  virtual  and  absolute  sovereignty  for  Leicester. 
It  was  not  wonderful  that  the  States  were  standing  vigorously 
on  the  defensive. 

'  Buckhurst  to  Walsingham,  13th  June,  1587.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  L 
p.  95,  MS.)  '  Ibid. 


1587.  DEVENTER'S  BAD  COUNSELS  TO  LEICESTER.  231 

The  subtle  Deventer,  Leicester's  evil  genius,  did  not  cease 
to  poison  the  mind  of  the  governor,  during  his  protracted 
absence,  against  all  persons  who  offered  impediments  to  the 
cherished  schemes  of  his  master  and  himself  "  Your  Ex- 
cellency knows  very  well,"  he  said,  "  that  the  state  of  this 
.country  is  democratic,  since,  by  failure  of  a  prince,  the 
sovereign  disposition  of  affairs  has  returned  to  the  people. 
That  same  people  is  everywhere  so  incredibly  affectionate 
towards  you  that  the  delay  in  your  return  drives  them  to 
extreme  despair.  Any  one  who  would  know  the  real  truth 
has  but  to  remember  the  fine  fear  the  States-General  were 
in  when  the  news  of  your  displeasure  about  the  4th  February 
letter  became  known."  ^ 

Had  it  not  been  for  the  efforts  of  Lord  Buckhurst  in  calming 
the  popular  rage,  Deventer  assured  the  Earl  that  the  writers 
of  the  letter  would  "  have  scarcely  saved  their  skins  ;"  and 
that  they  had  always  continued  in  great  danger. 

He  vehemently  urged  upon  Leicester  the  necessity  of  his 
immediate  return — not  so  much  for  reasons  drawn  from  the 
distracted  state  of  the  country,  thus  left  to  a  provisional 
government  and  torn  by  faction — but  because  of  the  facility 
with  which  he  might  at  once  seize  upon  arbitrary  power. 
He  gratified  his  master  by  depicting  in  lively  colours  the 
abject  condition  into  which  Barneveld,  Maurice,  Hohenlo, 
and  similar  cowards,  would  be  thrown  by  his  sudden  return. 

"  If,"  said  he,  "  the  States'  members  and  the  counts,  every 
one  of  them,  are  so  desjaerately  afraid  of  the  people,  even 
while  your  Excellency  is  afar  off,  in  what  trepidation  will 
they  be  when  you  are  here  !  God,  reason,  the  affection  of  the 
sovereign  people,  are  on  your  side.  There  needs,  in  a  little 
commonwealth  like  ours,  but  a  wink  of  the  eye,  the  slightest 
indication  of  dissatisfaction  on  your  part,  to  take  away  all  their 
valour  from  men  who  are  only  brave  where  swords  are  too 
short.  A  magnanimous  prince  like  yourself  should  seek  at 
once  the  place  where  such  plots  are  hatching,  and  you  would 

*  G.  de  Proniuck  (Deventer)  au  Comte  de  Leycestre,  22  May,  1587. 
(Brit.    Mus.    Galba,    D.   1.    p.    16,    MS.) 


232 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XV 


see  the  fury  of  the  rebels  change  at  once  to  cowardice.  There 
is  more  than  one  man  here  in  the  Netherlands  that  brags  of 
what  he  will  do  against  the  greatest  and  most  highly  endowed 
prince  in  England,  because  he  thinks  he  shall  never  see  him 
again,  who,  at  the  very  first  news  of  your  return,  my  Lord, 
would  think  only  of  packing  his  portmanteau,  greasing  his* 
boots,  or,  at  the  very  least,  of  sneaking  back  into  his  hole."  * 

But  the  sturdy  democrat  was  quite  sure  that  his  Excellency, 
that  most  magnanimous  prince  of  England  would  not  desert  his 
faithful  followers — thereby  giving  those  "  filthy  rascals,"  his 
opponents,  a  triumph,  and  "  doing  so  great  an  injury  to  the 
sovereign  people,  who  were  ready  to  get  rid  of  them  all  at  a 
single  blow,  if  his  Excellency  would  but  say  the  word."^ 

He  then  implored  the  magnanimous  prince  to  imitate  the 
example  of  Moses,  Joshua,  David,  and  that  of  all  great  em- 
perors and  captains,  Hebrew,  Grreek,  and  Roman,  to  come  at 
once  to  the  scene  of  action,  and  to  smite  his  enemies  hip  and 
thigh.  He  also  informed  his  Excellency,  that  if  the  delay 
should  last  much  longer,  he  would  lose  all  chance  of  regaining 
power,  because  the  sovereign  people  had  quite  made  up  their 
mind  to  return  to  the  dominion  of  Spain  within  three  months, 
if  they  could  not  induce  his  Excellency  to  rule  over  them. 
In  that  way  at  least,  if  in  no  other,  they  could  circumvent 
those  filthy  rascals  whom  they  so  much  abhorred,  and  frustrate 
the  designs  of  Maurice,  Hohenlo,  and  Sir  John  Norris,  who 
were  represented  as  occupying  the  position  of  the  triumvirs 
after  the  death  of  Julius  Cfesar. 

To  place  its  neck  under  the  yoke  of  Philip  II.  and  the  In- 
quisition, after  having  so  handsomely  got  rid  of  both,  did  not 


*  "  Tel  bravera  es  Pays  Baa  centre  le 

plus  grand  et  qualifie  prince  d'Angle- 
terre,  lequel  il  d'asseure  ne  revoir 
jamais  pardega,  qui  aux  dernieres  nou- 
velles  de  votre  retour,  Monseigneur, 
ne  pensoit  qu'a  trousser  bagage  et 
faire  graisser  ses  bottes,  ou  du  moins 
se  desrober  en  sa  taniere,"  &c.  (G.  de 
Proninck,  MS.  last  cited.) 

'  "  Mais   un    prince   si   tres   magna- 
pime,  ne  fera  jamais  ce  tort  ny  a  soy 


mesme,  ni  au  bon  peuple  belglque. 
Point  a  soy  mesme,  comrae  s'il  avait 
cede  a  la  bravade  des  pouctux,  dout 
toute  sa  poeterite  et  histoires  et  mo- 
moires  du  temps  a  venir  portera  I'igno- 
minie.  Point  uu  peuple,  lequel,  comme 
souverain,  ne  doit  recevoir  le  tort  de 
cette  injure,  puisque  ne  luy  que  I'in- 
formation  de  vostre  mescontentement 
pour  se  dc^sfaire  en  un  coup  de  cest 
obstacle,"  &c.     (Ibid.) 


1587 


THEIR   rERNIClOUS   EFFECT. 


233 


seem  a  sublime  mnnifestation  of  Bovereignty  on  the  part  of  the 
people,  and  even  Deventer  hud  some  misgivings  as  to  the 
propriety  of  such  a  result.  "  What  then  will  become  of  our 
beautiful  churches  ?"  he  cried,  "  What  will  princes  say,  what 
will  the  world  in  general  say,  what  will  historians  say,  about 
the  honour  of  the  English  nation  ?" ' 

As  to  the  first  question,  it  is  probable  that  the  prospect  of 
the  reformed  churches  would  not  have  been  cheerful,  had  the 
inquisition  been  re-established  in  Holland  and  Utrecht,  three 
months  after  that  date.  As  to  the  second,  the  world  and 
history  were  likely  to  reply,  that  the  honour  of  the  English 
nation  was  fortunately  not  entirely  entrusted  at  that  epoch  to 
the  "  magnanimous  prince  "  of  Leicester,  and  his  democratic 
counsellor-in-chief,  burgomaster  Deventer. 

These  are  but  samples  of  the  ravings  which  sounded  inces- 
santly in  the  ears  of  the  governor-general.  Was  it  strange 
that  a  man,  so  thirsty  for  power,  so  gluttonous  of  flattery, 
should  be  influenced  by  such  passionate  appeals  .^  Addressed 
in  strains  of  fulsome  adulation,  convinced  that  arbitrary  power 
was  within  his  reach,  and  assured  that  he  had  but  to  wink  his 
eye  to  see  his  enemies  scattered  before  him,  he  became  im- 
patient of  all  restraint,  and  determined,  on  his  return,  to  crush, 
the  States  into  insignificance. 

Thus,  while  Buckhurst  had  been  doing  his  best  as  a  me- 
diator to  prepare  the  path  for  his  return,  Leicester  himself 
and  his  partisans  had  been  secretly  exerting  themselves  to 
make  his  arrival  the  signal  for  discord,  perhaps  of  civil  war. 
The  calm,  then,  immediately  succeeding  the  mission  of  Buck- 
hurst, was  a  deceitful  one  ;  but  it  seemed  very  promising. 
The  best  feelings  were  avowed  and  perhaps  entertained.     The 


'  "  II  plaira  a  V.  Exc*  de  nous 
veoir  incontinent  Espagnol,  ou  de  nous 
en  conserver  par  Fempeschement  de 
ce  desseiug.  .  .  .  Car  il  no  peut  tomber 
en  aucune  imaorination  raisonnable,  en 
cas  que  ce  desseing  ne  se  renverse 
tout  subit,  que  faute  d'autorite  jointe, 
un  deaespoir  extreme  ne  nous  rende 
a  I'Espagnol  devant  l'is.sue  de  trois 
mois.       Que     sera    ce    alors    de    nos 


pauvres  delaissez?  Que  deviendront 
ces  belles  eglises,  que  dira  le  monde,. 
que  diront  les  princes,  que  diront  les 
historiens,  de  riiouueur  de  la  nation 
Anglaise  ?  Le  desespoir  enrage  du 
peuple  choisira  plutot  quel  parti  que 
ce  soit  avec  TEspagnol,  que  d'endurer 
ceux  qui  leur  auront  renverse  le  retout 
de  Votre  Excellence,"  &c.  (G.  de  Pro 
ninck,  MS.  just  cited.) 


234 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  X"V. 


States  professed  great  devotion  to  her  Majesty  and  friendly 
regard  for  the  governor.  They  distinctly  declared  that  the 
arrangements  by  which  Maurice  and  Hohenlo  had  been  placed 
in  their  new  positions  were  purely  provisional  ones,  subject  to 
modifications  on  the  arrival  of  the  Earl.^  "  All  things  are 
reduced  to  a  quiet  calm,"  said  Buckhurst,  "  ready  to  receive 
my  Lord  of  Leicester  and  his  authority,  whenever  he  cometh."^ 

The  quarrel  of  Hohenlo  with  Sir  Edward  Norris  had  been, 
:by  the  exertions  of  Buckhurst,  amicably  arranged  :''  the  Count 
became  an  intimate  friend  of  Sir  John,  ".to  the  gladding  of  all 
such  as  wished  well  to  the  country;"*  but  he  nourished  a 
deadly  hatred  to  the  Earl.  He  ran  up  and  down  like  a 
madman  whenever  his  return  was  mentioned.^  "If  the  Queen 
be  willing  to  take  the  sovereignty,"  he  cried  out  at  his  own 
dinner-table  to  a  large  company,  "and  is  ready  to  proceed 
roundly  in  this  action,  I  will  serve  her  to  the  last  drop  of  my 
blood  ;  but  if  she  embrace  it  in  no  other  sort  than  hitherto 
she  hath  done,  and  if  Leicester  is  to  return,  then  am  I  as 
good  a  man  as  Leicester,  and  will  never  be  commanded  by 
him.  I  mean  to  continue  on  my  frontier,  where  all  who  love 
me  can  come  and  find  me."^ 

He  declared  to  several  persons  that  he  had  detected  a  plot 
on  the  part  of  Leicester  to  have  him  assassinated  ;  and  the 
assertion  seemed  so  important,  that  Villiers  came  to  Councillor 
Clerk  to  confer  with  him  on  the  subject.  The  worthy 
Bartholomew,  who  had  again,  most  reluctantly,  left  his  quiet 
chambers  in  the  Temple  to  come  again  among  the  guns  and 
drums,  which  his  soul  abhorred,  was  appalled  by  such  a  charge. 


'  Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  8  April, 
1587.  Same  to  same,  13  and  19  April, 
1587.  Clerk  to  Burghley,  12  April, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 

"  Buckhurst  to  Burghley,  19  April, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  8  April, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

<  Memorandum  of  a  speech  between 
the  Lord  Buckhurst  and  Count  Ho- 
henlo, 17  April,  1587.  (Br.  Mus. 
Galba,  xl  345,  MS.) 

*    Otheman    to    Walsingham,    23rd 


March,  1587.    (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

^  Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  29  April, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  Hohenlo  is  their  Hercules,"  said 
Wilkes,  "'and  a  man  fit  for  any  des- 
perate attempt,  altogether  directed 
by  Barneveld  and  Paul  Buys,  who 
seeks  (viz.  P.  B.)  by  all  manner  of 
devices  to  be  revenged  of  Lord  Lei- 
cester for  his  imprisonment."  Wilkes 
to  the  Queen,  12  July,  1587.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 


i687.  REAL  AND  SUPPOSED  PLOTS  AGAINST  HOHENLO.  235 

It  was  best  to  keep  it  a  secret,  he  said,  at  least  till  the  matter 
could  be  thoroughly  iuvestigated.  Villiers  was  of  the  same 
opinion,  and  accordingly  the  councillor,  in  the  excess  of  his 
caution,  confided  the  secret  only — to  whom?  To  Mr.  Atye, 
Leicester's  private  secretary.  Atye,  of  course,  instantly  told 
his  master — his  master,  in  a  frenzy  of  rage,  told  the  Queen, 
and  her  Majesty,  in  a  paroxysm  of  royal  indignation  at  this 
new  insult  to  her  favourite,  sent  furious  letters  to  her  envoys, 
to  the  States-General,  to  everybody  in  the  Netherlands — so 
that  the  assertion  of  Hohenlo  became  the  subject  of  endless 
recrimination.  Leicester  became  very  violent,  and  denounced 
the  statement  as  an  impudent  falsehood,  devised  wilfully  in 
order  to  cast  odium  upon  him  and  to  prevent  his  return.' 
Unquestionably  there  was  nothing  in  the  story  but  table-talk ; 
but  the  Count  would  have  been  still  more  ferocious  towards 
Leicester  than  he  was,  had  he  known  what  was  actually  hap- 
pening at  that  very  moment. 

While  Buckhurst  was  at  Utrecht,  listening  to  the  "  solemn 
speeches "  of  the  militia-captains  and  exchanging  friendly 
expressions  at  stately  banquets  with  Moeurs,  he  suddenly 
received  a  letter  in  cipher  from  her  Majesty.  Not  having  the 
key,  he  sent  to  Wilkes  at  the  Hague.  Wilkes  was  very  ill ; 
but  the  despatch  was  marked  pressing  and  immediate,  so  he 
got  out  of  bed  and  made  the  journey  to  Utrecht.  The  letter, 
on  being  deciphered,  proved  to  be  an  order  from  the  Queen 
to  decoy  Hohenlo  into  some  safe  town,  on  pretence  of  con- 
sultation, and  then  to  throw  him  into  prison,  on  the  ground 
that  he  had  been  tampering  with  the  enemy,  and  was  about 
to  betray  the  republic  to  Philip.^ 


*  '  Effect  of  what  passed  between 
Dr.  Villiers  and  me,  Bartholomew 
Clerk,  touching  the  discontentment 
of  Count  Hohenlo.'  22  May,  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

Wilkes  to  Lord  Chancellor,  3  June, 
1587.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Compare 
letters  of  Leicester  to  Sonoy,  and  of 
Buckhurst  to  Treslona;,  in  Bor,  11. 
xxii.  992.  Groen  v.  Prinst.  Archives 
1.  63,  68,  69. 

*  Queen    to    Buckhurst,     15    April, 


1587.  "Wilkes  to  "Walsingham,  29ch 
April,  1587.  Buckhurst  to  same, 
29  April,  1587.  Same  to  same,  30th 
April,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 

The  Queen's  Letter  is  as  follows: 
— "  Finding  by  a  later  letter  written 
to  our  secri'iary  by  our  ambassador 
Wilkes,  that  he  hnth  been  given  to 
uudtrstand  how  Hollock  should  have 
some  secret  intelligence  with  the 
Prince  of  Parma,    which    being   true, 


236  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XV. 

The  commotion  wliich  would  have  been  excited  hy  any 
attempt  to  enforce  this  order,  could  be  easily  imagined  by 
those  familiar  with  Hohenlo  and  with  the  powerful  party  in 
the  Netherlands  of  which  he  was  one  of  the  chiefs.  Wilkes 
stood  aghast  as  he  deciphered  the  letter,  Buckliurst  felt  the 
impossibility  of  obeying  the  royal  will.  Both  knew  the  cause, 
and  both  foresaw  the  consequences  of  the  proposed  step. 
Wilkes  had  heard  some  rumours  of  intrigues  between  Parma's 
agents  at  Deventer  and  Hohenlo,  and  had  confided  them  to 
Walsingham,  hoping  that  the  Secretary  would  keep  the  matter 
in  his  own  breast,  at  least  till  further  advice.  He  was  appalled 
at  the  sudden  action  proposed  on  a  mere  rumour,  which  both 
Buckhurst  and  himself  had  begun  to  consider  an  idle  one. 
He  protested,  therefore,  to  Walsingham  that  to  comply  with 
her  Majesty's  command  would  not  only  be  nearly  impossible, 
but  would,  if  successful,  hazard  the  ruin  of  the  repubhc. 
Wilkes  was  also  very  anxious  lest  the  Earl  of  Leicester  should 
hear  of  the  matter.  He  was  already  the  object  of  hatred  to 
that  powerful  personage,  and  thought  him  capable  of  accom- 
plishing his  destruction  in  any  mode.  But  if  Leicester  could 
wreak  his  vengeance  upon  his  enemy  Wilkes  by  the  hand  of 
his  other  deadly  enemy  Hohenlo,  the  councillor  felt  that  this 
kind  of  revenge  would  have  a  double  sweetness  for  him.  The 
Queen  knows  what  I  have  been  saying,  thought  Wilkes,  and 
therefore  Leicester  knows  it ;  and  if  Leicester  knows  it,  he 
will  take  care  that  Hohenlo  shall  hear  of  it  too,  and  then  wo 


considering  how  the  said  Hollock  is 
possessed  of  divers  principal  towns,  in 
the  which  tlie  captains  and  soldiers 
are  altogether  at  his  devotion,  it  is 
greatly  to  be  doubted  that  he  may  be 
drawn  by  corruption  to  deliver  up 
into  the  Prince  of  Parma's  hands  the 
said  towns,  whereby  the  enemy  may 
have  the  more  easy  entrj'  into  those 
countries.  We  have  therefore  thought 
good,  for  prevention  thereof^  that  you 
should  confer  with  our  servants  Co- 
lonel Norris  and  Wilkes  what  course 
were  meet  to  be  taken  therein, 
which,  as  we  perceive,  may  be  best 
performed  by  staying  of  the  person 
of  lloUock  ;  wherein,  before  the  execu- 


tion thereof  especial  care  would  be 
had  that  he  might  be  drawn,  under 
colour  of  conference  with  you  about 
matters  of  great  importance  contained 
in  certain  letters  sent  from  us  unto 
you  in  great  diligence,  into  some  of 
the  towns  which  you  shall  understand 
to  be  devoted  to  us,  and  not  affected 
to  him;  wherein  you  may  take  order 
for  his  restraint,  being  first  well  fur- 
nished with  sufBcient  matter  to  charge 
him  withal,  which  we  wi.sh  to  be  done 
in  the  presence  of  such  principal  per- 
sons of  the  country  as  are  held  for 
good  patriots  and  have  credit  with  the 
people." 


1587.  MUTUAL   SUSPICION    AND   DISTRUST.  237 

be  unto  me.  "  Your  honour  knoweth,"  he  said  to  Waking- 
ham,  "  that  her  Majesty  can  hold  no  secrets,  and  if  she  do 
impart  it  to  Leicester,  then  am  I  sped."  ^ 

Nothin<r  came  of  it  however,  and  the  relations  of  Wilkes 
and  Buckhurst  with  Hohenlo  continued  to  be  friendly.  It 
was  a  lesson  to  Wilkes  to  be  more  cautious  even  with  the 
cautious  Walsingham.  "We  had  but  bare  suspicions,"  said 
Buckhurst,  "nothing  fit,  Grod  knoweth,  to  come  to  such  a 
reckoning.  Wilkes  saith  he  meant  it  but  for  a  premonition 
to  you  there  ;  but  I  think  it  will  henceforth  be  a  premonition 
to  himself — there  being  but  bare  presumptions,  and  yet  shrewd 
presumptions,"  ^ 

Here  then  were  Deventer  and  Leicester  plotting  to  overthrow 
the  government  of  the  States  ;  the  States  and  Hohenlo  arm- 
ing against  Leicester  ;  the  extreme  democratic  party  threaten- 
ing to  go  over  to  the  Spaniards  within  three  months  ;  the  Earl 
accused  of  attempting  the  life  of  Hohenlo  ;  Hohenlo  offering 
to  shed  the  last  drop  of  his  blood  for  Queen  Elizabeth  ;  Queen 
Elizabeth  giving  orders  to  throw  Hohenlo  into  jjrison  as  a 
traitor  ;  Councillor  Wilkes  trembling  for  his  life  at  the  hands 
both  of  Leicester  and  Hohenlo  ;  and  Buckhurst  doing  his  best 
to  conciliate  all  parties,  and  imploring  her  Majesty  in  vain  to 
send  over  money  to  help  on  the  war,  and  to  save  her  soldiers 
from  starving. 

For  the  Queen  continued  to  refuse  the  loan  of  fifty  thou- 
sand pounds  which  the  provinces  solicited,  and  in  hope  of 
which  the  States  had  just  agreed  to  an  extra  contribution  of  a 
million  florins  (100,000^.),  a  larger  sum  than  had  been  levied 
by  a  single  vote  since  the  commencement  of  the  war.  It 
must  be  remembered,  too,  that  the  whole  expense  of  the  war 
fell  upon  Holland  and  Zeeland.  The  Province  of  Utrecht, 
where  there  was  so  strong  a  disposition  to  confer  absolute 
authority  upon  Leicester,  and  to  destroy  the  power  of  the 
States-General,  contributed  absolutely  nothing.  Since  the 
loss  of  Deventer,  nothing  could  be  raised  in  the  Provinces  of 

'  "Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  29  April,  I  '  Buckhurst  to  Wilkes,  29  April, 
1587.  J    MS,  already  cited. 


238 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS, 


CuAi>.  XV. 


Utrecht,  GeUlerland,  or  Overyssel  ;  the  Spaniards  levying 
black  mail  upon  the  whole  territory,  and  impoverishing  the 
inhabitants  till  they  became  almost  a  nullity.^  Was  it  strange 
then  that  the  States  of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  thus  bearing 
neai'ly  the  whole  burden  of  the  war,  should  be  dissatisfied 
with  the  hatred  felt  toward  them  by  their  sister  Provinces 
so  generously  protected  by  them  ?  Was  it  unnatural  that 
Barneveld,  and  Maurice,  and  Hohenlo,  should  be  disposed  to 
bridle  the  despotic  inclinations  of  Leicester,  thus  fostered  by 
those  who  existed,  as  it  were,  at  their  expense  ? 

But  the  Queen  refused  the  50,000?.,  although  Holland  and 
Zeeland  had  voted  the  100,000/.  "  No  reason  that  breedeth 
charges,"  sighed  Walsingham,  "  can  in  any  sort  be  digested."  * 

It  was  not  for  want  of  vehement  entreaty  on  the  part  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  and  of  Buckhurst  that  the  loan  was  denied. 
At  least  she  was  entreated  to  send  over  money  for  her  troops, 
who  for  six  months  past  were  unpaid.  "  Keeping  the  money 
in  your  coffers,"  said  Buckhurst,  "doth  yield  no  interest  to 
you,  and — which  is  above  all  earthly  respects — it  shall  be  the 
means  of  preserving  the  lives  of  many  of  your  faithful  subjects 
which  otherwise  must  needs  daily  perish.  Their  miseries, 
through  want  of  meat  and  money,  I  do  protest  to  God  so 
much  moves  my  soul  with  commiseration  of  that  which  is 
past,  and  makes  my  heart  tremble  to  think  of  the  like  to 
come  again,  that  I  humbly  beseech  your  Majesty,  for  Jesus 
Christ  sake,  to  have  compassion  on  their  lamentable  estate 
past,  and  send  some  money  to  prevent  the  like  hereafter."  ^ 

These  were  moving  words,  but  the  money  did  not  come — 
charges  could  not  be  digested. 

"  The  eternal  God,"  cried  Buckhurst,  "  incline  your  heart 
to  grant  the  petition  of  the  States  for  the  loan  of  the  50,0001., 
and  that  speedily,  for  the  dangerous  terms  of  the  State  here 
and  the  mighty  and  forward  preparation  of  the  enemy  admit 
no  minute  of  delay,  so  that  even  to  grant  it  slowly  is  to  deny 
it  utterly."  ^ 


'  Wilkes   to  "Walsingham,    15    May, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.1 
*  Walsingham    to   Wilkes,    2    May, 


1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Buckhurst  to  the  Queen,  19  April, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  *  Ibid. 


1587.  BUCKHURST  SEEKS  TO  RESTORE  GOOD  FEELING.  239 

He  then  drew  a  vivid  picture  of  the  capacity  of  the  Nether- 
lands to  assist  the  endangered  reahn  of  England,  if  delay  were 
not  suffered  to  destroy  both  commonwealths,  by  placing  the 
Provinces  in  an  enemy's  hand. 

''  Their  many  and  notable  good  havens,"  he  said,  "  the  great 
number  of  ships  and  mariners,  their  impregnable  towns,  if 
they  were  in  the  hands  of  a  potent  prince  that  would  defend 
them,  and,  lastly,  the  state  of  this  shore,  so  near  and  opposite 
unto  the  land  and  coast  of  England — lo,  the  bight  of  all  this 
daily  in  mine  eye,  conjoined  with  the  deep,  enrooted  malice 
of  that  your  so  mighty  enemy  who  seeketh  to  regain  them ; 
these  things  entering  continually  into  the  meditations  of  my 
heart — so  much  do  they  import  the  safety  of  yourself  and 
your  estate — do  enforce  me,  in  the  abundance  of  my  love  and 
duty  to  your  Majesty,  most  earnestly  to  speak,  write,  and  weep 
unto  you,  lest  when  the  occasion  yet  offered  shall  be  gone  by, 
this  blessed  means  of  your  defence,  by  God's  provident  good- 
ness thus  put  into  your  hand,  will  then  be  utterly  lost,  lo, 
never,  never  more  to  be  recovered  again."  ^ 

It  was  a  noble,  wise,  and  eloquent  appeal,  but  it  was 
uttered  in  vain.  Was  not  Leicester — his  soul  filled  with 
petty  schemes  for  reigning  in  Utrecht,  and  destroying  the 
constitutional  government  of  tiie  Provinces — in  full  posses- 
sion of  the  royal  ear  ?  And  was  not  the  same  ear  lent,  at 
that  most  critical  moment,  to  the  insidious  Alexander  Far- 
nese,  with  his  whispers  of  peace,  which  were  potent  enough 
to  drown  all  the  preparations  for  the  invincible  Armada  ? 

Six  months  had  rolled  away  since  Leicester  had  left  the 
Netherlands  ;  six  months  long,  the  Provinces,  left  in  a  condi- 
tion which  might  have  become  anarchy,  had  been  saved  by 
the  wise  government  of  the  States-General  ;  six  months  long 
the  English  soldiers  had  remained  unpaid  by  their  sovereign  ; 
and  now  for  six  weeks  the  honest,  eloquent,  intrepid,  but 
gentle  Buckhurst  had  done  his  best  to  conciliate  all  parties, 
and  to  mould  the  Netherlanders  into  an  impregnable  bulwark 
for  the  realm  of  England.     But  his  efforts  were  treated  with 

'   Buckliurst  to  the  Queen,  MS.  just  cited. 


240  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  XV. 

scorn  by  the  Queen.  She  was  still  maddened  by  a  sense  of 
the  injuries  done  by  the  States  to  Leicester.  She  was  indig- 
nant that  her  envoy  should  have  accepted  such  lame  apolo- 
gies for  the  4th  of  February  letter  ;  that  he  should  have 
received  no  better  atonement  for  their  insolent  infringements 
of  the  Earl's  orders  during  his  absence  ;  that  he  should  have 
excused  their  contemptuous  proceedings  and  that,  in  short, 
he  should  have  been  willing  to  conciliate  and  forgive  when  he 
should  have  stormed  and  railed.  "  You  conceived,  it  seemeth," 
said  her  Majesty,  "  that  a  more  sharper  manner  of  proceeding 
would  have  exasperated  matters  to  the  prejudice  of  the  ser- 
vice, and  therefore  you  did  think  it  more  fit  to  wash  the 
wounds  rather  with  water  than  vinegar,  wherein  we  would 
rather  have  wished,  on  the  other  side,  that  you  had  better 
considered  that  festering  wounds  had  more  need  of  corrosives 
than  lenitives.  Your  own  judgment  ought  to  have  taught 
that  such  a  slight  and  mild  kind  of  dealing  with  a  people  so 
ingrate  and  void  of  consideration  as  the  said  Estates  have 
showed  themselves  toward  us,  is  the  ready  way  to  increase 
their  contempt." ' 

The  envoy  might  be  forgiven  for  believing  that  at  any  rate 
there  would  be  no  lack  of  corrosives  or  vinegar,  so  long  as  the 
royal  tongue  or  pen  could  do  their  office,  as  the  unfortunate 
deputies  had  found  to  their  cost  in  their  late  interviews  at- 
Greenwich,  and  as  her  own  envoys  in  the  Netherlands  were 
perpetually  finding  now.-  The  Queen  was  especially  indig- 
nant that  the  Estates  should  defend  the  tone  of  their  letters 
to  the  Earl  on  the  ground  that  he  had  written  a  piquant 
epistle  to  them.  "  But  you  can  manifestly  see  their  untruths 
in  naming  it  a  piquant  letter,"  said  Elizabeth,  "  for  it  has  no 
sour  or  sharp  word  therein,  nor  any  clause  or  reprehension, 
but  is  full  of  gravity  and  gentle  admonition.  It  deserved  a 
thankful  answer,  and  so  you  may  maintain  it  to  them  to  their 
reproof."  ^ 

The  States  doubtless   thought  that  the  loss  of  Deventer 


1  Queen  to  Buckhurst,  3  May,  1587. 
(Br.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  I.  4,  MS.) 
'  I^ejcest-er  t-o  Walsiugbaw, 


'  Queen    to   Buckhurst.      (MS.   last 
cited.) 


1587.  THE   QUEEN   ANGRY   AND    VINDICTIVE.  241 

and,  with  it,  the  almost  ruinous  condition  of  three  out  of  the 
seven  Provinces,  might  excuse  on  their  part  a  little  piquancy 
of  phraseology,  nor  was  it  easy  for  them  to  express  gratitude 
to  the  governor  for  his  grave  and  gentle  admonitions,  after 
he  had,  by  his  secret  document  of  24th  November,  rendered 
himself  fully  responsible  for  the  disaster  they  deplored. 

She  expressed  unbounded  indignation  with  Holicnlo,  who, 
as  she  was  well  aware,  continued  to  cherish  a  deadly  hatred 
for  Leicester.  Especially  she  was  exasperated,  and  with  rea- 
son, by  the  assertion  the  Count  had  made  concerning  tha 
governor's  murderous  designs  upon  him.  "  '  Tis  a  matter," 
said  the  Queen,  "  so  foul  and  dishonourable  that  doth  not 
only  touch  greatly  the  credit  of  the  Earl,  but  also  our  own 
honour,  to  have  one  who  hath  been  nourished  and  brought 
up  by  us,  and  of  whom  we  have  made  show  to  the  world  to 
have  extraordinarily  favoured  above  any  other  of  our  own 
subjects,  and  used  his  service  in  those  countries  in  a  place  of 
that  reputation  he  held  there,  stand  charged  with  so  horrible 
and  unworthy  a  crime.  And  therefore  our  pleasure  is,  even 
as  you  tender  the  continuance  of  our  favour  towards  you,  that 
you  seek,  by  all  the  means  you  may,  examining  the  Count 
Hollock,  or  any  other  party  in  this  matter,  to  discover  and  to 
sift  out  how  this  malicious  imputation  hath  been  wrought  ;  for 
we  have  reason  to  think  that  it  hath  grown  out  of  some  cim- 
ning  device  to  stay  the  Earl's  coming,  and  to  discourage  him 
fi'om  the  continuance  of  his  service  in  those  countries."  ^ 

And  there  the  Queen  was  undoubtedly  in  the  right.  Ho- 
henlo  was  resolved,  if  possible,  to  make  the  Earl's  govern- 
ment of  the  Netherlands  impossible.  There  was  nothing  in 
the  et^ry  however  ;  and  all  that  by  the  most  diligent  "  sifting'* 
could  ever  be  discovered,  and  all  that  the  Count  could  be 
prevailed  upon  to  confess,  was  an  opinion  expressed  by  him 
that  if  he  had  gone  with  Leicester  to  England,  it  might  per- 
haps have  fared  ill  with  him,^  But  men  were  given  to  loose 
talk  in  those  countries.     There  was  great  freedom  of  tongue 

'  Queen  to  Buckhurst,  MS.  just  cited. 
*  Buckhurst  to  "Walsingham,  13th  June,  1587.     (Br.  Mus.  Galba.  D.  I.  96,  MS.) 

VOL.  II.— R 


242  ^Hfi  HNiTfiD  KETEIEULANDS.  Chap.  XT. 

and  pen  ;  and  as  the  Earl,  whether  with  justice  or  not,  had 
always  heen  suspected  of  strong  tendencies  to  assassination,  it 
was  not  very  wonderful  that  so  reckless  an  individual  as 
Hohenlo  should  promulgate  opinions  on  such  subjects,  without 
much  reserve.  "  The  number  of  crimes  that  have  been  im- 
puted to  me,"  said  Leicester,  "  would  be  incomplete,  had  this 
calumny  not  been  added  to  all  preceding  ones."  ^  It  is  pos- 
sible that  assassination,  especially  poisoning,  may  have  been 
a  more  common-place  affair  in  those  days  than  our  own.  At 
&:aj  rate,  it  is  certain  that  accusations  of  such  crimes  were  of 
ordinary  occurrence.  Men  were  apt  to  die  suddenly  if  they 
had  mortal  enemies,  and  people  would  gossip.  At  the  very 
same  moment,  Leicester  was  deliberately  accused  not  only  of 
murderous  intentions  towards  Hohenlo,  but  towards  Thomas 
Wilkes  and  Count  Lewis  William  of  Nassau  likewise.  A 
trumpeter,  arrested  in  Friesland,  had  just  confessed  that  he 
had  been  employed  by  the  Spanish  governor  of  that  Province, 
Colonel  Verdugo,  to  murder  Count  Lewis,  and  that  four  other 
persons  had  been  entrusted  with  the  same  commission.  The 
Count  wrote  to  Verdugo,  and  received  in  reply  an  indignant 
denial  of  the  charge.  "  Had  I  heard  of  such  a  project,"  said 
the  Spaniard,  "  I  would,  on  the  contrary,  have  given  you 
warning.  And  I  give  you  one  now."  He  then  stated,  as  a 
fact  known  to  him  on  unquestionable  authority,  that  the  Earl 
of  Leicester  had  assassins  at  that  moment  in  his  employ  to 
take  the  life  of  Count  Lewis,  adding  that  as  for  the  trum- 
peter, who  had  just  been  hanged  for  the  crime  suborned  by 
the  writer^  lie  was  a  most  notorious  lunatic.  In  reply,  Lewis, 
while  he  ridiculed  this  plea  of  insanity  set  up  for  a  culprit  who 
had  confessed  his  crime  succinctly  and  voluntarily,  expressed 
great  contempt  for  the  counter-charge  against  Leicester. 
"  His  Excellency,"  said  the  sturdy  little  Count,  "  is  a  virtuous 
gentleman,  the  most  pious  and  God-fearing  I  have  ever 
known.  I  am  very  sure  that  he  could  never  treat  his  enemies 
in  the  manner  stated,  much  less  his  friends.  As  for  yourself, 
may  God  give  me  grace,  in  requital  of  your  knavish  trick,  to 

*  Groen  v.  Prinst.  Archives,  I.  63.     Compare  Bor,  II.  xxii.  992. 


ISS'r.  SHE  CfiKStniES   BtJCKHURS'T'S   COURSE.  243 

make  such  a  war  upon  you  as  becomes  an  upright  soldier  and 
a  man  of  honour."  ^ 

Thus  there  was  at  least  one  man — and  a  most  important 
one — in  the  opposition-party  who  thoroughly  believed  in  the 
honour  of  the  governor-general. 

The  Queen  then  proceeded  to  lecture  Lord  Buckhurst  very 
severely  for  having  tolerated  an  instant  the  States'  j)ro- 
position  to  her  for  a  loan  of  50,000/.  "  The  enemy/'  she 
observed,  "is  quite  unable  to  attempt  the  siege  of  any  town."^ 

Buckhurst  was,  however,  instructed,  in  case  the  States' 
million  should  prove  insufficient  to  enable  the  army  to  make 
head  against  the  enemy,  and  in  the  event  of  "  any  alteration 
of  the  good-will  of  the  people  towards  her,  caused  by  her  not 
yielding,  in  this  their  necessity,  some  convenient  support,"  to 
let  them  then  understand,  "  as  of  himself,  that  if  they  would 
be  satisfied  with  a  loan  of  ten  or  fifteen  thousand  pounds,  he 
would  do  his  best  endeavour  to  draw  her  Majesty  to  yield 
unto  the  furnishing  of  such  a  sum,  with  assured  hope  to  ob- 
tain the  same  at  her  hands." '^ 

Truly  Walsingham  was  right  in  saying  that  charges  of  any 
kind  were  difficult  of  digestion.  Yet,  even  at  that  moment, 
Elizabeth  had  no  more  attached  subjects  in  England  than 
were  the  burghers  of  the  Netherlands,  who  were  as  anxious 
as  ever  to  annex  their  territory  to  her  realms. 

Thus,  having  expressed  an  affection  for  Leicester  which  no 
one  doubted,  having  once  more  thoroughly  brow-beaten  the 
States,  and  having  soundly  lectured  Buckhurst — as  a  requital 
for  his  successful  efforts  to  bring  about  a  more  wholesome 
condition  of  affairs — she  gave  the  envoy  a  parting  stab,  with 
this  postscript ; — "  There  is  small  disproportion,"  she  said 
"  betwixt  a  fool  who  useth  not  wit  because  he  hath  it  not,  and 
him  that  useth  it  not  when  it  should  avail  him."  '  Leicester, 
too,  was  very  violent  in  his  attacks  ujjon  Buckhurst.  The 
envoy  had  succeeded  in  reconciling  Hohenlo  with  the  bro- 


'  Letters  of  Yerfluf;;o  and  of  Count 
Lewis  Willi.'ini,  in  Bor,  III.  xxiii. 
p.  U. 

VOL.       I.  — 8» 


'  Queen  to  Buckhurst,    3  May  (MS 
last  cited.) 

'  Ibid.  *  Ibid. 


244  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XT. 

tilers  Norris,  and  had  persuaded  Sir  John  to  offer  the  hand 
,  of  friendship  to  Leicester,  provided  it  were  sure  of  being 
accepted.  Yet  in  this  desire  to  conciliate,  the  Earl  found  re- 
newed cause  for  violence.  "  I  would  have  had  more  regard 
of  my  Lord  of  Buckhurst,"  he  said,  "  if  the  case  had  been 
between  him  and  Norris,  but  I  must  regard  my  own  reputa- 
tion the  more  that  I  see  others  would  impair  it.  You  have 
deserved  little  thanks  of  me,  if  I  must  deal  plainly,  who  do 
equal  me  after  this  sort  with  him,  whose  best  place  is  colonel 
under  me,  and  once  my  servant,  and  preferred  by  me  to  all 
honourable  place  he  had." '  And  thus  were  enterprises  of 
great  moment,  intimately  affecting  the  safety  of  Holland,  of 
England,  of  all  Protestantism,  to  be  suspended  between  tri- 
umph and  ruin,  in  order  that  the  spleen  of  one  individual — 
one  Queen's  favourite — might  be  indulged.  The  contempt  of 
an  insolent  grandee  for  a  distinguished  commander — himself 
the  son  of  a  Baron,  with  a  mother  the  dear  friend  of  her 
sovereign — was  to  endanger  the  existence  of  great  common- 
wealths. Can  the  influence  of  the  individual,  for  good  or 
bad,  upon  the  destinies  of  the  race  be  doubted,  when  the  cha- 
racters and  conduct  of  Elizabeth  and  Leicester,  Burghley  and 
Walsingham,  Philip  and  Parma,  are  closely  scrutinized  and 
broadly  traced  throughout  the  wide  range  of  their  effects  ? 

"  And  I  must  now,  in  your  Lordship's  sight,"  continued 
Leicester,  "  be  made  a  counsellor  with  this  companion,  who 
never  yet  to  this  day  hath  done  so  much  as  take  knowledge 
of  my  mislike  of  him  ;  no,  not  to  say  this  much,  which  I 
think  would  well  become  his  better,  that  he  was  sony  to  hear 
I  had  mislike  to  him,  that  he  desired  my  suspension  till  he 
might  either  speak  with  me,  or  be  charged  from  me,  and  if 
then  he  were  not  able  to  satisfy  me,  he  would  acknowledge 
his  fault,  and  make  me  any  honest  satisfaction.  This  manner 
of  dealing  would  have  been  no  disparagement  to  his  better. 
And  even  so  I  must  think  that  your  Lordship  doth  me  wrong, 
knowing  what  you  do,  to  make  so  httle  difference  between 
John  Norris,  my  man  not  long  since,  and  now  but  my  colonel 

'  Leicester  to  Buckhurst,  30  April,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office,  MS.) 


I68t. 


LEICESTER'S  WRATH  AT  HOHENLO'S  CHARGES. 


245 


under  me,  as  though  we  were  equals.  And  I  cannot  but 
more  than  marvel  at  this  your  proceeding,  when  I  remember 
your  promises  of  friendship,  and  your  opinions  resolutely  set 
down,  .  .  .  You  were  so  determined  before  you  went 
hence,  but  must  have  become  wonderfully  enamoured  of 
those  men's  unknown  virtues  in  a  few  days  of  acquaintance, 
from  the  alteration  that  is  grown  by  their  own  commenda- 
tions of  themselves.  You  know  very  well  that  all  the  world 
should  not  make  me  serve  with  John  Norris.  Your  sudden 
change  from  mislike  to  liking  has,  by  consequence,  presently 
cast  disgrace  upon  me.  But  all  is  not  gold  that  glitters,  nor 
every  shadow  a  perfect  representation.  .  .  .  You  knew 
he  should  not  serve  with  me,  but  either  you  thought  me  a 
very  inconstant  man,  or  else  a  very  simple  soul,  resolving 
with  you  as  I  did,  for  you  to  take  the  course  you  have  done."  ^ 
He  felt,  however,  quite  strong  in  her  Majesty's  favour.  He 
knew  himself  her  favourite,  beyond  all  chance  or  change,  and 
was  sure,  so  long  as  either  lived,  to  thrust  his  enemies,  by  her 
aid,  into  outer  darkness.  Woe  to  Buckhurst,  and  Norris,  and 
Wilkes,  and  all  others  who  consorted  with  his  enemies.  Let 
them  flee  from  the  wrath  to  come  !  And  truly  they  were 
only  too  anxious  to  do  so,  for  they  knew  that  Leicester's 
hatred  was  poisonous.  "  He  is  not  so  facile  to  forget  as  ready 
to  revenge,"^  said  poor  Wilkes,  with  neat  alliteration.  "My 
very  heavy  and  mighty  adversary  will  disgrace  and  undo 
me.   ^ 

"It  sufficeth,"  continued  Leicester,  "that  her  Majesty 
doth  find  my  dealings  well  enough,  and  so,  I  trust  will  gra- 
ciously use  me.  As  for  the  reconciliations  and  love-days  you 
have  made  there,  truly  I  have  liked  well  of  it ;  for  you  did 
show  me  your  disposition  therein  before,  and  I  allowed  of  it, 
and  I  had  received  letters  both  from  Count  Maurice  and 
Hohenlo  of  their  humility  and  kindness,  but  now  in  your  last 
letters  you  say  they  have  uttered  the  cause  of  their  mislike 


*  Leicester  to  Buckhurst.  The 
letter  is  from  Croydon,  and  patheti- 
cally signed,  "Your  poor  friend,  R. 
Leycester." 


'  "Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  13  April, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office,  MS.) 

2  Same  to  the  Lord  Chaucellor, 
3rd  June,  1587.    (S.  P.  Office,  MS.j 


246  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  X7. 

towards  me,  which  you  forbear  to  write  of,  looking  so  speedily 
for  my  return."  ^ 

But  the  Earl  knew  well  enough  what  the  secret  was,  for  had 
it  not  been  specially  confided  by  the  judicious  Bartholomew  to 
Atye,  who  had  incontinently  told  his  master  ?  "  This  pretense 
that  I  should  kill  Hohenlo,"  cried  Leicester,  "  is  a  matter 
properly  foisted  in  to  bring  me  to  choler.  I  will  not  suffer  it 
to  rest  thus.  Its  authors  shall  be  duly  and  severely  punished. 
And  albeit  I  see  well  enough  the  plot  of  this  wicked  device, 
yet  shall  it  not  work  the  effect  the  devisers  have  done  it  for. 
No,  my  Lord,  he  is  a  villain  and  a  false  lying  knave  whosoever 
he  be,  and  of  what  nation  soever  that  hath  forged  this  device. 
Count  Hohenlo  doth  know  I  never  gave  him  cause  to  fear  me 
so  much.  There  were  ways  and  means  offered  me  to  have 
quitted  him  of  the  country  if  I  had  so  liked.  This  new 
monstrous  villany  which  is  now  found  out  I  do  hate  and  detest, 
as  I  would  look  for  the  right  judgment  of  God  to  fall  upon 
myself,  if  I  had  but  once  imagined  it.  All  this  makes  good 
proof  of  Wilkes's  good  dealing  with  me,  that  hath  heard  of  so 
vile  and  villainous  a  reproach  of  me,  and  never  gave  me 
knowledge.  But  I  trust  your  Lordship  shall  receive  her 
Majesty's  order  for  this,  as  for  a  matter  that  toucheth  herself 
in  honour,  and  me  her  poor  servant  and  minister,  as  dearly  as 
any  matter  can  do  ;  and  I  will  so  take  it  and  use  it  to  the 
uttermost,"  ^ 

We  have  seen  how  anxiously  Buckhurst  had  striven  to  do 
his  duty  upon  a  most  difficult  mission.  Was  it  unnatural  that 
so  fine  a  nature  as  his  should  bs  disheartened,  at  reaping 
nothing  but  sneers  and  contumely  from  the  haughty  sovereign 
he  served,  and  from  the  insolent  favourite  who  controlled  her 
councils  ?  "  I  beseech  your  Lordship,"  he  said  to  Burghley, 
"keep  one  ear  for  me,  and  do  not  hastily  condemn  me  before 
you  hear  mine  answer.  For  if  I  ever  did  or  shall  do  any 
acceptable  service  to  her  Majesty,  it  was  in  the  stay  and 
appeasing  of  these  countries,  ever  ready  at  my  coming  to  have 
cast  off  all  good  respect  towards  us,  and  to  have  entered  even 

«  Leicester  to  Buckhurst,  30  April,     (MS.  already  cited.)  "  Ibid. 


1587. 


OF  A  PLOT  BY  THE  EARL  TO  MURDER  HIM. 


247 


into  some  desperate  cause.  In  the  meantime  I  am  hardly 
thought  of  by  her  Majesty,  and  in  her  opinion  condemned 
before  mine  answer  be  understood.  Therefore  I  beseech  you 
to  help  me  to  return,  and  not  thus  to  lose  her  Majesty's  favour 
for  my  good  desert,  wasting  here  my  mind,  body,  my  wits, 
wealth,  and  all,  with  continual  toils,  cares,  and  troubles,  more 
than  I  am  able  to  endure."  ^ 

But  besides  his  instructions  to  smooth  and  expostulate,  in 
which  he  had  succeeded  so  well,  and  had  been  requited  so  ill, 
Buckhurst  had  received  a  still  more  difficult  commission.  He 
had  been  ordered  to  broach  the  subject  of  peace,  as  delicately 
as  possible,  but  without  delay  ;  first  sounding  the  leading 
politicians,  inducing  them  to  listen  to  the  Queen's  suggestions 
on  the  subject,  persuading  them  that  they  ought  to  be  satisfied 
with  the  principles  of  the  pacification  of  Ghent,  and  that  it 
was  hopeless  for  the  Provinces  to  continue  the  war  with  their 
mighty  adversary  any  longer.^ 

Most  reluctantly  had   Buckhurst  fulfilled   his   sovereign's 


1  Buckhurst  to   Burghley,   27   May, 
15S7.     (S.  P.  Office,  MS.) 

^  "  "Whereas  we  have  late  used  your 
service  in  an  intended  treaty  of  peace 
betwixt  the  King  of  Spain  and  us, 
dealt  in  by  the  Duke  of  Parma  .... 
we  send  you  copies  of  such  letters  as 
have  lately  been  written  to  ourself  by 
the  Duke,  and  by  Champagny  to  the 
Controller.  .  .  .  We  have  taken  order 
that  the  Duke  shall  be  put  in  mind 
of  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  anno  '76,  .  .  . 
which  being  afterwards  approved  by 
the  King,  was  published  in  1577,  .  .  . 
having  just  cause  to  hope  that,  if  the 
King  be  willing  to  embrace  peace, 
and  the  Duke  to  further  the  same,  as 
he  pretendeth,  he  may  bo  induced  to 
assent  to  such  a  tolerance  as  in  the 
said  pacification  is  contained.  Now 
it  resteth  that  you  should  seek  to 
frame  the  minds  of  the  people  of 
those  countries  to  such  good  means  as 
by  you  shall  be  thought  expedient  to 
content  themselves  with  the  said 
tolerance ;  for  which  purpose  you 
shall,  as  of  yourself  as  one  that 
wisheth  well  to  those  countries,  deal 
with  some  well-chosen  persons  there, 
such  as  you  shall  leara  to   be  good 


patriots,  ....  laying  before  them 
how  impossible  it  is  for  them  by  means 
of  their  contributions,  with  the  burden 
whereof  the  people  do  already  find 
themselves  so  much  grieved  to  con- 
tinue the  war,  and  to  make  head  any 
longer  against  so  mighty  and  puissant 
a  prince  as  the  King  of  Spain,  and 
how  unable  ourselves  shall  be  to  sup- 
ply them  still  with  such  relief  as  the 
necessity  of  their  state  shall  require. 
....  You  may  advise  them  to  dis- 
pose both  their  own  minds  and  those 
of  the  people  to  a  sound  peace,  which, 
in  your  opinion,  they  cannot  at  any 
time  treat  of  with  greater  advantage 
than  at  this  present,  the  King  of 
Spain  being  at  so  low  an  ebb  both  at 
home  and  in  these  countries,  for  want 
as  well  of  victuals  as  of  other  neces- 
sary things  to  continue  the  wars.  .  .  . 
And  if  you  shall  find  that  the  using 
of  these  reasons  and  persuasions  in 
our  name  may  further  the  cause  by 
moving  them  rather  to  hearken  unto 
peace,  we  leave  it  to  yourself  to  use, 
in  such  case,  your  own  discretion 
therein,"  &c.  Queen  to  Buckhurst, 
May,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


248  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  X\. 

commands  in  this  disastrous  course.  To  talk  to  tht^  Hollanders 
of  the  Ghent  pacification  seemed  puerile.  That  memorable 
treaty,  ten  years  before,  had  been  one  of  the  great  landmarks 
of  progress,  one  of  the  great  achievements  of  William  the 
Silent.  By  its  provisions,  public  exercise  of  the  reformed 
religion  had  been  secured  for  the  two  Provinces  of  Holland 
and  Zeeland,  and  it  had  been  agreed  that  the  secret  practice 
of  those  rites  should  be  elsewhere  winked  at,  until  such  time 
OS  the  States-Grencral,  under  the  auspices  of  Philip  II.,  should 
otherwise  ordain.  But  was  it  conceivable  that  now, — after 
Philip's  authority  had  been  solemnly  abjured,  and  the  reformed 
worship  had  become  the  public,  dominant  religion,  throughout 
all  the  Provinces, — the  whole  republic  should  return  to  the 
Spanish  dominion,  and  to  such  toleration  as  might  be  sanc- 
tioned by  an  assembly  professing  loyalty  to  the  most  Catholic 
King  ? 

Buckhurst  had  repeatedly  warned  the  Queen,  in  fervid  and 
eloquent  language,  as  to  the  intentions  of  Spain.  "  There 
was  never  peace  well  made,"  he  observed,  "without  a  mighty 
war  preceding,  and  always,  the  sword  in  hand  is  the  best  pen 
to  write  the  conditions  of  peace." 

"  If  ever  prince  had  cause,"  he  continued,  "  to  think  himself 
beset  with  doubt  and  danger,  you,  sacred  Queen,  have  most 
just  cause  not  only  to  think  it,  but  even  certainly  to  believe 
it.  The  Pope  doth  daily  plot  nothing  else  but  how  he  may 
bring  to  pass  your  utter  overthrow ;  the  French  King  bath 
already  sent  you  threatenings  of  revenge,  and  though  for  that 
pretended  cause  I  think  little  will  ensue,  yet  he  is  blind  that 
seeth  not  the  mortal  dislike  that  boileth  deep  in  his  heart  for 
other  respects  against  you.  The  Scottish  King,  not  only  in 
regard  of  his  future  hope,  but  also  by  reason  of  some  over 
conceit  in  his  heart,  may  be  thought  a  dangerous  neighbour  to 
you.  The  King  of  Spain  armeth  and  extendeth  all  his  power 
to  ruin  both  you  and  your  estate.  And  if  the  Indian  gold 
have  corrupted  also  the  King  of  Denmark,  and  made  him 
likewise  Spanish,  as  I  marvellously  fear  ;  why  will  not  your 
Majesty,  beholding  the  flames  of  your  enemies  on  every  side 
kindling  around,  unlock  all  your  coffers  and  convert  your 


1587.       BUCKIIURST'S  ELOQUENT  APPEALS  TO  TllK  QUEEN.        249 

treasure  for  the  advancing  of  worthy  men,  and  for  the  arming  of 
ships  and  men-of-war  that  may  defend  you,  since  princes' 
treasures  serve  only  to  that  end,  and,  lie  they  never  so  fast  or  so 
full  in  their  chests,  can  no  ways  so  defend  them  ? 

"  The  eternal  God,  in  whose  hands  the  hearts  of  kings  do 
rest,  dispose  and  guide  your  sacred  Majesty  to  do  that  which 
may  be  most  according  to  His  blessed  will,  and  best  for  you, 
as  I  trust  He  will,  even  for  His  mercy's  sake,  both  toward 
your  Majesty  and  the  whole  realm  of  England,  whose  desola- 
tion is  thus  sought  and  compassed."^ 

Was  this  the  language  of  a  mischievous  intriguer,  who  was 
sacrificing  the  true  interest  of  his  country,  and  whose  pro- 
ceedings were  justly  earning  for  him  rebuke  and  disgrace  at  the 
hands  of  his  sovereign  ?  Or  was  it  rather  the  noble  advice  of 
an  upright  statesman,  a  lover  of  his  country,  a  faithful  servant 
of  his  Queen,  who  had  looked  through  the  atmosphere  of 
falsehood  in  which  he  was  doing  his  work,  and  who  had  de- 
tected, with  rare  sagacity,  the  secret  purposes  of  those  who 
were  then  misruling  the  world  ? 

Buckhurst  had  no  choice,  however,  but  to  obey.  His 
private  efforts  were  of  course  fruitless,  but  he  announced  to 
her  Majesty  that  it  was  his  intention  very  shortly  to  bring  the 
matter — according  to  her  wish — before  the  assembly. 

But  Elizabeth,  seeing  that  her  counsel  had  been  unwise 
and  her  action  premature,  turned  upon  her  envoy,  as  she  was 
apt  to  do,  and  rebuked  him  for  his  obedience,  so  soon  as 
obedience  had  proved  inconvenient  to  herself. 

"  Having  perused  your  letters,"  she  said,  "  by  which  you 
so  at  large  debate  unto  us  what  you  have  done  in  the  matter 

of  peace we  find  it  strange  that  you  should  proceed 

further.  And  although  we  had  given  you  full  and  ample 
direction  to  proceed  to  a  public  dealing  in  that  cause,  yet 
your  own  discretion,  seeing  the  difficulties  and  dangers  that 
you  yourself  saw  in  the  propounding  of  the  matter,  ought  to 
have  led  you  to  delay  till  further  command  from  us."  ^ 


'  Buckhurst  to  the  Queen,  30  April. 
1587.  (Br.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  xi.  p. -138, 
MS.) 


'  Queen    to     Buckhurst,    4      June^ 
1587.     (S.P.  Office  MS.) 


250  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  X7. 

Her  Majesty  then  instructed  her  envoy,  in  case  he  had  not 
yet  "  propounded  the  matter  in  the  state-house  to  the  general 
assembly,"  to  pause  entirely  until  he  heard  her  further 
pleasure.  She  concluded,  as  usual,  with  a  characteristic  post- 
cript  in  her  own  hand. 

"Oh  weigh  deeplier  this  matter,"  she  said,  "than,  with  so 
shallow  a  judgment,  to  spill  the  cause,  impair  my  honour,  and 
shame  yourself,  with  all  your  wit,  that  once  was  supposed 
better  than  to  lose  a  bargain  for  the  handling."  ^ 

Certainly  the  sphinx  could  have  propounded  no  more 
puzzling  riddles  than  those  which  Elizabeth  thus  suggested  to 
Buckhurst.  To  make  war  without  an  army,  to  support  an 
army  without  pay,  to  frame  the  hearts  of  a  whole  people  to 
peace  who  were  unanimous  for  war,  and  this  without  saying  a 
word  either  in  private  or  public  ;  to  dispose  the  Netherlanders 
favourably  to  herself  and  to  Leicester,  by  refusing  them  men 
and  money,  brow-beating  them  for  asking  for  it,  and  subjecting 
them  to  a  course  of  perpetual  insults,  which  she  called  "  cor- 
rosives," to  do  all  this  and  more  seemed  difficult.  If  not  to 
do  it,  were  to  spill  the  cause  and  to  lose  the  bargain,  it  was 
more  than  probable  that  they  would  be  spilt  and  lost. 

But  the  ambassador  was  no  (Edipus — although  a  man  of 
delicate  perceptions  and  brilliant  intellect — and  he  turned 
imploringly  to  a  wise  counsellor  for  aid  against  the  tormentor 
who  chose  to  be  so  stony-faced  and  enigmatical. 

"  Touching  the  matter  of  peace,"  said  he  to  Walsingham, 
"  I  have  written  somewhat  to  her  Majesty  in  cipher,  so  as  I 
am  sure  you  will  be  called  for  to  decipher  it.  If  you  did 
know  lioio  infinitely  her  Majesty  did  at  my  departure  and 
before— for  in  this  matter  of  peace  she  hath  specially  used  me 
this  good  while — command  me,  pray  me,  and  jjersuade  me  to 
further  and  hasten  the  same  with  all  the  speed  possible  that 
might  be,  and  how,  on  the  other  side,  I  have  continually  been  the 
man  and  the  mean  that  have  most  plainly  dehorted  her  from 
such  post-haste,  and  that  she  should  never  make  good  peace 
without  a  puissant  army  in  the  field,  you  would  then  say  that 

*  Queen  to  Buckhurst,  MS.  just  cited. 


1587.        HER  PERPLEXING  AND  CONTRADICTORY  ORDERS.         251 

I  had  now  cause  to  fear  her  displeasure  for  being  too  slow,  and 
not  too  forward.  And  as  for  all  the  reasons  which  in  my  last 
letters  are  set  down,  her  Majesty  hath  debated  them  with  me 
many  times."  ^ 

And  thus  midsummer  was  fast  approaching,  the  common^ 
wealth  was  without  a  regular  government,  Leicester  remained 
in  England  nursing  his  wrath  and  preparing  his  schemes,  the 
Queen  was  at  Greenwich,  corresponding  with  Alexander 
Farnese,  and  sending  riddles  to  Buckhurst,  when  the  enemy 
— who,  according  to  her  Majesty,  was  "  quite  unable  to  attempt 
the  siege  of  any  town " — suddenly  appeared  in  force  in 
Flanders,  and  invested  Sluys.  This  most  important  seaport, 
both  for  the  destiny  of  the  republic  and  of  England  at  that 
critical  moment,  was  insufficiently  defended.  It  was  quite 
time  to  put  an  army  in  the  field,  with  a  governor-general  to 
command  it. 

On  the  5th  June  there  was  a  meeting  of  the  state-council 
at  the  Hague.  Count  Maurice,  Hohenlo,  and  Moeurs  were 
present,  besides  several  members  of  the  States-General.  Two 
propositions  were  before  the  council.  The  first  was  that  it 
was  absolutely  necessary  to  the  safety  of  the  republic,  now 
that  the  enemy  had  taken  the  field,  and  the  important  city  of 
Sluys  was  besieged,  for  Prince  Maurice  to  be  appointed 
captain-general,  until  such  time  as  the  Earl  of  Leicester  or 
some  other  should  be  sent  by  her  Majesty.  The  second  was 
to  confer  upon  the  state-council  the  supreme  government  in 
civil  afiairs,  for  the  same  period,  and  to  repeal  all  limitations 
and  restrictions  upon  the  powers  of  the  council  made  secretly 
by  the  Earl. 

Chancellor  Leoninus,  "  that  grave,  wise  old  man,"  moved 
the  propositions.  The  deputies  of  the  States  were  requested 
to  withdraw.  The  vote  of  each  councillor  was  demanded. 
Buckhurst,  who,  as  the  Queen's  representative — together 
with  Wilkes  and  John  Norris — had  a  seat  in  the  council, 
refused  to  vote.  "  It  was  a  matter,"  he  discreetly  observed, 
"  with  which  he  had  not  been   instructed  by  her  Majesty  to 

*  Buckhurst  to  Walsingham,  13  June,  1587.     (Br.  Mus.  Galba^  D.  I.  96.    MS.) 


252  I'tlE   UNITED    NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  XV. 

intermeddle."  Norris  and  Wilkes  also  begged  to  be  excused 
from  voting,  and,  although  earnestly  urged  to  do  so  by  the 
whole  council,  persisted  in  their  refusal.  Both  measures  were 
then  carried.' 

No  sooner  was  the  vote  taken,  than  an  English  courier 
entered  the  council-chamber,  with  pressing  despatches  from 
Lord  Leicester.  The  letters  were  at  once  read.  The  Earl 
announced  his  speedy  arrival,  and  summoned  both  the  States- 
General  and  the  council  to  meet  him  at  Dort,  where  his 
lodgings  were  already  taken.  All  were  surprised,  but  none 
more  than  Buckhurst,  Wilkes,  and  Norris  ;  for  no  intimation 
of  this  sudden  resolution  had  been  received  by  them,  nor  any 
answer  given  to  various  propositions,  considered  by  her 
Majesty  as  indispensable  preliminaries  to  the  governor's  visit.^ 

The  council  adjourned  till  after  dinner,  and  Buckhurst  held 
conference  meantime  with  various  counsellors  and  deputies. 
On  the  reassembling  of  the  board,  it  was  urged  by  Barneveld, 
in  the  name  of  the  States,  that  the  election  of  Prince  Maurice 
should  still  hold  good.  "  Although  by  these  letters,"  said  he, 
"  it  would  seem  that  her  Majesty  had  resolved  upon  the  speedy 
return  of  his  Excellency,  yet,  inasmuch  as  the  counsels  and 
resolutions  of  princes  are  often  subject  to  change  upon  new 
occasion,  it  does  not  seem  fit  that  our  late  purpose  concerning 
Prince  Maurice  should  receive  any  interruption." 

Accordingly,  after  brief  debate,  both  resolutions,  voted  in 
the  morning,  were  confirmed  in  the  afternoon. 

"  So  now,"  said  Wilkes,  "  Maurice  is  general  of  all  the 
forces,  et  quid  sequetur  nescimus."  ^ 

But  whatever  else  was  to  follow,  it  was  very  certain  that 
Wilkes  would  not  stay.  His  great  enemy  had  sworn  his  de- 
struction, and  would  now  take  his  choice,  whether  to  do  him 
to  death  himself,  or  to  throw  him  into  the  clutch  of  the 
jferocious  Hohenlo.  "  As  for  my  own  particular,"  said  the 
counsellor,  ''  the  word  is  go,  whosoever  cometh  or  cometh  not,"  ■* 
and  he  announced  to  Walsingham  his  intention  of  departing 


'  Wilkes    to   ■Walsingham,    8  June, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office,  MS.) 
2  Ibid.  »  Ibii 


<  Wilkes  to  Walsingham,    29   April, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office,  MS.) 


1587. 


DESPAIR   OF   WILKES. 


253 


without  permission,  should  he  not  immediately  receive  it  from 
England.  "  I  shall  stay  to  he  dandled  with  no  love-days  nor 
leave-takings/'  he  observed/ 


*  Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  8  June, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office,  MS.) 

From  the  very  moment  of  Leicester's 
arrival  in  England,  he  seems  to  have 
conceived  a  violent  hatred  to  Coun- 
cillor Wilkes.  Yet  a  careful  inspec- 
tion of  the  correspondence  shows  that 
never  was  hatred  more  unjust.  Wilkes 
bad  told  tlie  truth  concerning  the  ex- 
penses incurred  by  England  and  the 
States  during  the  Earl's  first  term  of 
administration.  He  could  not  have 
done  less  without  dereliction  of  duty, 
and  he  forwarded  certified  vouchers 
for  all  his  statements.  He  always 
did  his  best  to  sustain  the  governor's 
character,  and  to  carry  out  his  legiti- 
mate views.  As  time  wore  on,  he 
was  obliged  to  state  the  disadvantages 
resulting  from  his  protracted  absence, 
and  he  was  forced,  at  last,  to  admit 
the  truth  as  to  his  great  unpopularity. 
He  even  admitted  privately,  on  one 
occasion,  that,  in  consequence  of  that 
unpopularity,  some  other  governor 
might  be  sent  from  England  more 
acceptable  to  the  Provinces.  This 
was  the  sum  of  his  offences  in  regard 
to  Leicester.  Towards  the  Queen  he 
manifested  liimself  an  intelligent, 
honest,  and  most  assiduous  servant, 
but  ho  had  incurred  the  hostility  of 
the  favourite,  and  for  that  there  was 
no  redress.  Even  so  early  as  January 
he  felt  that  he  had  lost  Leicester's 
favour,  although  he  protested  he 
"  would  repurchase  it  with  the  loss  of 
his  two  best  fingers "  (Wilkes  to  Lei- 
cester, 27  Jan.  1587.  S.  P.  Office, 
MS.) ;  and  he  wrote  at  the  same  time 
to  the  Queen,  complaining  that  he 
was  in  danger  of  his  life,  as  recom- 
pense for  his  faithfiil  service — a  life 
which  he  hoped  to  venture  in  better 
sort  for  her  Majesty's  service.  He  was 
threatened  at  home,  he  said,  and  en- 
dangered abroad.  Wilkes  to  the  Queen, 
30  Jan.  1587.  (S.  P.  Office,  MS.)  A 
few  mouths  later,  matters  had  grown 
much  worse.  Leicester  was  intending 
to  wreak  his  revenge  upon  him  by 
means  of  third  persons,  who,  by  his 
malignant  insinuations,  had  been 
made      hostile      to      the      councillor. 


"  Whoreunto  is  now  added  the  danger 
of  my  poor  life,"  he  says,  "and  for- 
tune, for  that  I  am  secretly  given  to 
understand,  by  a  dear  friend  of  mine, 
and  mward  with  my  great  and  heavy 
enemy,  that  ho  hath  sworn  and  pro- 
tested, even  now  of  late,  to  take  his 
revenge  on  me — how  or  in  what  sort 
I  know  not,  but  have  good  cause  to 
doubt,  considering  the  mind  of  my 
enemy,  that  he  will  not  be  satisfied 
with  any  mere  offence  to  be  done 
unto  me,  which  I  suppose  he  will 
never  do  of  himselfj  nor  by  any  of  his 
own,  but  a  third  means,  whereunto  he 
hath  a  gap  opened  unto  him  by  my 
own  letters  written  unto  him  from 
hence,  wherein  I  had  touched  some 
persons  of  quality  here  for  their  in- 
direct proceeding  against  her  Majesty 
and  our  nation  ....  Therefore,  I 
humbly  beseech  you  to  move  her  Ma- 
jesty for  my  speedy  return."  W.  to 
Hatton,  19  April,  1587.  (S.  P.  Office, 
MS.)  In  a  letter  to  Walsingham  of 
same  date,  he  alluded  to  the  "  deadly 
revenge  threatened  against  him  by 
the  Earl  with  very  bitter  words,"  and 
indicates  the  same  scheme  by  which 
third  persons  are  to  inflict  it.  '"  1 
woiold'  be  loth  to  commit  myself  to 
his  mercy,"   he    says;     "your   honour 

knoweth  him  better  than  I  do 

God  is  my  witness  I  have,  since  nis 
departure  from  these  countries,  de- 
served as  well  of  him  as  ever  did  any. 
....  I  will  stand  to  my  justification, 
and  prove  that  I  liave  done  him  with 
her  Majesty  as  many  good  offices  as 
any  man  that  came  from  hence,"  and 
he  then  most  urgently  solicited  per^ 
mission  to  depart.  This  permission 
the  government  were  most  reluctant 
to  grant,  and  Wilkes  protested  loudly 
against  his  continuance  in  office  at 
such  "hazard  to  his  poor  life,  without 
means  of  defence,  in  the  quality  of  his 
ruin  or  death."  '"Tis  a  hard  reward 
for  my  faithful  services,"  he  said,  "to  be 
left  to  the  mercy  of  such  as  have  will 
and  means  by  revenge  to  bereave  her 
Majesty  of  a  true  and  obedient  servant, 
and  me  of  my  life,  in  an  obscure  sort, 
to  my  perpetual  infamy,  to  the  pleasing 


254 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XV. 


But  Leicester  had  delayed  his  coming  too  long.  The 
country  felt  that  it  had  been  trifled  with  by  his  absence — at  so 
critical  a  period — of  seven  months.  It  was  known  too  that  the 
Queen  was  secretly  treating  with  the  enemy,  and  that  Buck- 
hurst  liad  been  privately  sounding  leading  personages  upon 
that  subject,  by  her  orders.  This  had  caused  a  deep,  sup- 
pressed indignation.  Over  and  over  again  had  the  Englisli 
government  been  warned  as  to  the  danger  of  delay.  "  Your 
length  in  resolving,"  Wilkes  had  said,  "  whatsoever  your 
secret  purposes  may  be — will  put  us  to  new  plunges  before 
long."^  The  mission  of  Buckhurst  was  believed  to  be  "but  a 
stale,  having  some  other  intent  than  was  expressed."  And 
at  last,  the  new  plunge  had  been  fairly  taken.  It  seemed  now 
impossible  for  Leicester  to  regain  the  absolute  authority, 
which  he  coveted,  and  which  he  had  for  a  brief  season  possessed. 
The  States-G-eneral,  under  able  leaders,  had  become  used  to 
a  government  which  had  been  forced  upon  them,  and  which 
they  had  wielded  with  success.  Holland  and  Zeeland,  paying 
the  whole  expense  of  the  war,  were  not  likely  to  endure  again 
the  absolute  sovereignty  of  a  foreigner,  guided  by  a  back- 
stairs council  of  reckless  politicians — most  of  whom  were  un- 
principled, and  some  of  whom  had  been  proved  to  be  felons — 
and  established  at  Utrecht,  which  contributed  nothing  to  the 


of  mine  enemies,  and  the  discomfort- 
ing of  all  honest  men,  by  an  example, 
from  serving  of  her  Majesty  with  sin- 
cerity," &c.  W.  to  Walsing.  29th 
April,  1687.  (S.  P.  Ofiace  MS.)  And  he 
soon  afterwards  declared  to  Walsinghara 
(15  May,  1587.  S.  P.  Office,  MS.) 
that,  in  case  he  should  be  left  there  to 
the  mercy  of  his  great  enemy,  if  he  re- 
turned, he  would  venture  "  to  Jiazard 
her  Majesty's  favour  in  returning  home 
without  license."  His  alarm  was  no 
greater  for  his  life  than  for  his  repu- 
tation, both  which,  Leicester,  in  his 
behef;  was  sworn  to  destroy.  "  I  do 
find  that  my  very  heavy  and  mighty 
adversary,"  he  writes  to  the  Lord 
Chancellor  (3  June,  1587.  S.  P.  Office, 
MS.),  "doth  perpetually  travail  with 
her  Majesty  to  disgrace  and  undo  me, 
and   I  have   cause   to  doubt  that  he 


doth  or  shall  prevail  against  me,  con- 
sidering the  goodness  of  her  Majesty's 
nature  to  be  induced  to  believe  whom 
she  favoureth,  and  his  subtlety  to  per- 
suade. I  have  therefore  no  mean  in 
respect  of  the  great  iDcquahty  be- 
tween him  and  me,  but  either  to  be 
held  up  by  my  honourable  friends, 
assisted  with  the  wings  of  mine  own 
integrity,  or  to  fall  to  the  ground  with 
disgrace  and  infamy,  to  the  dis- 
couragement of  all  that  shall  serve 
her  Majesty  in  like  places." 

Such  passages  paint  the  condition 
of  the  civil  service  in  England,  during 
the  reign  of  Leicester  and  Elizabeth, 
more  vividly  than  could  be  done  by  a 
long  dissertation. 

1  Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  17  May, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1587.  LEICESTER   ANNOUNCES   HIS   RETURN.  255 

general  purse.  If  Leicester  were  really  coming,  it  seemed 
certain  that  he  would  be  held  to  acknowledge  the  ancient  con- 
stitution, and  to  respect  the  sovereignty  of  the  States-General. 
It  was  resolved  that  he  should  be  well  bridled.  The  sensa- 
tions of  Barneveld  and  his  party  may  therefore  be  imagined, 
when  a  private  letter  of  Leicester  to  his  secretary — "  the 
fellow  named  Junius,"  as  Hohenlo  called  him — having  been 
intercepted  at  this  moment,  gave  them  an  opportunity  of 
studying  the  Earl's  secret  thoughts. 

The  Earl  informed  his  correspondent  that  he  was  on  the 
point  of  starting  for  the  Netherlands.  He  ordered  him 
therefore  to  proceed  at  once  to  reassure  those  whom  he  knew 
well  disposed  as  to  the  good  intentions  of  her  Majesty  and  of 
the  governor-general.  And  if,  on  the  part  of  Lord  Buckhurst 
or  others,  it  should  be  intimated  that  the  Queen  was  resolved 
to  treat  for  peace  with  the  King  of  Spain,  and  wished  to  have 
the  opinion  of  the  Netherlanders  on  that  subject,  he  was  to  say 
boldly  that  Lord  Buckhurst  never  had  any  such  charge,  and 
that  her  Majesty  had  not  been  treating  at  all.  She  had  only 
been  attempting  to  sound  the  King's  intentions  towards  the 
Netherlands,  in  case  of  any  accord.  Having  received  no  satis- 
factory assurance  on  the  subject,  her  Majesty  was  determined 
to  proceed  with  the  defence  of  these  countries.  This  appeared 
by  the  expedition  of  Drake  against  Spain,  and  by  the  return 
of  the  Earl,  with  a  good  number  of  soldiers  paid  by  her 
Majesty,  over  and  above  her  ordinary  subsidy.* 

"  You  are  also,"  said  the  Earl,  "  to  tell  those  who  have  the 
care  of  the  people"  (the  ministers  of  the  reformed  church 
and  others),  "  that  I  am  returning,  in  the  confidence  that  they 
will,  in  future,  cause  all  past  difficulties  to  cease,  and  that 
they  will  yield  to  me  a  legitimate  authority,  such  as  befits  for 
administering  the  sovereignty  of  the  Provinces,  without  my 
being  obliged  to  endure  all  the  oppositions  and  counter- 
minings  of  the  States,  as  in  times  past.  The  States  must 
content  themselves  with  retaining  the  power  which  they  claim 

'    Leicester    to    Junius,    Greenwich,    I    Compare    Meteren,    xiv.    255.      Hoofd, 
15   June,    1587.      (S.    P.    Office,    MS.)   [   Vervolgh,  249,  et  mult.  al. 


256  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XV. 

to  have  exercised  under  the  governors  of  the  Emperor  and 
the  King — without  attempting  anything  farther  during  my 
government — since  I  desire  to  do  nothing  of  importance  with- 
out the  advice  of  the  council,  which  will  be  composed  legiti- 
mately of  persons  of  the  country.  You  will  also  tell  them 
that  her  Majesty  commands  me  to  return  unless  I  can  obtain 
from  the  States  the  authority  which  is  necessary,  in  order  not 
to  be  governor  in  appearance  only  and  on  paper.  And  I 
wish  that  those  who  are  good  may  be  apprized  of  all  this,  in 
order  that  nothing  may  happen  to  their  prejudice  and  ruin, 
and  contrary  to  their  wishes."^ 

There  were  two  very  obvious  comments  to  be  made  upon 
this  document.  Firstly,  the  States — de  jure,  as  they  claimed, 
and  de  facto  most  unquestionably — were  in  the  position  of 
the  Emperor  and  King,  They  were  the  sovereigns.  The 
Earl  wished  them  to  content  themselves  with  the  power  which 
they  exercised  under  the  Emperor's  governors.  This  was  like 
requesting  the  Emperor,  when  in  the  Netherlands,  to  consider 
himself  subject  to  his  own  governor.  The  second  obvious 
reflection  was  that  the  Earl,  in  limiting  his  authority  by  a 
state-council,  expected,  no  doubt,  to  appoint  that  body  him- 
self— as  he  had  done  before — and  to  allow  the  members  only 
the  right  of  talking,  and  of  voting,  without  the  power  of 
enforcing  their  decisions.  In  short,  it  was  very  plain  that 
Leicester  meant  to  be  more  absolute  than  ever. 

As  to  the  flat  contradiction  given  to  Buckhurst's  proceed- 
ings in  the  matter  of  peace,  that  statement  could  scarcely 
deceive  any  one  who  had  seen  her  Majesty's  letters  and  in- 
structions to  her  envoy. 

It  was  also  a  singularly  deceitful  course  to  be  adopted  by 
Leicester  towards  Buckhurst  and  towards  the  Netherlands, 
because  his  own  private  instructions,  drawn  up  at  the  same 
moment,  expressly  enjoined  him  to  do  exactly  what  Buck- 
hurst had  been  doing.  He  was  most  strictly  and  earnestly 
commanded  to  deal  privately  with  all  such  persons  as  had 
influence  with  the  "common  sort  of  people,"  in  order  that 
1  Leicester  to  Junius,  uU  swp. 


1587.  HIS  INSTRUCTIONS— LETTER  TO  JUNIUS.  257 

they  should  use  their  influence  with  those  common  people  in 
favour  of  peace,  bringing  vividly  before  them  the  excessive 
burthens  of  the  war,  their  inability  to  cope  with  so  potent  a 
prince  as  Philip,  and  the  necessity  the  Queen  was  under  of 
discontinuing  her  contributions  to  their  support.  He  was  to 
make  the  same  representations  to  the  States,  and  he  was 
further  most  explicitly  to  inform  all  concerned,  that,  in  case 
they  were  unmoved  by  these  suggestions,  her  Majesty  had 
quite  made  up  her  mind  to  accept  the  handsome  offers  of 
peace  held  out  by  the  King  of  Spain,  and  to  leave  them  to 
their  fate. 

It  seemed  scarcely  possible  that  the  letter  to  Junius  and 
the  instructions  for  the  Earl  should  have  been  dated  the  same 
week,  and  should  have  emanated  from  the  same  mind  ;  but 
such  was  the  fact. 

He  was  likewise  privately  to  assure  Maurice  and  Hohenlo — 
in  order  to  remove  their  anticipated  opposition  to  the  peace — 
that  such  care  should  be  taken  in  providing  for  them,  as  that 
"  they  should  have  no  just  cause  to  dislike  thereof,  but  to  rest 
satisfied  withal." 

With  regard  to  the  nature  of  his  authority,  he  was  in- 
structed to  claim  a  kind  of  dictatorship  in  everything  regard- 
ing the  command  of  the  forces,  and  the  distribution  of  the 
public  treasure.  All  offices  were  to  be  at  his  disposal.  Every 
florin  contributed  by  the  States  was  to  be  placed  in  his  hands, 
and  spent  according  to  his  single  will.  He  was  also  to  have 
plenary  power  to  prevent  the  trade  in  victuals  with  the  enemy 
by  death  and  confiscation. 

If  opposition  to  any  of  these  proposals  were  made  by  the 
States-General,  he  was  to  appeal  to  the  States  of  each  Pro- 
vince, to  the  towns  and  communities,  and  in  case  it  should 
prove  impossible  for  him  "  to  be  furnished  with  the  desired 
authority,"  he  was  then  instructed  to  say  that  it  was  "  her 
Majesty's  meaning  to  leave  them  to  their  own  counsel  and 
defence,  and  to  withdraw  the  support  that  she  had  yielded  to 
them  :    seeing  plainly  that  the  continuance  of  the  confused 

VOL.  II. — S 


258 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XV. 


government  now  reigning  among  them  could  not  but  work 
their  ruin."  ^ 

Both  these  papers  came  into  Barneveld's  hands,  through 
the  agency  of  Ortel,  the  States'  envoy  in  England,  before  the 
arrival  of  the  Earl  in  the  Netherlands.^ 

Of  course  they  soon  became  the  topics  of  excited  conversa- 
tion and  of  alarm  in  every  part  of  the  country.  Buckhurst, 
touched  to  the  quick  by  the  reflection  upon  those  pro- 
ceedings of  his  which  had  been  so  explicitly  enjoined  upon 
him,  and  so  reluctantly  undertaken — appealed  earnestly  to 
her  Majesty.  He  reminded  her,  as  delicately  as  possible,  that 
her  honour,  as  well  as  his  own,  was  at  stake  by  Leicester's 
insolent  disavowals  of  her  authorized  ambassador.  He  be- 
sought her  to  remember  "  what  even  her  own  royal  hand  had 
written  to  the  Duke  of  Parma  ; "  and  how  much  his  honour 
was  interested  "  by  the  disavowing  of  his  dealings  about  the 
peace  begun  by  her  Majesty's  commandment."  He  adjured 
her  with  much  eloquence  to  think  upon  the  consequences  of 
stirring  up  the  common  and  unstable  multitude  against  their 
rulers  ;  upon  the  pernicious  effects  of  allowing  the  clergy  to 
inflame  the  passions  of  the  people  against  the  government. 
"  Under  the  name  of  such  as  have  charge  over  the  people," 
said  Buckhurst,  "  are  understood  the  ministers  and  chaplains 
of  the  churches  in  every  town,  by  the  means  of  whom  it  seems 
that  his  Lordship  tendeth  his  whole  purpose  to  attain  to  his 
desire  of  the  administration  of  the  sovereignty."  He  assured 
the  Queen  that  this  scheme  of  Leicester  to  seize  virtually 
upon  that  sovereignty,  would  be  a  disastrous  one.  "  The 
States  are  resolved,"  said  he,  "  since  your  Majesty  doth  refuse 
the  sovereignty,  to  lay  it  upon  no  creature  else,  as  a  thing 
contrary  to  their  oath  and  allegiance  to  their  country."  He 
reminded  her  also  that  the  States  had  been  dissatisfied  with 
the  Earl's  former  administration,  believing  that  he  had  ex- 


'  Instructions  for  the  Earl  of  Lei- 
cester, 20  June,  1587.  Corrected  by 
Lord  Burghley  and  Secretary  Wal- 
singham.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.  Compare 
Bor,  n.  xxi.  906,  90T.) 


»  Bor,  II.  xxii.  906,  907.  "  By  the 
way,"  writes  Leicester  to  Burghley, 
"  send  away  Ortel ;  he  is  a  bad  fellow." 
Leicester  to  Burghlev,  17  Aug.  1587 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1587,  BARNEVELD  DENOUNCES  HIM  IN  THE  STATES.  259 

ceeded  his  commission,  and  that  they  were  determined  there- 
fore to  limit  his  authority  at  his  return.  "  Your  sacred 
Majesty  may  consider,"  he  said,  "what  effect  all  this  may 
work  among  the  common  and  ignorant  people,  by  intimating 
that,  unless  they  shall  procure  him  the  administration  of  such 
a  sovereignty  as  he  requireth,  their  ruin  may  ensue."  ^  Buck- 
hurst  also  informed  her  that  he  had  despatched  Councillor 
Wilkes  to  England,  in  order  that  he  might  give  more  ample 
information  on  all  these  affairs  by  word  of  mouth  than  could 
well  be  written. 

It  need  hardly  be  stated  that  Barneveld  came  down  to  the 
states'-house  with  these  papers  in  his  hand,  and  thundered 
against  the  delinquent  and  intriguing  governo-r  till  the  general 
indignation  rose  to  an  alarming  height.  False  statements  of 
course  were  made  to  Leicester  as  to  the  substance  of  the  Advo- 
cate's discourse.  He  was  said  to  have  charged  upon  the  English 
government  an  intention  to  seize  forcibly  upon  their  cities,  and 
to  transfer  them  to  Spain  on  payment  of  the  sums  due  to  the 
Queen  from  the  States,  and  to  have  declared  that  he  had  found 
all  this  treason  in  the  secret  instructions  of  the  Earl.-  But 
Barneveld  had  read  the  instructions,  to  which  the  attention  of 
the  reader  has  just  been  called,  and  had  strictly  stated  the  truth, 
which  was  damaging  enough,  without  need  of  exaggeration. 


^  Buckhurst  to  the  Queen,  28  June, 
1587.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba.  C.  xi.  p.  61, 
MS.) 

*  Memorial  in  Burghley's  hand, 
Sept.  1587.  Killigrew  and  Beale  to 
the  Lords,  11  Sept.  1587.  Leicester 
to  Burgbley,  17  Aug.  1587.  Same  to 
same,    11   Sept.    1587.      (S.   P.   Office 


alleging  also  that  these  few  supplies 
which  I  brought  was  to  augment  my 
power  the  stronger  for  this  only  end. 
These  informations,  assisted  with  the 
report  of  the  copy  of  my  instructions 
and  letters,  for  the  verifying  of  which 
the  party  took  new  oath  that  they  were 
the  true   copies    which    he    had,    and 


MSS.)  moved  him  to  speak  so  plainly,  which 


"These  persuasions  of  this  fellow 
Barnevelt,"  says  the  Earl  in  the  last- 
cited  letter,  "wrought  great  impres- 
sions in  many  men  that  her    Majesty 


matters  were  very  probable  and  greatly 
persuadable  to  the  common  sort ;  yet 
is  the  matter  so  used  as  notwitlistand- 
ing  all  his  allegations    both  of  instruc- 


had  a  former  resolution  in  herself  to  tions  and  letters,  all  men  are  satisfied  ; 
make  peace  without  these  countries,  and  I  have  not  denied  but  such  words 
and  that  my  now  sending  was  only  to   1   are  in  my  instructions  and  such  a  letter 


get  authority  here  with  the  command- 
ment of  places  and  people,  that,  if  these 
men  would  not  agree  to  such  peace  as 
her  Majesty  would  appoint,  they  should 
be  compelled  thereto  by  such  forces 
as  I  should   have   at  my  disposition; 


written,  and  yet  we  made  all  to  agree 
with  an  honourable  and  gracious  in- 
tention in  her  Majesty  towards  them 
all,"  &c.  (Compare  Meteren,  xiv.  255 
seq.  Bor,  II.  xxii.  906,  907.  Hoofd, 
Verv.  239.     Wagenaar  viii.  223,  224.) 


2G0 


THE  UxNlTED  JSETtlliHLA^'DS. 


Chap.  XVL 


CHAPTER     XVI. 

Situation  of  Sluys  —  Its  Dutch  and  English  Garrison  —  "WUliams  writes  from 
Sluys  to  the  Queen  —  Jealousy  between  the  Earl  and  States  —  Schemes  to 
relieve  Sluys  —  Which  are  feeble  and  unsuccessful  —  The  Town  Capitu- 
lates —  Parma  enters  —  Leicester  enraged  —  The  Queen  angry  with  the 
Anti-Leicestrians  —  Norris,  Wilkes,  and  Buckhurst  punished  —  Drake  sails 
for  Spain  —  His  Exploits  at  Cadiz  and  Lisbon  —  He  is  rebuked  by 
Elizabeth. 

When  Dante  had  passed  through  the  third  circle  of  the 
Inferno — a  desert  of  red-hot  sand,  in  which  lay  a  multitude  of 
victims  of  divine  wrath,  additionally  tortured  by  an  ever- 
descending  storm  of  fiery  flakes — he  was  led  by  Virgil  out  of 
this  burning  wilderness  along  a  narrow  causeway.  This  path 
was  protected,  he  said,  against  the  showers  of  flame,  by  the 
lines  of  vapour  which  rose  eternally  from  a  boiling  brook. 
Even  by  such  shadowy  bulwarks,  added  the  poet,  do  the 
Flemings  between  Cadzand  and  Bruges  protect  their  land 
against  the  ever-threatening  sea.^ 

It  was  precisely  among  these  slender  dykes  between  Kad- 
zand  and  Bruges  that  Alexander  Farnese  had  now  planted  all 
the  troops  that  he  could  muster  in  the  field.  It  was  his  deter- 
mination to  conquer  the  city  of  Sluys  ;  for  the  possession  of 
that  important  sea-port  was  necessary  for  him  as  a  basis  for 
the  invasion  of  England,  which  now  occupied  all  the  thoughts 
of  his  sovereign  and  himself. 

Exactly  opposite  the  city  was  the  island  of  Kadzand, 
once  a  fair  and  fertile  territory,  with  a  city  and  many  flou- 
rishing villages  upon  its  surface,  but  at  that  epoch  diminished 


1  "  Hora  cen  porta  1'  un  de'  duri  martini 
E  il  fumo  del  riiscel'  di  sopra  aduggia 
Si  che  dal  fuoco  salva  1'  acqua  e  gl'  argini 
Qual  i  Fiamminghi  fra  Gxizzante  o  Bniggia 
Temendo  il  fiolto  che  ver  lor  s"  avvcnta 
Fannr,  li  schermi  accioche  H  mar  si  fiiggia."' 
Inferno,  Canto  xv. 


Compare  Guicciardini,  '  Descript. 
des  Pays  Bas,'  ed.  1582,  p.  379. 
Strada,  II.  487.  Bentivoglio,  P.  U 
L.  V.  313. 


1587.  SITUATION   OP  SLUTS.  261 

to  a  small  dreary  sand-bank  by  the  encroachments  of  the 
ocean. 

A  stream  of  inland  water,  rising  a  few  leagues  to  the  south 
of  Sluys,  divided  itself  into  many  branches  just  before  reach- 
ing the  city,  converted  the  surrounding  territory  into  a 
miniature  archipelago — the  islands  of  which  were  shifting 
treacherous  sand-banks  at  low  water,  and  submerged  ones  at 
flood — and  then  widening  and  deepening  into  a  considerable 
estuary,  opened  for  the  city  a  capacious  harbour,  and  an  ex- 
cellent although  intricate  passage  to  the  sea.  The  city,  which 
was  well  built  and  thriving,  was  so  hidden  in  its  labyrinth  of 
canals  and  streamlets,  that  it  seemed  almost  as  difficult  a 
matter  to  find  Sluys  as  to  conquer  it.  It  afforded  safe  har- 
bour for  five  hundred  large  vessels  ;  and  its  possession,  there- 
fore, was  extremely  important  for  Parma.  Besides  these 
natural  defences,  the  place  was  also  protected  by  fortifications, 
which  were  as  well  constructed  as  the  best  of  that  period. 
There  was  a  strong  rampire  and  many  towers.  There  was  also 
a  detached  citadel  of  great  strength,  looking  towards  the  sea, 
and  there  was  a  ravelin,  called  St.  Anne's,  looking  in  the 
direction  of  Bruges.  A  mere  riband  of  dry  land  in  that 
quarter  was  all  of  solid  earth  to  be  found  in  the  environs  of 
Sluys. 

The  city  itself  stood  upon  firm  soil,  but  that  soil  had  been 
hollowed  into  a  vast  system  of  subterranean  magazines,  not 
for  warlike  purposes,  but  for  cellars,  as  Sluys  had  been  from 
a  remote  period  the  great  entrepot  of  foreign  wines  in  the 
Netherlands.^ 

While  the  eternal  disputes  between  Leicester  and  the  States 
were  going  on  both  in  Holland  and  in  England,  while  the 
secret  negotiations  between  Alexander  Farnese  and  Queen 
Elizabeth  were  slowly  proceeding  at  Brussels  and  Green- 
wich, the  Duke,  notwithstanding  the  destitute  condition  of  his 
troops,  and  the  famine  which  prevailed  throughout  the  obe- 
dient Provinces,  had  succeeded  in  bringing  a  little  army  of 
five  thousand  foot,  and  something  less  than   one   thousand 

*  Authorities  last  cited.     Meteren,  xiv.  254.^o  255.     Hoofd,  Verv.  254. 


262 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVI. 


horse,  into  the  field.'  A  portion  of  this  force  he  placed  under 
the  command  of  the  veteran  La  Motte.  That  distinguished 
campaigner  had  assured  the  commander-in-chief  that  the 
reduction  of  the  city  would  be  an  easy  achievement.^  Alex- 
ander soon  declared  that  the  enterprise  was  the  most  difficult 
one  that  he  had  ever  undertaken."*  Yet,  two  years  before,  he 
had  carried  to  its  triumphant  conclusion  the  famous  siege  of 
Antwerp.  He  stationed  his  own  division  upon  the  isle  of 
Kadzand,  and  strengthened  his  camp  by  additionally  fortifying 
those  shadowy  bulwarks,  by  which  the  island,  since  the  age  of 
Dante,  had  entrenched  itself  against  the  assaults  of  ocean. 

On  the  other  hand,  La  Motte,  by  the  orders  of  his  chief, 
had  succeeded,  after  a  sharp  struggle,  in  carrying  the  fort  of 
St.  Anne.  A  still  more  important  step  was  the  surprising  of 
Blankenburg,  a  small  fortified  place  on  the  coast,  about  mid- 
way between  Ostend  and  Sluys,  by  which  the  sea-communica- 
tions with  the  former  city  for  the  relief  of  the  beleaguered  town 
were  interrupted.^ 

Parma's  demonstrations  against  Sluys  had  commenced  in 
the  early  days  of  June.  The  commandant  of  the  place  was 
Arnold  de  Groenevelt,  a  Dutch  noble  of  ancient  lineage  and 
approved  valour.  His  force  was,  however,  very  meagre, 
hardly  numbering  more  than  eight  hundred,  all  Nether- 
landers,  but  counting  among  its  officers  several  most  distin- 
guished personages — Nicholas  de  Maulde,  Adolphus  de  Meet- 


'  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  6  Aug.  1587. 
(Arcli.  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

This  force  was  subsequently  very 
much  iuereased.  It  is  impossible,  how- 
ever, to  arrive  at  the  exact  numbers. 
They  are  not  stated  by  Famese  in  his 
letters  to  the  King,  preserved  in  the 
Archives  of  Simancas.  Strada  (II.  489) 
gives  the  numbers  as  stated  in  the  text. 
Roger  Williams,  however,  in  a  letter 
to  Queen  Elizabeth,  sent  from  Sluys 
at  an  early  period  of  the  siege,  says 
that  the  Duke  of  Parma  had  come 
before  the  town,  a  week  before,  in  per- 
son, with  four  regiments  of  Walloons, 
four  of  Germans,  fifty-two  companies 
of  Spaniards,  twenty-four  cornets  of 
horse,  and  forty-eight  pieces  of  battery, 


and  that  the  next  day  there  arrived 
one  regiment  of  Italians  and  one  of 
Burgundians.  This  would  give  a  total 
of  at  least  17,600  men,  more  than  thrice 
as  many  as  the  historiographer  of  the 
Duke    allows.       R.    Williams    to    the 

9 
Queen,   —   June,    1587.       (Brit.    Mus. 

Galba,  D.  I.  p.  40,  MS.) 

^  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  6  Aug.  1587. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

'  Ibid.  "  En  mio  poco  juicio  la  mas 
dificultosa  y  laboriosa  cosa  que  ho 
visto  e  acometido  en  Flandes." 

*  Strada,  II.  488.  Meteren,  ubi  sup, 
Bor,  II.  xsii.  984.  Bentivoglio,  Hoofi 
ubi  sup. 


1587. 


ITS   DUTCH   AND   ENGLISH   GARRISON. 


263 


kerke  and  his  younger  brother,  Captain  Heraugiere,  and  other 
well-known  partisans. 

On  the  threatening  of  danger  the  commandant  had  made 
application  to  Sir  William  Russell,  the  worthy  successor  of 
Sir  Philip  Sidney  in  the  government  of  Flushing.  He  had 
received  from  him,  in  consequence,  a  reinforcement  of  eight 
hundred  English  soldiers,  under  several  eminent  chieftains, 
foremost  among  whom  were  the  famous  Welshman  Roger 
Williams,  Captain  Huntley,  Baskerville,  Sir  Francis  Vere, 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  and  Captain  Hart.  This  combined 
force,  however,  was  but  a  slender  one,  there  being  but  sixteen 
hundred  men  to  protect  two  miles  and  a  half  of  rampart,  be- 
sides the  forts  and  ravelins.^ 

But,  such  as  it  was,  no  time  was  lost  in  vain  regrets.  The 
sorties  against  the  besiegers  were  incessant  and  brilliant.  On 
one  occasion  Sir  Francis  Vere — conspicuous  in  the  throng,  in 
his  red  mantilla,  and  supported  only  by  one  hundred  English- 
men and  Dutchmen,  under  Captain  Baskerville — held  at  bay 
eight  companies  of  the  famous  Spanish  legion  called  the  Terzo 
Veijo,  at  push  of  pike,  took  many  prisoners,  and  forced  the 
Spaniards  from  the  position  in  which  they  were  entrenching 
themselves.^  On  the  other  hand,  Farnese  declared  that  he 
had  never  in  his  life  witnessed  anything  so  unflinching  as  the 
courage  of  his  troops  ;  employed  as  they  were  in  digging 
trenches  where  the  soil  was  neither  land  nor  water,  exposed 
to  inundation  by  the  suddenly- opened  sluices,  to  a  plunging 
fire  from  the  forts,  and  to  perpetual  hand-to-hand  combats 
with  an  active  and  fearless  foe,  and  yet  pumping  away  in  the 
coffer-dams — which  they  had  invented  by  way  of  obtaining  a 
standing-ground  for  their  operations — as  steadily  and  sedately 
as  if  engaged  in  purely  pacific  employments.''  The  besieged 
were  inspired  by  a  courage  equally  remarkable.  The  regular 
garrison  was  small  enough,  but  the  burghers  were  courageous. 


>  Strada,  Meteren,  Bor,  Bentivoglio, 
Hoofd,  uhi  sup.  Roger  Williams, 
'Discourse  of  War,'  apud  Grimstone, 
'Hist.  Netherlands,  L.  xiii.  962. 

*  R.  Williams,  iiii  sup. 


'  Parma  to  Philip  II. 


20    July 


1587. 


6  Aug. 

(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.)     Strada,  H, 
491. 


264  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  XVI 

and  even  the  women  organized  themselves  into  a  band  of 
pioneers.  This  corps  of  Amazons,  led  by  two  female  captains, 
rejoicing  in  the  names  of  '  May  in  the  Heart '  and  '  Catherine 
the  Rose/  actually  constructed  an  important  redoubt  between 
the  citadel  and  the  rampart,  which  received,  in  compliment  to 
its  builders,  the  appellation  of  '  Fort  Venus.'  ^ 

The  demands  of  the  beleaguered  garrison,  however,  upon 
the  States  and  upon  Leicester  were  most  pressing.  Captain 
Hart  swam  thrice  out  of  the  city  with  letters  to  the  States, 
to  the  governor-general,  and  to  Queen  Elizabeth  ;  and  the 
same  perilous  feat  was  performed  several  times  by  a  Nether- 
land  officer.^  The  besieged  meant  to  sell  their  lives  dearly, 
but  it  was  obviously  impossible  for  them,  with  so  slender  a 
force,  to  resist  a  very  long  time. 

"  Our  ground  is  great  and  our  men  not  so  many,"  wrote 
Roger  Williams  to  his  sovereign,  "  but  we  trust  in  Grod  and 

our  valour   to    defend   it We   mean,    with   God's 

help,  to  make  their  downs  red  and  black,  and  to  let  out  every 
acre  of  our  ground  for  a  thousand  of  their  lives,  besides  our 
own.    •* 

The  Welshman  was  no  braggart,  and  had  proved  often 
enough  that  he  was  more  given  to  performances  than  pro- 
mises. "  We  doubt  not  your  Majesty  will  succour  us,"  he 
said,  "for  our  honest  mind  and  plain  dealing  toward  your 
royal  person  and  dear  country  ; "  adding,  as  a  bit  of  timely 
advice,  "  Royal  Majesty,  believe  not  over  much  your  peace- 
makers. Had  they  their  mind,  they  will  not  only  undo  your 
friends  abroad,  but,  in  the  end,  your  royal  estate."  * 

Certainly  it  was  from  no  want  of  wholesome  warning  from 
wise  statesmen  and  blunt  soldiers  that  the  Queen  was  ven- 
turing into  that  labyrinth  of  negotiation  which  might  prove  so 
treacherous.  Never  had  been  so  inopportune  a  moment  for 
that  princess  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  him  who  was  charming 
her  so  wisely,  while  he  was  at  the  same  moment  battering 

•  Bor,  III.  xxiiL  6,  seq.  '  Meteren,  Bor,  R.  'Williams,  ubi  sup. 

»  R.  Williams  to  the  Queen,  -June,  1587.     (Brit.  Mua.  Galba,  D.  I.  p.  40,  MS.) 

*  Ibid. 


1587.  WILLIAMS  WRITES  FROM   SLUYS  TO  THE  QUEEN.  265 

the  place,  which  was  to  be  the  basis  of  his  operations  against 
her  realm.  Her  delay  in  sending  forth  Leicester,  with  at 
least  a  moderate  contingent,  to  the  rescue,  was  most  per- 
nicious. The  States — ignorant  of  the  Queen's  exact  relations 
with  Spain,  and  exaggerating  her  disingenuousness  into  abso- 
lute perfidy — became  on  their  own  part  exceedingly  to  blame. 
There  is  no  doubt  whatever  that  both  Hollanders  and  English- 
men were  playing  into  the  hands  of  Parma  as  adroitly  as  if  he 
had  actually  directed  their  movements.  Deep  were  the 
denunciations  of  Leicester  and  his  partisans  by  the  States' 
party,  and  incessant  the  complaints  of  the  English  and  Dutch 
troops  shut  up  in  Sluys  against  the  inactivity  or  treachery  of 
Maurice  and  Hohenlo. 

"If  Count  Maurice  and  his  base  brother,  the  Admiral 
(Justinus  de  Nassau),  be  too  young  to  govern,  must  Holland 
and  Zeeland  lose  their  countries  and  towns  to  make  them 
expert  men  of  war  .?"  asked  Eoger  WilHams.'  A  pregnant 
question  certainly,  but  the  answer  was,  that  by  sus- 
picion and  jealousy,  rather  than  by  youth  and  inexperience, 
the  arms  were  paralyzed  which  should  have  saved  the 
garrison.  "  If  these  base  fellows  (the  States)  will  make 
Count  HoUock  their  instrument,"  continued  the  Welshman, 
"  to  cover  and  maintain  their  foUy  and  lewd  dealing,  is  it 
necessary  for  her  royal  Majesty  to  suffer  it  ?  These  are  too 
great  matters  to  be  rehearsed  by  me  ;  but  because  I  am  in  the 
town,  and  do  resolve  to  sign  with  niy  blood  my  duty  in  serv- 
ing my  sovereign  and  country,  I  trust  her  Majesty  will  pardon 
me."^  Certainly  the  gallant  adventurer  on  whom  devolved 
at  least  half  the  work  of  directing  the  defence  of  the  city,  had 
a  right  to  express  his  opinions.  Had  he  known  the  whole 
truth,  however,  those  oj^inions  would  have  been  modified. 
And  he  wrote  amid  the  smoke  and  turmoil  of  daily  and 
nightly  battle. 

"Yesterday  was   the   fifth   sally  we  made,"  he   observed 
**  Since  I  foUowed  the  wars  I  never  saw  valianter  captainSj 

»  Williams  to  Walsingham,  ??i^,  1587.     (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  xi.  102,  MS.) 

»  July 

»  Ibid. 


2f)f)  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVI. 

nor  willinger  soldiers.  At  eleven  o'clock  the  enemy  entered 
the  ditch  of  our  fort,  with  trenches  upon  wheels,  artillery- 
proof.  We  sallied  out,  recovered  their  trenches,  slew  the 
governor  of  Dam,  two  Spanish  captains,  with  a  number  of 
others,  repulsed  them  into  their  artillery,  kept  the  ditch  until 
yesternight,  and  will  recover  it,  with  God's  help,  this  night, 

or  else  pay  dearly  for  it I  care  not  what  may  become 

of  me  in  this  world,  so  that  her  Majesty's  honour,  with  the 
rest  of  honourable  good  friends,  will  think  me  an  honest 
man."  ^ 

No  one  ever  doubted  the  simple-hearted  Welshman's  ho- 
nesty, any  more  than  his  valour  ;  but  he  confided  in  the 
candour  of  others  who  were  somewhat  more  sophisticated  than 
himself  When  he  warned  her  royal  Majesty  against  the 
peace-makers,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  know  that  the 
great  peace-maker  was  Elizabeth  herself. 

After  the  expiration  of  a  month  the  work  had  become  most 
fatiguing.  The  enemy's  trenches  had  been  advanced  close  to 
the  ramparts,  and  desperate  conflicts  were  of  daily  occurrence. 
The  Spanish  mines,  too,  had  been  pushed  forward  towards 
the  extensive  wine-caverns  below  the  city,  and  the  danger  of 
a  vast  explosion  or  of  a  general  assault  from  beneath  their 
very  feet,  seemed  to  the  inhabitants  imminent.  Eight  days 
long,  with  scarcely  an  intermission,  amid  those  sepulchral 
vaults,  dimly-lighted  with  torches,  Dutchmen,  Englishmen, 
Spaniards,  Italians,  fought  hand  to  hand,  with  pike,  pistol, 
and  dagger,  within  the  bowels  of  the  earth.^ 

Meantime  the  operations  of  the  States  were  not  commend- 
able. The  ineradicable  jealousy  between  the  Leicestrians  and 
the  Barneveldians  had  done  its  work.  There  was  no  hearty 
effort  for  the  relief  of  Sluys.  There  were  suspicions  that,  if 
saved,  the  town  would  only  be  taken  possession  of  by  the  Earl 
of  Leicester,  as  an  additional  vantage-point  for  coercing  the 
country  into  subjection  to  his  arbitrary  authority.     Perhaps 

*  Williams  to  Walsingham,  last  cited. 

'  Strada,  IT.  486-512.  Meteren,  ubi  sup.  Bor,  III.  xiiiL  5-9,  14-21.  Ha- 
raeus,  III.  402-404. 


1587. 


JEALOUSY   BETWEEN  THE  EARL   AND  STATES. 


267 


it  would  be  transferred  to  Philip  by  Elizabeth  as  part  of  the 
price  for  peace.  There  was  a  growing  feeling  in  Holland  and 
Zeeland,  that,  as  those  Provinces  bore  all  the  expense  of  the 
war,  it  was  an  imperative  necessity  that  they  should  limit 
their  operations  to  the  defence  of  their  own  soil.  The  sus- 
picions as  to  the  policy  of  the  English  government  were 
sapping  the  very  foundations  of  the  alliance,  and  there  was 
small  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  Hollanders,  therefore,  to 
protect  what  remained  of  Flanders,  and  thus  to  strengthen 
the  hands  of  her  whom  they  were  beginning  to  look  upon  as 
an  enemy,' 

Maurice  and  Hohenlo  made,  however,  a  foray  into  Brabant, 
by  way  of  diversion  to  the  siege  of  Sluys,  and  thus  com- 
pelled Farnese  to  detach  a  considerable  force  under  Haulte- 
penne  into  that  country,  and  thereby  to  weaken  himself.  The 
expedition  of  Maurice  was  not  unsuccessful.  There  was  some 
sharp  skirmishing  between  Hohenlo  and  Haultepenne,  in 
which  the  latter,  one  of  the  most  valuable  and  distinguished 
generals  on  the  royal  side,  was  defeated  and  slain  ;  the  fort  of 
Engel,  near  Bois-le-Duc,  was  taken,  and  that  important  city 
itself  endangered  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  contingent  on 
which  Leicester  relied  from  the  States  to  assist  in  relieving 
Sluys  was  not  forthcoming." 

For,  meantime,  the  governor-general  had  at  last  been  sent 
back  by  his  sovereign  to  the  post  which  he  had  so  long  aban- 
doned. Leaving  Leicester  House  on  the  4th  July  i±j^^ 
(N.  S.),  he  had  come  on  board  the  fleet  two  days  1587. 
afterwards  at  Margate.  He  was  bringing  with  him  to  the 
Netherlands  three  thousand  fresh  infantry,  and  thirty  thou- 
sand j)0unds,  of  which  sum  fifteen  thousand  pounds  had  been 
at  last  wrung  from  Elizabeth  as  an  extra  loan,  in  place  of  the 
sixty  thousand  pounds  which  the  States  had  requested.  As 
he  sailed  past  Ostend  and  towards  Flushing,  the  Earl  was 
witness  to  the  constant   cannonading   between  the   besieged 


'  A  brief  Report  of  the  Proceedings 
of  his  Kxcelk'ncy  for  the  Relief  of 
SUiy.s,  26  Jul^,  1587,     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


*  Bor,  Meteren,   Hoofd,   Bentivogliq 
Strada,  ubi  sup. 


268  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVI 

city  and  the  camp  of  Farnese,  and  saw  that  the  work  could 
hardly  be  more  serious  ;  for  in  one  short  day  more  shots  were 
fired  than  had  ever  been  known  before  in  a  single  day  in  all 
Parma's  experience.' 

Arriving  at  Flushing,  the  governor-general  was  well  re- 
ceived by  the  inhabitants  ;  but  the  mischief,  which  liad  been 
set  a-foot  six  months  before,  had  done  its  work.  The  political 
intrigues,  disputes,  and  the  conflicting  party-organizations, 
have  already  been  set  in  great  detail  before  the  reader,  in 
order  that  their  effect  might  now  be  thoroughly  understood 
without  explanation.  The  governor-general  came  to  Flush- 
ing at  a  most  critical  moment.  The  fate  of  all  the  Spanish 
Netherlands,  of  Sluys,  and  with  it  the  whole  of  Philip  and 
Parma's  great  project,  were,  in  Farnese's  own  language,  hang- 
ing by  a  thread.^ 

It  would  have  been  possible — had  the  transactions  of  the 
past  six  months,  so  far  as  regarded  Holland  and  England, 
been  the  reverse  of  what  they  had  been — 'to  save  the  city, 
and,  by  a  cordial  and  united  efibrt,  for  the  two  countries  to 
deal  the  Spanish  power  such  a  blow,  that  summer,  as  would 
have  paralyzed  it  for  a  long  time  to  come,  and  have  placed 
both  commonwealths  in  comparative  security. 

Instead  of  all  this,  general  distrust  and  mutual  jealousy 
prevailed.  Leicester  had,  previously  to  his  departure  from 
England,  summoned  the  States  to  meet  him  at  Dort  upon  his 
arrival.  Not  a  soul  appeared.  Such  of  the  state-councillors 
as  were  his  creatures  came  to  him,  and  Count  Maurice  made 
a  visit  of  ceremony.  Discussions  about  a  plan  for  relieving 
the  siege  became  mere  scenes  of  bickering  and  confusion. 
The  officers  within  Sluys  were  desirous  that  a  fleet  should 
force  its  way  into  the  harbour,  while,  at  the  same  time,  the 
English  army,  strengthened  by  the  contingent  which  Leicester 
had  demanded  from  the  States,  should  advance  against  the 
Duke   of  Parma  by  land.     It  was,  in  truth,  the  only  way 

*  Authorities  last   cited.     Lloyd   to  i       "  Parma  to  Philip,  II.  6  Aug.  1587. 

Walsiugham,  25  June,  1587.     (S.  P.  Of-  (Arch,  de  Simancas   MS.)      "  Colgados 

fice  MS.)     Baudart,   Polemog.    IL    96,  da  iin  hilo  todos  los  eatados  y  todo  lo 

"17,800  shots."  '   dependieute,"  &c. 


1587. 


SCHEMES    TO    RELIEVE   SLIH^S. 


269 


to  succour  the  place.  The  scheme  was  quite  practicable. 
Leicester  recommended  it,  the  Hollanders  seemed  to  favour 
it,  Commandant  Groenevelt  and  Koger  Williams  urged  it. 

"  I  do  assure  you,"  wrote  the  honest  Welshman  to  Leicester 
"  if  you  will  come  afore  this  town,  with  as  many  galliots  and 
as  many  flat-bottomed  boats  as  can  cause  two  men-of-war  to 
enter,  they  cannot  stop  their  passage,  if  your  mariners  will  do 
a  quarter  of  their  duty,  as  I  saw  them  do  divers  times.  Before 
they  make  their  entrance,  we  will  come  with  our  boats,  and 
fight  with  the  greatest  part,  and  show  them  there  is  no  such 
great  danger.  Were  it  not  for  my  wounded  arm,  I  would  be 
in  your  first  boat  to  enter.  Notwithstanding,  I  and  other 
Englishmen  will  approach  their  boats  in  such  sort,  that  we 
will  force  them  to  give  their  saker  of  artillery  upon  us.  If 
your  Excellency  will  give  ear  unto  those  false  lewd  fellows 
(the  Captain  meant  the  States-General),  you  shall  lose  great 
opportunity.  Within  ten  or  twelve  days  the  enemy  will  make 
his  bridge  from  Kadzand  unto  St.  Anne,  and  force  you  to 
hazard  battle  before  you  succour  this  town.  Let  my  Lord 
Willoughby  and  Sir  William  Kussell  land  at  Terhoven,  right 
against  Kadzand,  with  4000,  and  entrench  hard  by  the  water- 
side, where  their  boats  can  carry  them  victual  and  munition. 
They  may  approach  by  trenches  without  engaging  any  danger- 
ous fight We  dare  not  show  the  estate  of  this 

town  more  than  we  have  done  by  Captain  Herte.  We  must 
fight  this  night  within  our  rampart  in  the  fort.  You  may 
assure  the  world  here  are  no  Hamerts,  but  valiant  captains 
and  valiant  soldiers,  such  as,  with  God's  help,  had  rather  be 
buried  in  the  place  than  be  disgraced  in  any  point  that  belongs 
to  such  a  number  of  men-of-war."^ 

But  in  vain  did  the  governor  of  the  place,  stout  Arnold 
Groenevelt,  assisted  by  the  rough  and  direct  eloquence  of 
Roger  Williams,  urge  upon  the  Earl  of  Leicester  and  the 
States-General  the  necessity  and  the  practicability  of  the  plan 


'  Williams  to  Leicester, 


1587. 


9  July 

(Brit.  Mas.  Galba,  D.  1.  p.  152,  MS.) 
It  wiU  be  remembered  that  Baroa 


Hemart  was  the  unfortunate  oflBcer 
who  so  disgracefully  surrendered  Grave 
in  the  first  year  of  Leicester's  adminis- 
tration. 


270 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVI. 


proj)ose(l.  The  fleet  never  entered  the  harbour.  There  was 
no  William  of  Orange  to  save  Antwerp  and  Sluys,  as  Leyden 
had  once  been  saved,  and  his  son  was  not  old  enough  to 
unravel  the  web  of  intrigue  by  which  he  was  surrounded,  or 
to  direct  the  whole  energies  of  the  commonwealth  towards 
an  all-important  end.  Leicester  had  lost  all  influence,  all 
authority,  nor  were  his  military  abilities  equal  to  the  occasion, 
even  if  he  had  been  cordially  obeyed. 

Ten  days  longer  the  perpetual  battles  on  the  ramparts  and 
within  the  mines  continued,  the  plans  conveyed  by  the  bold 
swimmer,  Captain  Hart,  for  saving  the  place  were  still  un- 
attempted,  and  the  city  was  tottering  to  its  fall.  "  Had 
Captain  Hart's  words  taken  place,"  wrote  Williams,  bitterly, 
"  we  had  been  succoured,  or,  if  my  letters  had  prevailed,  our 
pain  had  been  no  peril.  All  wars  are  best  executed  in  sight 
of  the  enemy.  ...  The  last  night  of  June  (10th  July,  N.S.) 
the  enemy  entered  the  ditches  of  our  fort  in  three  several 
places,  continuing  in  fight  in  mine  and  on  rampart  for  the 
space  of  eight  nights.  The  ninth  he  battered  us  furiously, 
made  a  breach  of  five  score  paces  saltable  for  horse  and  man. 
That  day  he  attempted  us  in  all  places  with  a  general  assault 
for  the  space  of  almost  five  hours."  ^ 

The  citadel  was  now  lost.     It  had  been  gallantly  defended, 

and  it  was  thenceforth  necessary  to  hold  the  town  itself,  in 

-  July     *^^  ^®^y  teeth   of    an    overwhelming  force.     "  We 

1586.  were  forced  to  quit  the  fort,"  said  Sir  Roger,  "leaving 
nothing  behind  us  but  bare  earth.  But  here  we  do  remain 
resolutely  to  be  buried,  rather  than  to  be  dishonoured  in  the 
least  point."  ^ 

It  was  still  possible  for  the  fleet  to  succour  the  city.  "  I  do 
assure  you,"  said  Williams,  "  that  your  captains  and  mariners 
do  not  their  duty  unless  they  enter  with  no  great  loss  ;  but 
you  must  consider  that  no  wars  may  he  made  without  danger. 
What  you  mean  to  do,  we  beseech  you  to  do  with  expedition. 


'  Williams    to     Leicester, 


July, 


1587.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  L  ]79,  MS.) 
Compare  Bor,   Meteren,    Hoofd,  Benti- 


voglio,     Strada,     Haraeus,    ubi  sup.    et 
mult.  ai. 

'  WiUiams   to    Leicester.     (MS.    last 
cited.) 


1587. 


WHICH    ARE   FEEBLE  AND   UNSUCCESSFUL. 


271 


and  persuade  yourself  that  we  will  die  valiant,  honest  men. 
Your  Excellency  will  do  well  to  thank  the  old  President  de 
Meetkerk  for  the  honesty  and  valour  of  his  son."  ' 

Count  Maurice  and  his  natural  brother,  the  Admiral,  now 
undertook  the  succour  by  sea  ;  but,  according  to  the  Leices- 
trians,  they  continued  dilatory  and  incompetent.  At  any  rate, 
it  is  certain  that  they  did  nothing.  At  last,  Parma  had  com- 
pleted the  bridge,  whose  construction  was  so  much  dreaded. 
The  haven  was  now  enclosed  by  a  strong  wooden  structure, 
resting  on  boats,  on  a  plan  similar  to  that  of  the  famous  bridge 
with  which  he  had  two  years  before  bridled  the  Scheldt,  and 
Sluys  was  thus  completely  shut  in  from  the  sea.  Fire-ships  were 
now  constructed,  by  order  of  Leicester — feeble  imitations  of 
the  floating  volcanoes  of  Gianibelli — and  it  was  agreed  that 
they  should  be  sent  against  the  bridge  with  the  first  flood-tide. 
The  propitious  moment  never  seemed  to  arrive,  however,  and, 
meantime,  the  citizens  of  Flushing,  of  their  own  accord, 
declared  that  they  would  themselves  equip  and  conduct  a  fleet 
into  the  harbour  of  Sluys.^  But  the  Nassaus  are  said  to  have 
expressed  great  disgust  that  low-born  burghers  should  presume 
to  meddle  with  so  important  an  enterprise,  which  of  right 
belonged  to  their  family.^  Thus,  in  the  midst  of  these  alter- 
cations and  contradictory  schemes,  the  month  of  July  wore 
away,  and  the  city  was  reduced  to  its  last  gasp. 


'  R.  Williams  toWalsingham  —    July, 

158T.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  I.  p.  179. 
MS.) 

Compare  '  Discourse  of  War '  apud 
Grimstone,  xiii.  963.  "Truly  all  tho 
Dutch  and  Walloons,"  says  Sir  Roger, 
"showed  themselves  constant,  resolute, 
and  valiant,  especially  those  brave  and 
valiant  captains  Meetkerke  and  Herau- 
giere."  He  also  especially  commends 
the  valour  of  Huntley,  Udall,  Scott, 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  St.  Leger,  and 
Nicholas  Baskerville. 

'  A.  brief  Report  of  the  Proceedings 
of  his  Ex<!ellency  for  the  relief  of  Sluvs, 
26  July,  1587.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Wil- 
loughby,  Russell,  Pelham  and  others, 
to  the  Lords,  12  Aug.  1587.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 


'  "Burghers  of  Flushing  proffered 
their  services,  which  were  accepted 
with  thanks ;  but  that  upon  Count 
Maurice  and  Admiral  Nassau  being 
applied  to  for  necessaries,  they  seemed 
to  be  touched  very  much  in  reputation 
that  a  piece  of  service  so  respectable 
should  have  been  left  to  persons  of 
base  quality  instead  of  to  themselves, 
who  readily  would  adventure  their  best 
means.      His     Excellency,    fearing    to 

offend  them,  gave  his  consent 

Maurice  declared  the  enterprise  to  be 
impossible  without  better  means,  from 
whicli  it  appeared  plainly  that  all  had 
been  devised  on  purpose  of  delay,  until 
it  should  be  too  late  to  help  the  town." 
Willoughby,  Russell,  et  al.  to  the  Lords. 
(MS.  last  cited.) 


272  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVL 

For  the  cannonading  had  thoroughly  done  its  work. 
Eighteen  days  long  the  hurghers  and  what  remained  of  the 
gan*ison  had  lived  upon  the  ramj:)arts,  never  leaving  their 
posts,  but  eating,  sleeping,  and  fighting  day  and  night.  Of 
the  sixteen  hundred  Dutch  and  English  but  seven  hundred 
remained.  At  last  a  swimming  messenger  was  sent  out  by  the 
besieged  with  despatches  for  the  States,  to  the  purport  that  the 
city  could  hold  out  no  longer.  A  breach  in  the  wall  had  been 
effected  wide  enough  to  admit  a  hundred  men  abreast.  Sluys 
had,  in  truth,  already  fallen,  and  it  was  hopeless  any  longer  to 
conceal  the  fact.  If  not  relieved  within  a  day  or  two,  the 
garrison  would  be  obliged  to  surrender  ;  but  they  distinctly 
stated,  that  they  had  all  pledged  themselves,  soldiers  and 
burghers,  men,  women,  and  all,  unless  the  most  honourable 
terms  were  granted,  to  set  fire  to  the  city  in  a  hundred  places, 
and  then  sally,  in  mass,  from  the  gates,  determined  to  fight 
their  way  through,  or  be  slain  in  the  attempt.  The  messenger 
who  carried  these  despatches  was  drowned,  but  the  letters  were 
saved,  and  fell  into  Parma's  hands.' 

At  the  same  moment,  Leicester  was  making,  at  last,  an 
effort  to  raise  the  siege.  He  brought  three  or  four  thousand 
men  from  Flushing,  and  landed  them  at  Ostend  ;  thence  he 
marched  to  Blanckenburg.  He  supposed  that  if  he  could 
secure  that  little  port,  and  thus  cut  the  Duke  completely  off 
from  the  sea,  he  should  force  the  Spanish  commander  to  raise 
(or  at  least  susj)end)  the  siege  in  order  to  give  him  battle. 
Meantime,  an  opportunity  would  be  afforded  for  Maurice  and 
Hohenlo  to  force  an  entrance  into  the  harbour  of  Sluys.  In 
this  conjecture  he  was  quite  correct ;  but  unfortunately  he 
did  not  thoroughly  carry  out  his  own  scheme.  If  the  Eail 
had  established  himself  at  Blanckenburg,  it  would  have  been 
necessary  for  Parma — as  he  himself  subsequently  declared — 
to  raise  the  siege.^  Leicester  carried  the  outposts  of  the 
place  successfully  ;  but,  so  soon  as  Farnese  was  aware  of  this 
demonstration,  he  detached  a  few  companies  with  orders  to 

'  Strada,  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  R.  "WiUiams,  in  Grimatone,  ubisup.  et  ai, 
'  Strada,  II.  508,  509,  seq. 


1587.  THE  TOWN  CAPITULATES.  273 

skirmish  with  the  enemy  until  the  commander-in-chief,  with  as 
large  a  force  as  he  could  spare,  should  come  in  person  to  his 
support.  To  the  unexpected  gratification  of  Farnese,  how- 
ever, no  sooner  did  the  advancing  Spaniards  come  in  sight, 
than  the  Earl,  supposing  himself  invaded  l)y  the  whole  of  the 
Duke's  army,  under  their  famous  general,  and  not  feeling 
himself  strong  enough  for  such  an  encounter,  retired,  with 
great  precipitation,  to  his  boats,  re-embarked  his  troops  with 
the  utmost  celerity,  and  set  sail  for  Ostend.^ 

The  next  night  had  been  fixed  for  sending  forth  the  fire- 
ships  against  the  bridge,  and  for  the  entrance  of  the  fleet  into 
the  harbour.  One  fire-ship  floated  a  little  way  towards  the 
bridge  and  exploded  ingloriously.  Leicester  rowed  in  his 
barge  about  the  fleet,  superintending  the  soundings  and 
markings  of  the  channel,  and  hastening  the  preparations  ;  but, 
as  the  decisive  moment  approached,  the  pilots  who  had  pro- 
mised to  conduct  the  expedition  came  aboard  his  pinnace  and 
positively  refused  to  have  aught  to  do  with  the  enterprise, 
which  they  now  declared  an  impossibility.-  The  Earl  was 
furious  with  the  pilots,  with  Maurice,  with  Hohenlo,  with 
Admiral  de  Nassau,  with  the  States,  with  all  the  world.  He 
stormed  and  raged  and  beat  his  breast,  but  all  in  vain.  His 
ferocity  would  have  been  more  useful  the  day  before,  in  face 
of  the  Spaniards,  than  now,  against  the  Zeeland  mariners. 
But  the  invasion  by  the  fleet  alone,  unsupported  by  a  successful 
land-operation,  was  pronounced  impracticable,  and  very  soon 
the  relieving  fleet  was  seen  by  the  distressed  garrison  sailing 
away  from  the  neighbourhood,  and  it  soon  disappeared  beneath 
the  horizon.  Their  fate  was  sealed.  They  entered  into  treaty 
with  Parma,  who,  secretly  instructed,  as  has  been  seen,  of 
their  desperate  intentions,  in  case  any  but  the  most  honourable 
conditions  were  offered,  granted  those  conditions.  The  gar- 
rison were  allowed  to  go  out  with  colours  displayed,  lighted 
matches,  bullet  in  mouth,  and  with  bag  and  baggage.  Such 
of  the  burghers  as  chose  to  conform  to   the  government  of 

'  Strada,  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd,  Haraeus,  Bentivoglio,  ubi  sup. 

27  ,Iu!v 

»  Lloyd  to  Walsingham, -,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

6  Aug. 

VOL.  II. — T 


274 


THE  tNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVL 


Spain  and  the  church  of  Rome,  were  permitted  to  remain. 
Those  who  preferred  to  depart  were  allowed  reasonable  time 
to  make  their  necessary  arrangements.* 

"  We  have  hurt  and  slain  very  near  eiarht  hundred,"  said 
Sir  Roger  Williams.  "  We  had  not  powder  to  fight  two  hours. 
There  was  a  breach  of  almost  four  hundred  paces,  another  of 
three  score,  another  of  fifty,  saltable  for  horse  and  men.  We 
had  lain  continually  eighteen  nights  all  on  the  breaches.  He 
gave  us  honourable  composition.  Had  the  state  of  England 
lain  on  it,  our  lives  could  not  defend  the  place  three  hours, 
for  half  the  rampires  were  his,  neither  had  we  any  pioneers 
but  ourselves.  We  were  sold  by  their  negligence  who  are 
now  angry  with  us."  ^ 

On  the  5th  August  Parma  entered  the  city.  Roger  Williams 
— with  his  gilt  morion  rather  battered,  and  his  great  plume 
of  feathers  much  bedraggled — was  a  witness  to  the  victor's 
entrance.  Alexander  saluted  respectfully  an  officer  so  well 
known  to  him  by  reputation,  and  with  some  complimentary 
remarks  urged  him  to  enter  the  Spanish  service,  and  to  take 
the  field  against  the  Turks.^ 

"  My  sword,"  replied  the  doughty  Welshman,  "  belongs  to 
her  royal  Majesty,  Queen  Elizabeth,  above  and  before  all  th(j 
world.  When  her  Highness  has  no  farther  use  for  it,  it  is  at 
the  service  of  the  King  of  Navarre."  * 

Considering  himself  sufficiently  answered,  the  Duke  then 
requested  Sir  Roger  to  point  out  Caj)tain  Baskerville — very 
conspicuous  by  a  greater  plume  of  feathers  than  even  that  of 
the  Welshman  himself — and  embraced  that  officer,  when  pre- 
sented to  him,  before  all  his  stafi".     "  There  serves  no  prince 


1  Brief  Report,  &c.  MS.  already- 
cited.  Lloyd  to  Walsingham.  MS. 
already  cited.  Leicester  to  same, 
12  Aug.  1587.  WiUougliVjy  and  others 
to  the  Lords,  12  Aug.  1587.  Leicester 
to  same,  12  Aug.  1587.  Same  to 
Burghley,  27  July,  1587.  Same  to 
Bame,  13  July,  1587.  Same  to  the 
Lords,  27  July,  1587.  Same  to  same, 
17  Aug.  1587.  F.  Xeedhara  to  "Wal- 
singham, 12  Aug.  1587.     (S.  P.  Office 


MSS.)  Compare  Bor,  Meteren,  Hoofd, 
Haraeus,  Bentivoglio,  Strada,  R. 
Williams,  lobi  sup.  Wagenaar,  viii. 
225-227.  Baudart,  Polemog.,  IL  96, 
et  inult.  ill. 

2  WilUams  to  Leicester,  5  Aug.  1587. 
(Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  I.  p.  214,  MS.) 

''>  Needham  to  Walsingham,  12  Aug. 
1587.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  Ibid, 


1587. 


PARMA.  ENTKRS— LEICESTER  ENRAGED. 


275 


in  Europe  a  braver  man  than  this  Englishman,"  cried  Alex- 
ander, who  well  knew  how  to  appreciate  high  military  qualities, 
whether  in  his  own  army  or  in  that  of  his  foes.^ 

The  garrison  then  retired,  Sluys  became  Spanish,  and  a 
capacious  harbour,  just  opposite  the  English  coast,  was  in 
Parma's  hands.  Sir  Koger  Williams  was  despatched  by 
Leicester  to  bear  the  melancholy  tidings  to  his  government, 
and  the  Queen  was  requested  to  cherish  the  honest  Welshman, 
and  at  least  to  set  him  on  horseback,  for  he  was  of  himself  not 
rich  enough  to  buy  even  a  saddle.  It  is  painful  to  say  that 
the  captain  did  not  succeed  in  getting  the  horse.^ 

The  Earl  was  furious  in  his  invectives  against  Hohenlo, 
against  Maurice,  against  the  States,  uniformly  ascribing  the 
loss  of  Sluys  to  negligence  and  faction.  As  for  Sir  John 
Norris,  he  protested  that  his  misdeeds  in  regard  to  this  business 
would,  in  King  Henry  VIII.'s  time,  have  "  cost  him  his  pate."  ^ 


'  R.  "Williams,  in  Grimstone,  Ixiii.  962. 

'  "  I  pray  you  be  good  to  this  bearer, 
Sir  Roger  Williams,  for  he  is  to  be 
cherished.  Her  Majesty  I  trust  will 
help  him ;  and  if  these  wars  continue, 
return  him  with  speed,  but  set  him  well 
on  horseback,  for  he  is  not  worth  the 
saddle  of  a  horse."  Leicester  to  Wal- 
singham,  12  Aug.  1587.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.)  Yet  according  to  the  report  of 
Captain  Needham,  even  WiUiams  had 
at  last  become  an  object  of  the  Earl's 
jealousy  and  suspicion,  on  account  of 
the  flattering  oflers  made  to  him  by 
Farnese.  "The  Duke  of  Parma  had 
essayed,"  says  Needham,  "  by  all  possi- 
ble means  to  gain  Sir  Roger  WiUiams, 
but  could  not  prevail,  although  he 
thought  the  hard  usage  he  had  re- 
ceived from  the  Earl  of  Leicester  would 
be  an  occasion  to  make  him  leave  his 
party.  Themistocles  (Leicester)  had 
hereupon  conceived  great  jealousy, 
and  hath  not  spared  to  give  warning 
to  Sir  W.  Russell  to  beware  of  WiUiams 
as  of  one  who  would  be  hLs  undoing, 
and  as  it  seems  reported  as  much  to 
the  Lord  North  and  Sir  W.  Pelham.  .  .  . 
The  gentleman  (Williams)  was  won- 
derfully perplexed  that  for  his  faithfiil 
Bsrvice  he  should  reap  his  utter  un- 
doing, and  to  be  accounted  a  traitor  to 

VOL,       I.  — 9* 


his  prince.  He  wished  he  were  at 
home,  upon  condition  he  should  never 
bear  arms  here,  for  he  knew  the  nature 
of  Themistocles,  as  he  would  leave  no 
means  unsought  to  overthrow  his 
credit,"  &c.  The  conversation  of  the 
Duke  with  the  Welshman  has  been  re- 
ported in  the  text. 

"The  Earl  of  Essex  promises  me," 
wrote  Williams  subsequently,  ''  that 
her  Majesty  will  do  something  for  me. 
For  my  part  I  do  hardly  believe  it,  for 
I  can  get  no  countenance  from  her 
Highness.  I  humbly  desire  your  Ex- 
cellency to  write  this  for  me,  either  to 
give  me  something  or  discharge  me 
away  with  nothing.  ...  I  fear  things 
will  not  fall  out  here  as  well  as  you 
would  wish.  Were  your  Excellency 
here,  her  Majesty  would  do  more.  The 
more  the  merrier.  Without  your  pre- 
sence your  friends  dare  not  speak  what 
they  would,  for  the  simplest  that  speaks 
of  the  peace  is  better  here  than  the 
wisest  that  contraries  it.  I  fear  me  it 
is  passed  so  far  that  the  King  of 
Navarre  is  like  to  smart  for  it,"  <fec. 
R.  Williams  to  Leicester,  1  Sept.  1587. 
(Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  II.  p.  5,  MS.) 

'  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  12  Aug. 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  As  for  this  matter  of  Sluys,"  said 


276 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap,  XVI 


The  loss  of  Sluys  was  the  beginning  and  foreshadowed  the 
inevitable  end  of  Leicester's  second  administration.  The  in- 
action of  the  States  was  one  of  the  causes  of  its  loss.  Distrust 
of  Leicester  was  the  cause  of  the  inaction.  Sir  William 
Russell,  Lord  Willoughby,  Sir  William  Pelham,  and  other 
English  officers,  united  in  statements  exonerating  the  Earl 
from  all  blame  for  the  great  failure  to  relieve  the  place.  At 
the  same  time,  it  could  hardly  be  maintained  that  his  expe- 
dition to  Blanckenburg  and  his  precipitate  retreat  on  the  first 
appearance  of  the  enemy  were  proofs  of  consummate  general- 
ship. He  took  no  blame  to  himself  for  the  disaster  ;  but  he 
and  his  partisans  were  very  liberal  in  their  denunciations  of 
the  Hollanders/  and  Leicester  was  even  ungrateful  enough  to 
censure  Roger  Williams,  whose  life  had  been  passed,  as  it  were, 
at  push  of  pike  with  the  Spaniards,  and  who  was  one  of  his 
own  most  devoted  adherents. 

The  Queen  was  much  exasperated  when  informed  of  the  fall 
of  the  city.     She  severely  denounced  the  Netherlanders,  and 


the  Earl,  "  I  may  stand  before  the 
tribunal  seat  of  God  for  any  fault  in 
me.  The  greatest  is  that  I  did  trust 
Count  Maurice  190  much,  but  either  I 
must  have  trusted  him  or  not  have  had 
any  means  at  aU  for  sliipping.  As  it  is 
well  known  beside,  he  offered  his  ser- 
vice most  frankly  and  willingly,  and 
did  take  upon  him  and  his  bastard 
brother  to  attempt  the  bridge  by  such 
men  as  they  had  chosen,  to  whom  I 
gave  30/.  beforehand."  And  in  the 
same  vein  he  says  to  Burleigh,  "I  am 
grieved  to  think,  much  more  to  speak 
of  the  loss  of  Sluys.  God  knoweth  we 
have  done  for  our  parts  as  much  as  if 
a  kingdom  had  stood  upon  it.  But 
tliese  men  have  strange  designs  in 
their  heads,  which  will  in  the  end 
breed  their  own  ruin.  .  .  .  The  dregs 
of  their  deaUng  will,  I  fear,  remain  a 
good  while,  for  the  practice  and  fashion 
continue.  ...  I  must  beg  yon  to  bear 
with  me,  for  I  scarce  know  what  I 
write,  what  with  grief  for  the  loss  of 
this  town,  and  with  anger  for  the  vile 
lewd  dealing  of  these  men  that  have 
80  naughtily  carried  themselves  in  this 
matter  for  Sluys.  First,  by  letting  me 
have  no  men  of  theirs,  when  I  had  but 


a  few  men  furnished ;  then,  their  long 
deferring  our  men  to  be  furnished ; 
after,  their  lack  of  provisions  of  all 
sorts ;  lastly,  vessels  and  barks  to  land 
our  men.  And  these  with  such  like 
hath  brought  this  poor  town  to  be  lost." 
.  .  .  He  then  makes  an  insinuation 
against  the  brave  and  true-hearted 
Welshman,  who  had  been  fighting 
night  and  day,  from  the  beginning  of 
the  siege  to  the  end.  "  And  yet  I  can- 
not, for  many  respects,  how  well  soever 
I  think  of  Sir  William  Rogers'  valour 
and  the  other  captains,  give  them 
countenance  or  access  to  me,  before 
they  do  give  some  good  reason  for  the 
delivery  of  the  town  without  sending 
to  me  first."      Leicester  to  Burghley, 

^^l    (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

6  Aug. 

'  "  Tour  honour  may  see,"  said 
Lloyd,  "  how  Count  Hohenlo's  pro- 
ceedings, and  States'  practices,  and 
this  late  action,  do  concur  as  matters 
that  have  been  hammered  on  one  anvil 
and  issued  from  one  forge."     R.  Lloyd 

to    Walsingbam,   ?^,  1587.     (S. 

Office  MS.) 


6  Aug. 


1587.  QUEEN  ANGRY  WITH  THE  ANTI-LEICESTRIANS.  277 

even  went  so  far  as  to  express  dissatisfaction  with  the  great 
Leicester  himself  Meantime,  Farnese  was  well  satisfied  with 
his  triumph,  for  he  had  been  informed  that  "  all  England  was 
about  to  charge  upon  him,"  in  order  to  relieve  the  place.^ 
All  England,  however,  had  been  but  feebly  represented  by- 
three  thousand  raw  recruits  with  a  paltry  sum  of  15,000/.  to 
help  pay  a  long  bill  of  arrears. 

Wilkes  and  Norris  had  taken  their  departure  from  the 
Netherlands  before  the  termination  of  the  siege,  and  imme- 
diately after  the  return  of  Leicester.  They  did  not  think 
it  expedient  to  wait  upon  the  governor  before  leaving  the 
country,"'  for  they  had  very  good  reason  to  believe  that  such 
an  opportunity  of  personal  vengeance  would  be  turned  to 
account  by  the  Earl.  Wilkes  had  already  avowed  his  inten- 
tion of  making  his  escape  without  being  dandled  with  leave- 
takings,  and  no  doubt  he  was  right.  The  Earl  was  indignant 
when  he  found  that  they  had  given  him  the  slip,  and  denounced 
them  with  fresh  acrimony  to  the  Queen,  imploring  her  to  wreak 
full  measure  of  wrath  upon  their  heads  ;  ^  and  be  well  knew 
that  his  entreaties  would  meet  with  the  royal  attention. 

Buckhurst  had  a  parting  interview  with  the  governor- 
general,  at  which  Killigrew  and  Beale,  the  new  English  coun- 
sellors who  had  replaced  Wilkes  and  Clerk,  were  present. 
The  conversation  was  marked  by  insolence  on  the  part  of 
Leicester,  and  by  much  bitterness  on  that  of  Buckhurst.  The 
parting  envoy  refused  to  lay  before  the  Earl  a  full  statement 
of  the  grievances  between  the  States-General  and  the  governor, 
on  the  ground  that  Leicester  had  no  right  to  be  judge  in  his 


31  July 

'  Essex  to   Leicester,   '    1587. 

10  Aug. 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Walsingham  to  same, 
2  Aug.  1687.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  I. 
p.  234,  MS.)  "  The  ill  success  of  Sluys 
causetii  her  to  pick  some  quarrel  to- 
wards your  Lordship  in  that  action,  as 
by  her  letters  you  may  perceive." 

'  "  Corria  la  voz  que  cargava  toda 
Inp^laterra."  Parma  to  Philip,  6  Aug. 
1587.     (Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

'  Wilkes  to  the  Lords,  20  July,  1587, 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.)  explaining— what 
had  been  sufficiently  explained  before 


— why  he  left  the  Netherlands  without 
greeting  Leicester,  "  for  that  he  waii 
too  terrified  to  come  into  his  presence, 
knowing  his  animosity."  He  expresses 
the  hope  that  "  her  Majesty,  being  the 
image  of  God  on  earth,  will  bw  like  to 
Him  in  mercy,  and  not  suffer  more  to 
be  laid  upon  liim  than  flesh  and  blood 
can  bear." 

*  Leicester  to  Walsingham.  4  July, 
1587.  Same  to  Queen,  7  July,  1587. 
Same  to  Burghley,  13  July,  1587.  (S 
P.  Office  MSS.) 


278  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVL 

own  cause.  The  matter,  he  said,  should  be  laid  before  the 
Queen  in  council,  and  by  her  august  decision  he  was  willing 
to  abide.  On  every  other  subject  he  was  ready  to  give  any 
information  in  his  power.  The  interview  lasted  a  whole  fore- 
noon and  afternoon.  Buckhurst,  according  to  his  own  state- 
ment, answered  freely  all  questions  put  to  him  by  Leicester 
and  his  counsellors  ;  while,  if  the  report  of  those  personages  is 
to  be  trusted,  he  passionately  refused  to  make  any  satisfactory 
communication.  Under  the  circumstances,  however,  it  may 
well  be  believed  that  no  satisfactory  communication  was 
possible.^ 

On  arriving  in  England,  Sir  John  Norris  was  forbidden  to 
come  into  her  Majesty's  presence,  Wilkes  was  thrown  into  the 
Fleet  Prison,  and  Buckhurst  was  confined  in  his  own  country 
house.^ 

Norris  had  done  absolutely  nothing,  which,  even  by  impli- 
cation, could  be  construed  into  a  dereliction  of  duty  ;  but  it 
was  sufficient  that  he  was  hated  by  Leicester,  who  had  not 
scrupled,  over  and  over  again,  to  denounce  this  first  general  of 
England  as  a  fool,  a  coward,  a  knave,  and  a  liar. 

As  for  Wilkes,  his  only  crime  was  a  most  conscientious 
discharge  of  his  duty,  in  the  course  of  which  he  had  found 
cause  to  modify  his  abstract  opinions  in  regard  to  the  origin 
of  sovereignty,  and  had  come  reluctantly  to  the  conviction 
that  Leicester's  unpopularity  had  made  perhaps  another 
governor-general  desirable.  But  this  admission  had  only 
been  made  privately  and  with  extreme  caution  ;  while,  on 
the  other  hand,  he  had  constantly  defended  the  absent  Earl, 
with  all  the  eloquence  at  his  command.  But  the  hatred  of 
Leicester  was  sufficient  to  consign  this  able  and  painstaking 
public  servant  to  a  prison  ;  and  thus  was  a  man  of  worth, 
honour,  and  talent,  who  had  been  placed  in  a  position  of  grave 
responsibility  and  immense  fatigue,  and  who  had  done  his  duty 


*  Killigrew  and  Beale  to  "Walsing- 
ham,  13  July,  1587.  Buckhurst  to 
Burghley,  22  July,  1587.  A  true  de- 
claration of  the  proceedings  of  Lord 
Bucl\hurst  and  Dr.  Gierke,  24  July, 
1687.     (S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 


"*  Buckhurst  to  Walsingham,  24th 
July,  1587.  Same  to  Burghley,  24  July, 
1587.  Same  to  same,  28  July,  1587. 
Walsingham  to  Leicester,  29  July, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 


1587. 


NORRIS,  "WILKES,  AND  BUCKHURST  PUNISHED. 


279 


like  an  upright,  straight-forward  Englishman,  sacrificed  to  the 
wrath  of  a  favourite.     "  Surely,  Mr.  Secretary,"  said  the  Earl, 
"  there  was  never  a  falser  creature,  a  more  seditious  wretch,  than 
Wilkes.     He  is  a  villain,  a  devil,  without  faith  or  religion."' 
As  for  Buckhurst  himself,  it  is  unnecessary  to  say  a  word  in 


'  Leicester  to  Walsiugham,  4  Aug. 
1587.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Buckhurst 
was  of  a  different  opinion. 

"Mr.  "Wilkes,  having  had  so  long 
experience  in  these  parts,"  he  wrote, 
"and  being  so  careful  and  diligent  for 
the  good  preservation  and  furtherance 
of  the  cause,  whereof  in  the  late  dan- 
gerous times  and  troubles  here  he 
made  right  good  testimony,  is  able 
therein  to  do  your  Majesty  most  espe- 
cial and  notable  service,  being  also 
otherwise  so  sufficiently  practised  in 
the  estate  of  other  countries  and  so 
well  trained  in  your  affairs  at  home, 
with  such  excellent  gifts  of  utterance, 
memory,  wit,  courage,  and  knowledge, 
and  with  so  faithful  and  careful  a  heart 
to  serve  your  Majesey,  as  it  were  a 
woefid  case  if  such  a  worthy  servant 
should  for  any  respect  be  discomforted 
and  disgraced  by  your  Majesty's  dis- 
pleasure." Buckhurst  to  the  Queen, 
28  June,  1587.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba, 
C.  xi.  p.  61,  MS.) 

Yet  such  a  eulogy  from  so  illustrious 
a  man,  and  fully  borne  out  by  the 
deeds  and  words  of  Wilkes  himself, 
could  not  save  the  councillor  from  the 
gaol.  He  had  loved  Sir  John  Norris, 
which  was  enough  to  secure  him  the 
hatred  of  Leicester,  and  consequently 
the  unmitigated  wrath  of  the  Queen. 

But  these  pages  have  already  illus- 
trated the  copiousness  of  the  great 
Earl's  vocabulary  in  vituperation.  Mr. 
P.  B.,  Sir  John  Norris,  Hollock,  "Wilkes, 
Buckhurst  himself,  the  States-General, 
the  States- Provincial,  and,  in  brief, 
any  one  who  crossed  his  schemes, 
were  sure  to  draw  down  the  full 
tempest  of  wrath.  He  was  now  very 
angry  with  those  who  surrounded 
young  Maurice,  especially  with  the 
minister  Villiers,  whom  he  pronounced 
to  be  ''a  condemned  man,  not  only 
among  all  honest  and  godly  men,  but 
also  with  all  the  churches  through  all 
the  Provinces."  Sainte  Aldegondo, 
too,  whom  before  and  after  this  point 
of  time,  he  seemed  to  appreciate  and 


applaud,  was  now  held  up  as  an  object 
of  suspicion.  "  I  have  found  cause  of 
late,"  he  says,  "to  fear  Sainte  Alde- 
gonde  to  be  an  unsound  and  hollow 
man.  There  are  great  presumptions 
that  he  is  dealing  in  secret  with  Parma. 
He  is  lately  married.  All  men  con- 
demn him  for  it,  and  his  best  friends 
did  greatly  dissuade  him  from  it,  but 
it  would  not  be.  And  now  is  he  to 
return  again  for  two  or  three  months, 
being  known  to  be  greatly  favoured  on 
the  other  side,  and  can  enjoy  no  penny 
but  by  that  favour.  I  see  he  takes  no 
course  to  please  the  church.  The 
young  Count  is  directed  by  both  him 
and  Villiers,  albeit  the  one,  Sainte 
Aldegonde,  doth  make  less  show  than 
the  other.  Oh,  God,  what  a  world  it 
is!  Both  these  hot  men  heretofore 
are  become  less  tlian  lukewarm  now, 
and  wholly  given  to  policy."  Leicester 
to  Walsingham,  MS  above  cited. 

Yet  before  the  end  of  the  year  Sainte 
Aldegonde  was  violently  abused  by 
others  for  opposite  tendencies.  "The 
Count  of  Hollock  being  drunk  the 
other  day,"  says  Sir  Robert  Sidney, 
"  took  a  quarrel  to  Monsieur  do  Sainte 
Aldegonde,  saying  he  was  wont  to  be 
a  lover  of  the  house  of  Nassau,  but 
now  he  was  grown  altogether  a  Leices- 
trian,  the  which  he  repeated  sundry 
times  upon  him  before  the  Count  Mau- 
rice and  many  other  gentlemen.  In 
trutli,  I  think  Sainte  Aldegonde  very 
well  affected  unto  your  Excellencji 
Surely  he  mislikes  the  proceedingt 
here,  and  meddles  nothing  with  them." 
Sidney  to  Leicester,  31  Dec.  1587. 
(Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  II.  p.  288.) 

Nothing  could  be  more  unscrupulous 
than  the  denunciations  of  Leicester 
whenever  he  was  offended.  They  would 
seem  almost  risible,  were  it  not  that 
the  capricious  wrath  of  the  all-powerful 
favourite  was  often  sufficient  to  blast 
the  character,  the  career,  the  hopes, 
and  even  take  away  the  lives,  of  honest 
men. 


280  THE  UNITED   NETIIERLANDS.  Chap.  XVI 

his  defence.  The  story  of  his  mission  has  been  completely 
detailed  from  the  most  authentic  and  secret  documents,  and 
there  is  not  a  single  line  written  to  the  Queen,  to  her  ministers, 
to  the  States,  to  any  public  body  or  to  any  private  friend,  in 
England  or  elsewhere,  that  does  not  reflect  honour  on  his  name. 
With  sagacity,  without  passion,  with  unajffected  sincerity,  he 
had  unravelled  the  complicated  web  of  Netherland  politics, 
and,  with  clear  vision,  had  penetrated  the  designs  of  the 
mighty  enemy  whom  England  and  Holland  had  to  encountei 
in  mortal  combat.  He  had  pointed  out  the  errors  of  the  Earl's 
administration — he  had  fearlessly,  earnestly,  but  respectfully 
deplored  the  misplaced  parsimony  of  the  Queen — he  had 
warned  her  against  the  delusions  which  had  taken  possession 
of  her  keen  intellect — he  had  done  -his  best  to  place  the 
governor-general  upon  good  terms  with  the  States  and  with 
his  sovereign  ;  but  it  had  been  impossible  for  him  to  further 
his  schemes  for  the  acquisition  of  a  virtual  sovereignty  over 
the  Netherlands,  or  to  extinguish  the  suspicions  of  the  States 
that  the  Queen  was  secretly  negotiating  with  the  Spaniard, 
when  he  knew  those  suspicions  to  be  just. 

For  deeds,  such  as  these,  the  able  and  high-minded  am- 
bassador, the  accomplished  statesman  and  poet,  was  forbidden 
to  approach  his  sovereign's  presence,  and  was  ignominiously 
imprisoned  in  his  own  house  until  the  death  of  Leicester. 
After  that  event,  Buckhurst  emerged  from  confinement,  re- 
ceived the  order  of  the  garter  and  the  Earldom  of  Dorset, 
and  on  the  death  of  Burghley  succeeded  that  statesman  in 
the  office  of  Lord-Treasurer.  Such  was  the  substantial 
recognition  of  the  merits  of  a  man  who  was  now  disgraced  foi 
the  conscientious  discharge  of  the  most  important  functions 
that  had  yet  been  confided  to  him. 

It  would  be  a  thankless  and  superfluous  task  to  give  the 
details  of  the  renewed  attempt,  during  a  few  months,  made 
by  Leicester  to  govern  the  Provinces.  His  second  adminis- 
tration consisted  mainly  of  the  same  altercations  with  the 
States,  on  the  subject  of  sovereignty,  the  same  mutual  re 
criminations  and  wranglings,  that  had  characterized  the  period 


1587.  DRAKE   SAILS  FOR  SPAIN.  281 

of  his  former  rule.  He  rarely  met  the  States  in  person, 
and  almost  never  resided  at  the  Hague,  holding  his  court  at 
Middleburg,  Dort,  or  Utrecht,  as  his  humour  led  him. 

The  one  great  feature  of  the  autumn  of  1587  was  the 
private  negotiation  between  Elizabeth  and  the  Duke  of 
Parma. 

Before  taking  a  glance  at  the  nature  of  those  secrets,  how- 
ever, it  is  necessary  to  make  a  passing  allusion  to  an  event 
which  might  have  seemed  likely  to  render  all  pacific  com= 
munications  with  Spain,  whether  secret  or  open,  superfluous. 

For  while  so  much  time  had  been  lost  in  England  and 
Holland,  by  misunderstandings  and  jealousies,  there  was  one 
Englishman  who  had  not  been  losing  time.  In  the  winter 
and  early  spring  of  1587,  the  Devonshire  skipper  had  organized 
that  expedition  which  he  had  come  to  the  Nk^therlands,  the 
preceding  autumn,  to  discuss.  He  meant  to  aim  a  blow  at 
the  very  heart  of  that  project  which  Philip  was  shrouding 
with  so  much  mystery,  and  which  Elizabeth  was  attempting 
to  counteract  by  so  much  diplomacy. 

On  the  2nd  April,  Francis  Drake  sailed  from  Plymouth 
with  four  ships  belonging  to  the  Queen,  and  with  twenty-four 
furnished  by  the  merchants  of  London,  and  other  private  in- 
dividuals. It  was  a  bold  buccaneering  expedition — combining 
chivalrous  enterprise  with  the  chance  of  enormous  profit — 
which  was  most  suited  to  the  character  of  English  adventurers 
at  that  expanding  epoch.  For  it  was  by  England,  not  by 
Elizabeth,  that  the  quarrel  with  Spain  was  felt  to  be  a  mortal 
one.  It  was  England,  not  its  sovereign,  that  was  instirc- 
tively  arming,  at  all  points,  to  grapple  with  the  great  enemy 
of  European  liberty.  It  was  the  spirit  of  self-help,  of  self-re- 
liance, which  was  prompting  the  English  nation  to  take  the 
great  work  of  the  age  into  its  own  hands.  The  mercantile 
instinct  of  the  nation  was  flattered  with  the  prospect  of  gain, 
the  martial  quality  of  its  patrician  and  of  its  plebeian  blood 
was  eager  to  confront  danger,  the  great  Protestant  mutiny 
against  a  decrepid  superstition  in  combination  with  an  ag- 
gressive tyranny,  all  impelled  the  best  energies  of  the  English 


282  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVI 

people  against  Spain,  as  the  embodiment  of  all  which  was 
odious  and  menacing  to  them,  and  with  which  they  felt  that 
the  life  and  death  struggle  could  not  long  be  deferred. 

And  of  these  various  tendencies,  there  were  no  more  fitting 
representatives  than  Drake  and  Frobisher,  Hawkins  and 
Essex,  Cavendish  and  Grenfell,  and  the  other  privateersmen 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  same  greed  for  danger,  for 
gold,  and  for  power,  which,  seven  centuries  before,  had  sent 
the  Norman  race  forth  to  conquer  all  Christendom,  was  now 
sending  its  Anglo-Saxon  and  Anglo-Norman  kindred  to  take 
possession  of  the  old  world  and  the  new. 

"  The  wind  commands  me  away,"  said  Drake  on  the  2nd 
April,  1587  ;  "  our  ship  is  under  sail.  God  grant  that  we  may 
so  live  in  His  fear,  that  the  enemy  may  have  cause  to  say  that 
God  doth  fight  for  her  Majesty  abroad  as  well  as  at  home."  ^ 

But  he  felt  that  he  was  not  without  enemies  behind  him, 
for  the  strong  influence  brought  to  bear  against  the  bold  policy 
which  Walsingham  favoured,  was  no  secret  to  Drake.  "If  we 
Jeserve  ill,"  said  he,  "  let  us  be  punished.  If  we  discharge 
our  duty,  in  doing  our  best,  it  is  a  hard  measure  to  be  reported 
ill  by  those  who  will  either  keep  their  fingers  out  of  the  fire, 
or  who  too  well  affect  that  alteration  in  our  government 
which  I  hope  in  God  they  shall  never  live  to  see."  ^  In  lati- 
tude 40°  he  spoke  two  Zeeland  ships,  homeward  bound,  and 
obtained  information  of  great  warlike  stores  accumulating  in 
Cadiz  and  Lisbon.  His  mind  was  instantly  made  up.  For- 
tunately, the  pinnace  which  the  Queen  despatched  with  orders 
to  stay  his  hand^  in  the  very  act  of  smiting  her  great  adver- 
sary, did  not  sail  fast  enough  to  overtake  the  swift  corsair  and 
his  fleet.  Sir  Francis  had  too  promptly  obeyed  the  wind, 
when  it  "commanded  him  away,"  to  receive  the  royal 
countermand.  On  the  19th  April,  the  English  ships  entered 
the  harbour  of  Cadiz,  and  destroyed  ten  thousand  tons  of 
shipping,  with  their  contents,  in  the  very  face  of  a  dozen  great 

■  Drake    to    Walsingham    in    Bar-  1  '  Walsingham  to  Leicester,  1 7  April, 

row's  'Life  of  Drake '  (Murray,  1843),  |  1587.     Same  to  same,  11  April,  1587. 

p.  223.  (Brit.   Mus.   Galba,   C.  xi.  p.   327-344 

'  Itii  I  MSS.) 


1587.  HIS   EXPLOITS  AT   CAWZ   AND  LISBON.  283 

galleys,  which  the  nimble  English  vessels  soon  drove  under 
their  forts  for  shelter.  Two  nights  and  a  day,  Sir  Francis, 
that  "  hater  of  idleness,"  was  steadily  doing  his  work  ;  un- 
loading, rifling,  scuttling,  sinking,  and  burning  those  transport- 
ships  which  contained  a  portion  of  the  preparations  painfully 
made  by  Philip  for  his  great  enterprise.  Pipe-staves  and 
spikes,  horse-shoes  and  saddles,  timber  and  cutlasses,  wine,  oil, 
figs,  raisins,  biscuits,  and  flour,  a  miscellaneous  mass  of  ingre- 
dients long  brewing  for  the  trouble  of  England,  were  emptied 
into  the  harbour,  and  before  the  second  night,  the  blaze  of  a 
hundred  and  fifty  burning  vessels  played  merrily  upon  the 
grim  walls  of  Philip's  fortresses.  Some  of  these  ships  were  of 
the  largest  size  then  known.  There  was  one  belongins:  to 
Marquis  Santa  Cruz  of  1500  tons,  there  was  a  Biscayan  of 
1200,  there  were  several  others  of  1000,  800,  and  of  nearly 
equal  dimensions. 

Thence  sailing  for  Lisbon,  Sir  Francis  captured  and  des- 
troyed a  hundred  vessels  more,  appropriating  what  was  port- 
able of  the  cargoes,  and  annihilating  the  rest.  At  Lisbon, 
Marquis  Santa  Cruz,  lord  high  admiral  of  Spain  and  general- 
issimo of  the  invasion,  looked  on,  mortified  and  amazed,  but 
offering  no  combat,  while  the  Plymouth  privateersman  swept 
the  harbour  of  the  great  monarch  of  the  world.  After 
thoroughly  accomplishing  his  work,  Drake  sent  a  message  to 
Santa  Cruz,  proposing  to  exchange  his  prisoners  for  such 
Englishmen  as  might  then  be  confined  in  Spain.  But  the 
Marquis  denied  all  prisoners.  Thereupon  Sir  Francis  decided 
to  sell  his  captives  to  the  Moors,  and  to  appropriate  the 
proceeds  of  the  sale  towards  the  purchase  of  English  slaves 
out  of  the  same  bondage.^  Such  was  the  fortune  of  war  in 
the  sixteenth  century. 

Having  dealt  these  great  blows,  Drake  set  sail  again  from 
Lisbon,  and,  twenty  leagues  from  St.  Michaels,  fell  in  with 
one  of  those  famous  Spanish  East  Indiamen,  called  carracks, 
then  the  great  wonder  of  the  seas.  This  vessel,  San  Felipe 
by  name,  with  a  cargo  of  extraordinary  value,  was  easily  cap- 

*  Barrow,  232,  233. 


284  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuat.  XVI. 

tured,  and  Sir  Francis  now  determined  to  return.  He  had 
done  a  good  piece  of  work  in  a  few  weeks,  but  he  was  by  no 
means  of  opinion  that  he  had  materially  crippled  the  enemy. 
On  the  contrary,  he  gave  the  government  warning  as  to  the 
enormous  power  and  vast  preparations  of  Spain.  "  There  would 
be  forty  thousand  men  under  way  ere  long,"  he  said,  "  well 
equipped  and  provisioned  ; "  and  he  stated,  as  the  result  of  per- 
sonal observation,  that  England  could  not  be  too  energetic  in 
its  measures  of  resistance.  He  had  done  something  with  his 
little  fleet,  but  he  was  no  braggart,  and  had  no  disposition  to 
underrate  the  enemy's  power.  "  God  make  us  all  thankful 
again  and  again,"  he  observed,  "  that  we  have,  although  it  be 
little,  7nade  a  beginning  upoii  the  coast  of  Spain."  ^  And 
modestly  as  he  spoke  of  what  he  had  accomplished,  so  with 
quiet  self-reliance  did  he  allude  to  the  probable  consequences. 
It  was  certain,  he  intimated,  that  the  enemy  would  soon  seek 
revenge  with  all  his  strength,  and  "with  all  the  devices  and 
traps  he  could  devise."  This  was  a  matter  which  could  not  be 
doubted.  "  But,"  said  Sir  Francis,  "  I  thank  them  much  that 
they  have  staid  so  long,  and  when  they  come  they  shall  be  but 
the  sons  of  mortal  men."  ^ 

Perhaps  the  most  precious  result  of  the  expedition,  was  the 
lesson  which  the  Englishmen  had  thus  learned  in  handlinor 
the  great  galleys  of  Spain.  It  might  soon  stand  them  in 
stead.  The  little  war-vessels  which  had  come  from  Plymouth, 
had  sailed  round  and  round  these  vast  unwieldy  hulks,  and 
had  fairly  driven  them  off  the  field,  with  very  slight  damage 
to  themselves.  Sir  Francis  had  already  taught  the  mariners 
of  England,  even  if  he  had  done  nothing  else  by  this  famous 
Cadiz  expedition,  that  an  armada  of  Spain  might  not  be  so 
invincible  as  men  imagined. 

Yet  when  the  conqueror  returned  from  his  great  foray,  he 
received  no  laurels.  His  sovereign  met  him,  not  with  smiles, 
but  with  frowns  and  cold  rebukes.  He  had  done  his  duty, 
and  helped  to  save  her  endangered  throne,  but  Elizabeth  was 

>  Barrow,  233.  I    Meteren,  xiv.  253,   254.     Bor,  IT.  xxl 

'  Ibid.     Compare   Camden,  III.  396.    [    753-'?68,  xxii.  981,  xxiii.  77. 


1587. 


HE  IS  REBUKED  BY  ELIZABETH. 


285 


now  the  dear  friend  of  Alexander  Farnese,  and  in  amicable 
correspondence  with  his  royal  master.  This  "  little  "  beginning 
on  the  coast  of  Spain  might  not  seem  to  his  Catholic  Majesty 
a  matter  to  be  thankful  for,  nor  be  likely  to  further  a  pacifi- 
cation, and  so  Ehzabeth  hastened  to  disavow  her  Plymouth 
captain.^ 


'  "  True  it  is,  and    I  avow  it  on  my  I 
faitii,  her  Majesty  did  send  a  ship  ex- 
pressly belure    he   went  to  Cadiz  with 
a     message    by   letters    charging    Sir  ! 
Francis    Drake    not   to  shoiu  ajiy  act  of 
hostility,  which    messenger  by  contrary 
winds   could  never  come  to  the  place 
where  he  was,  but  was  constrained  to   i 
come   home,    and    hearing   of   Sir   F.   ' 
Drake's     actions,     her     Majesty     com-   ! 
manded    the     party   that    returned  to 
have    been    punished,  but  that  he  ac- 
quitted himself  by  the  oaths  of  himself 
and  all  his  company.     And  so  unwitting 
yea  unwilling  to  her  Majesty  those  ac- 
tions were  committed  b^^  Sir  F.  Drake, 
for   the    which    her    Majesty   is  as  yet 
greatly  offended  with  himJ^      Burghley 
to    Andreas  de    Loo,     18    July,   1587. 
'  Flanders      Correspondence.'       (S.    P. 
Office  MS.) 

"There  are  letters  written  to  Sir 
Francis  Drake,"  said  Walsingham, 
"sent  unto  him  by  a  pinnance  sent 
forth  especially  for  that  purpose,  to 
command  him  not  to  attempt  anything 
by  land,  nor  to  enter  into  the  ports  to 
distress  the  ships.  This  resolution 
proceedeth  altogether  upon  a  hope  of 
peace  which  I  fear  will  draw  a  dan- 
gerous war  upon  her  Majesty,  by  the 
alienation  of  the  hearts  of  the  well- 
aflected  people  in  the  Low  Countries." 
Walsingham  to  Leicester,  11  April, 
1587.  (Brit.  Mua.  Galba,  C.  xL  p.  344 
MS.) 


And  again,  a  week  later — "  As  for 
Spain,"  says  the  Secretary,  "  the v  are 
so  far  off  from  any  intention  to  assail 
England,  as  they  stand  now  upon  their 
own  guard  for  lear  of  Sir  Francis  Drake. 
There  are  letters  written  from  certain 
of  my  lords,  by  her  Majesty's  effectual 
commandment,  to  inhibit  him  to  at- 
tempt anything  by  land,  or  within  the 
ports  of  the  kingdom  of  Spain.  He  is 
at  liberty  to  take  any  of  the  King's 
fleets,  either  going  out  of  Spain  or 
returning  into  Spain.  There  is  a  bruit 
given  out  upon  the  despatch  of  these 
letters  that  there  is  order  given  for  his 
revocation."  Same  to  same,  17  April, 
1587.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  xi.  p.  327. 
MS.) 

It  is  somewhat  amusing,  on  the  other 
hand,  to  find  Leicester  claiming  credit 
for  her  Majesty,  for  this  demonstration 
against  Spain,  and  using  it  in  his  com- 
munications with  the  States  as  a  proof 
of  her  hostile  intentions  towards  that 
power.  "  There  is  no  such  meaning 
in  her  Majesty  to  abuse  you,"  he  ob- 
served, "  as  you  might  perceive  both 
by  the  sending  of  Sir  Francis  Drake 
into  Spain  and  by  the  return  of  myself 
hither,  to  have  prosecuted  the  war  if  I 
had  found  any  means  here."  Leicester 
to  the  States,  6  Sept.  1587.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 


286  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  XYU 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

Secret  Treaty  between  Queen  and  Parma — Excitement  and  Alarm  in  the 
States  —  Religious  Persecution  in  England  —  Queen's  Sincerity  toward 
Spain  —  Language  and  Letters  of  Parma  —  Negotiations  of  De  Loo  — 
English  Commissioners  appointed  —  Parma's  affectionate  Letter  to  the 
Queen — Philip  at  his  Writing- Table  —  His  Plots  with  Parma  against 
ftngland — Parma's  secret  Letters  to  the  King — Philip's  Letters  to  Parma  — 
"Wonderful  Duplicity  of  Philip  —  His  sanguine  Views  as  to  England  — 
He  is  reluctant  to  hear  of  the  Obstacles  —  and  imagines  Parma  in  England 
— But  Alexander's  Difficulties  are  great  —  He  denounces  Philip's  wild 
Schemes  —  Walsingham  aware  of  the  Spanish  Plot  —  which  the  States  well 
understand  —  Leicester's  great  Unpopularity  —  The  Queen  warned  against 
Treating  —  Leicester's  Schemes  against  Bameveld  —  Leicestrian  Con- 
spiracy at  Leyden — The  Plot  to  seize  the  City  discovered — Three  Ring- 
leaders sentenced  to  Death — Civil  "War  in  France — Victory  gained  by 
Navarre,  and  one  by  Guise  —  Queen  recalls  Leicester  —  Who  retires  on 
ill  Terms  with  the  States  —  Queen  warned  as  to  Spanish  Designs  — 
Results  of  Leicester's  Administration. 

The  course  of  Elizabeth  towards  the  Pro-vinces,  in  the  matter 
of  the  peace,  was  certainly  not  ingenuous,  hut  it  was  not 
absolutely  deceitful.  She  concealed  and  denied  the  nego- 
tiations, when  the  Netherland  statesmen  were  perfectly  aware 
of  their  existence,  if  not  of  their  tenour  ;  but  she  was  not  pre- 
pared, as  they  suspected,  to  sacrifice  their  liberties  and  their 
religion,  as  the  price  of  her  own  reconciliation  with  Spain. 
Her  attitude  towards  the  States  was  imperious,  over-bearing, 
and  abusive.  She  had  allowed  the  Earl  of  Leicester  to  return, 
she  said,  because  of  her  love  for  the  poor  and  oppressed 
people,  but  in  many  of  her  ofiicial  and  in  all  her  private  com- 
munications, she  denounced  the  men  who  governed  that 
people  as  ungrateful  wretches  and  impudent  liars.' 


'  E.  g.  "  Nous  avons  renvoye  notre 
cousin  de  Leycestre — nonobstant  que 
nous  fussions  a  peu  pres  degoutes  .  .  .  . 
vus  les  desordres  et  confusions  depuis 
eon  partement  de  la  .  .  .  les  traverses 
ingrates  de  quelques  uns  mal  affectes 
par  de  la,  dont  nous  memes  avons  en 


avons  eu  de  rinnoeenee  d'un  si  bon 
peuple,  et  le  desir  qu'avons  eu  de  leur 
bien,  jointe  la  prompte  volunte  de  notre 
cousin,  ont  eu  plus  de  force  a  nous 
retenir  en  notre  premiere  affection  .... 
et  attendons  que  ce  qu'est  passe  sera 
repare  a  I'avenir  ...."'  Queen  to  State- 


occasion    de   bien    fort    nous  repentir.       Council,  20    June,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office, 
Toutetbis    la    consideration    que    nous  '   MS.)     A  letter  to  the  States,  of  nearly 


1587.         SECRET  TREATING  BETWEEN  QUEEN  AND  PARMA.        287 

These  were  the  corrosives  and  vinegar  which  she  thought 
suitable  for  the  case  ;  and  the  Earl  was  never  weary  in 
depicting  the  same  statesmen  as  seditious,  pestilent,  self- 
seeking,  mischief-making  traitors.  These  secret,  informal 
negotiations,  had  been  carried  on  during  most  of  the  year 
1587.  It  was  the  "  comptroller's  peace,"  as  Walsingham  con- 
temptuously designated  the  attempted  treaty  ;  for  it  will  be 
recollected  that  Sir  James  Croft,  a  personage  of  very  mediocre 
abilities,  had  always  been  more  busy  than  any  other  English 
politician  in  these  transactions.  He  acted,  however,  on  the 
inspiration  of  Burghley,  who  drew  his  own  from  the  fountain- 
head. 

But  it  was  in  vain  for  the  Queen  to  affect  concealment. 
The  States  knew  everything  which  was  passing,  before  Lei- 
cester knew.  His  own  secret  instructions  reached  the  Nether- 
lands before  he  did.  His  secretary,  Junius,  was  thrown  into 
prison,  and  his  master's  letter  taken  from  him,  before  there 
had  been  any  time  to  act  upon  its  treacherous  suggestions.' 
When  the  Earl  wrote  letters  with  his  own  hand  to  his 
sovereign,  of  so  secret  a  nature  that  he  did  not  even  retain  a 


the  same  date,  is  likewise  filled  with 
expressions  of  her  disgust  at  the 
"  etrange  et  ingrate  maniere  de  vos 
deportements  envers  notre  cousin, 
votre  ingratitude  et  traverses,"  and  of 
praise  of  the  cousin,  who,  "  nonobstant 
toutes  ces  discourtesies  et  ingratitudes, 
ne  voudra  espargner  pour  le  bien  de 
vous  tous  de  hasarder  ni  sa  vie  ni  sa 
fortune,"  &c.  Queen  to  States,  22 
June,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office,  MS.) 

And  three  months  later — "  How  the 
town  of  Sluys  was  lost,  we  will  spare 
to  write,  that  which  thousands  of  your 
native  people  did  affirm,  how  traitor- 
ously this  town  was  lost,  or  rather  be- 
trayed, the  world  knoweth,  and  we  do 
not  think  that  yourselves  can  deny  it, 
from  want  of  supply  from  you  and 
your  chieftains,  .  .  .  and  yet  not  with- 
out the  honour  and  reputation  of  ours 
that  defended  it.  ,.  .  .  Our  lieutenant 
(Leicester)  could  not  have  convenient 
time  to  deal  with  you  (about  the  peace), 
for  that  he  was  so  entangled  with  your 
overthwart  dealing  against  him,  with 


sundry  false  reports  of  us  and  himsellj 
that  we  had  agreed  to  a  peace  with 
the  King  of  Spain,  without  regard  to 
you.  .  .  .  That  the  Earl  of  Leicester 
was  by  us  directed  to  surprise  divers 
towns,  to  yield  to  the  King,  if  you 
would  not  assent  to  peace,  with  many 
more  such  false  and  slanderous  bruits 
spread — yea  believed  and  maintained 
for  some  time  by  some  of  your  own 
number,  all  which  we  affirm  on  tlie 
word  of  a  prince,  most  false  and  mali- 
ciously devised  with  devilish  minds, 
abhorring,  as  it  seeraeth,  all  liking  of 
godly  peace  and  quietness,"  &c.  Queen 
to  the  States,  20  Sept.  1587.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 

'  Meteren,  xiv.  255.  "  This  letter 
they  have  taken  perforce  from  him, 
and  committed  first  my  man  to  prison, 
which  I  think  was  never  durst  to  be 
attempted  before,  and  puts  me  past 
my  patience,  I  assure  you."  Leicester 
to  Walsingham,  4  July,  1587.  (S.  P. 
Office  MS.) 


288  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVII. 

single  copy  for  himself,  for  fear  of  discovery,  he  found,  to  his 
infinite  disgust,  that  the  States  were  at  once  provided  with  an 
authentic  transcript  of  every  line  that  he  had  written/  It 
was  therefore  useless,  almost  puerile,  to  deny  facts  which 
were  quite  as  much  within  the  knowledge  of  the  Netherlanders 
as  of  himself.  The  worst  consequence  of  the  concealment  was, 
that  a  deeper  treachery  was  thought  possible  than  actually 
existed.  "  The  fellow  they  call  Barneveld,"  ^  as  Leicester  was 
in  the  habit  of  designating  one  of  the  first  statesmen  in 
Europe,  was  perhaps  justified,  knowing  what  he  did,  in  sus- 
pecting more.  Being  furnished  with  a  list  of  commissioners, 
already  secretly  agreed  upon  between  the  English  and  Spanish 
governments,  to  treat  for  peace,  while  at  the  same  time  the 
Earl  was  beating  his  breast,  and  flatly  denying  that  there  was 
ftny  intention  of  treating  with  Parma  at  all,  it  was  not  un- 
natural that  he  should  imagine  a  still  wider  and  deeper 
scheme  than  really  existed,  againsfc  the  best  interests  of  his 
country.  He  may  have  expressed,  in  private  conversation, 
some  suspicions  of  this  nature,  but  there  is  direct  evidence 
that  he  never  stated  in  public  anything  which  was  not  after- 
wards proved  to  be  matter  of  fact,  or  of  legitimate  inference 
from  the  secret  document  which  had  come  into  his  hands. 
The  Queen  exhausted  herself  in  opprobious  language  against 
those  who  dared  to  impute  to  her  a  design  to  obtain  possession 
of  the  cities  and  strong  places  of  the  Netherlands,  in  order  to 
secure  a  position  in  which  to  compel  the  Provinces  into 
obedience  to  her   policy.     She  urged,  with  much  logic,  that 


'  ''  I  am  credibly  informed  by  an 
honest  man,"  says  Leicester,  "who 
says  he  saw  it,  that  the  States  have  a 
copy  of  my  last  instrument,  as  also  of 
the  letter  of  her  Majest}'  written  lately 
privately  to  me,  touching  the  dealing 
in  the  peace.  Yea,  further,  that  they 
are  thoroughly  and  particularly  made 
acquainted    with   a  late   letter  of  mine 


some  sort,  my  private  advice.  They 
have,  by  some  means,  got  knowledge 
of  the  contents  thereof,  and  have 
intimated  the  same  secretly  to  the 
Provinces,  intending  thereby  to  draw 
me  into  hatred  and  suspicion  of  the 
people,  as  though  this  dealing  for 
peace  were  procured  for  me.  But  for 
this  matter,  I   shall  hope   to  deal  well 


to  her   Majesty,  written   with   my  own  enough,  for   this   treacherous  usage  of 

hand,  whereof  I  would   have   no  copy  j   her    Majesty's    secrets,"  &c.     Leicester 

taken,  because  I  would   have  no    man  to  Walsingham,  28  Aug.  1587.     (S.  P. 

acquaint  with   it.     In   which   letter  I  OflBce  MS.) 

informed   her   Majesty  at  length  of  all  '  Leicester  to  Burghley,  10-11  Sept. 

things   here,    and    gave   her    also,    iu  '1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1587. 


EXCITEMENT  AND  ALARM  IN  THE  STATES. 


289 


as  she  had  refused  the  sovereignty  of  the  whole  country  wheq 
oifered  to  her,  she  was  not  Hkely  to  form  surreptitious  schemes 
to  make  herself  mistress  of  a  portion  of  it.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  was  very  obvious,  that  to  accept  the  sovereignty  of  Philip's 
rebellious  Provinces,  was  to  declare  war  upon  Philip;  whereas, 
had  she  been  pacifically  inclined  towards  that  sovereign,  and 
treacherously  disjjosed  towards  the  Netherlands,  it  would  be  a 
decided  advantage  to  her  to  have  those  strong  places  in  her 
power.  But  the  suspicions  as  to  her  good  faith  were  ex 
aggerated.  As  to  the  intentions  of  Leicester,  the  States  wc 
justified  in  their  almost  unlimited  distrust.  It  is  very  certain 
that  both  in  1586,  and  again,  at  this  very  moment,  when 
Elizabeth  was  most  vehement  in  denouncing  such  aspersions 
on  her  government,  he  had  unequivocally  declared  to  her  his 
intention  of  getting  possession,  if  possible,  of  several  cities, 
and  of  the  whole  Island  of  Walcheren,  which,  together  with 
the  cautionary  towns  already  in  his  power,  would  enable  the 
Queen  to  make  good  terms  for  herself  with  Spain,  "  if  the  worst 
came  to  the  worst."  ^  It  will  also  soon  be  shown  that  he  did 
his  best  to  cany  these  schemes  into  execution.  There  is  no 
evidence,  however,  and  no  probability,  that  he  had  received 
the  royal  commands  to  perpetrate  such  a  crime. 

The  States  believed  also,  that  in  those  secret  negotiations 
with  Parma  the  Queen  was  disposed  to  sacrifice  the  religious 


'  "I  will  go  to  Medenblik  (the  next 
to\vn  to  Enkhuyzen),  which  is  at  your 
Majesty's  devotion,  as  the  governor 
thereof  (Sonoy)  is,  and  will  do  ray 
best  to  recover  Enkhuyzen  ere  I  de- 
part thence.  Then,  indeed,  your  Ma- 
jesty, having  Flushing,  Brill,  arid 
Utrecht,  as  you  have,  and  these,  ye 
shall  be  able  to  bring  the  peace  to 
better  conditions,  and  bridle  these 
States  of  Holland  at  your  pleasure. 
....  They  are  full  of  shifts,  and 
^et  stich  as  for  this  matter  may  ask 
toleration,  for  Iww  hateful  a  matter 
peace  hath  been  to  the  generality  ;dmost 
of  all  these  countries,  is  well  known 
to  all  persons,  and  how  hatJtsome  a 
thing  it  is  to  all  but  to  such  as  for 
love,  and  trust  in  your  Majesty  will 
sonform  themselves,  I  can  sufficiently 
testify ;  and  it  is  the  only  cause  of  the 

VOL.  n. — U 


world  for  them  to  be  careful  in  their 
dealing,  for  it  doth  confirm  them  and 
their  posterity  both  in  their  lives  and 
liberties,  and  therefore  to  be  borne 
withal,  if  they  take  deliberation." 
Leicester  to  the  Queen,  9  Oc-t.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Yet  the  Earl,  not' 
withstanding  this  admission,  avows 
his  determination  of  bridling  the 
States  by  gaining  possession  of  their 
cities. 

And  again,  a  month  later:  "I  will 
not  be  idle  to  do  all  that  in  me  shall 
lie  to  make  this  island  of  WalcheriiU 
assured,  whatsoever  shall  fall  out: 
which,  if  it  may  be,  your  Majesty  shall 
the  less  fear  to  make  a  good  bargain 
for  yourself,  when  the  worst  shall 
come."  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  5tli 
Nov.  1587.     (S.  P.  Office,  MS.) 


290  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVII. 

interests  of  the  Netherlands.  In  this  they  were  mistaken. 
But  they  had  reason  for  their  mistake,  because  the  negotiator 
De  Loo,  had  expressly  said,  that,  in  her  overtures  to  Farnese, 
she  had  abandoned  that  point  altogether.*  If  this  had  been 
so,  it  would  have  simply  been  a  consent  on  the  part  of 
Elizabeth,  that  the  Catholic  religion  and  the  Inquisition 
should  be  re-established  in  the  Provinces,  to  the  exclusion  of 
every  other  form  of  worship  or  polity.  In  truth,  however,  the 
position  taken  by  her  Majesty  on  the  subject  was  as  fair  as 
could  be  reasonably  expected.  Certainly  she  was  no  advocate 
for  religious  liberty.  She  chose  that  her  own  subjects  should 
be  Protestants,  because  she  had  chosen  to  be  a  Protestant 
herself,  and  because  it  was  an  incident  of  her  supremacy,  to 
dictate  uniformity  of  creed  to  all  beneath  her  sceptre.  No 
more  than  her  father,  who  sent  to  the  stake  or  gallows 
heretics  to  transubstantiation  as  well  as  believers  in  the  Pope, 
had  Elizabeth  the  faintest  idea  of  religious  freedom.  Heretics 
to  the  English  Church  were  persecuted,  fined,  imprisoned, 
mutilated,  and  murdered,  by  sword,  rope,  and  fire.  In  some 
respects,  the  practice  towards  those  who  dissented  from 
Elizabeth  was  more  immoral  and  illogical,  even  if  less  cruel, 
than  that  to  which  those  were  subjected  who  rebelled  against 
Sixtus.  The  Act  of  Uniformity  required  Papists  to  assist  at 
the  Protestant  worship,  but  wealthy  Papists  could  obtain  im- 
munity by  an  enormous  fine.  The  Roman  excuse  to  destroy 
bodies  in  order  to  save  souls,  could  scarcely  be  alledged  by  a 
Church  which  might  be  bribed  into  connivance  at  heresy,  and 
which  derived  a  revenue  from  the  very  nonconformity  for 
which  humbler  victims  were  sent  to  the  gallows.  It  would, 
however,  be  unjust  in  the  extreme  to  overlook  the  enormous 
difierence  in  the  amount  of  persecution,  exercised  respectively 
by  the  Protestant  and  the  Roman  Church.  It  is  probable  that 
not  many  more  than  two  hundred  Catholics-  were  executed 

'  "  I  have  sent  her  Majesty  another  De   Loo  taketh  no  small  hold,  and  if 

letter  from  De  Loo,  whereby  it  seemeth  she   keep  that   course,    all    will  go  to 

that  now  very  lately  her  Majesty  hath  ruin,  as  I  have  written  to  her  Majesty." 

given  him  to  understand   that  she  will  Buekhurst   to    Walsingham,    18    June, 

not  insist  upon    the  matter  of  religion  1587.     (S.  P   Office  MS.) 

further  than  shall   he  with  the  King's  '  "  Dod  reckons  ihem  at  191;   Mil 

honour    and     conscience.      Whereupon  uer  has  raised  the  list  to  20-1.     Fiftee 


1687. 


RELIGIOUS   PERSECUTION   IN   ENGLAND. 


291 


as  such,  in  Elizabeth's  reign,  and  this  was  ten  score  too 
many.  But  what  was  this  against  eight  hundred  heretics 
burned,  hanged,  and  drowned,  in  one  Easter  week  by  Alva, 
against  the  eighteen  thousand  two  hundred  sent  to  stake  and 
scaffold,  as  he  boasted  during  his  administration,  against  the 
vast  numbers  of  Protestants,  whether  they  be  counted  by  tens 
or  by  hundreds  of  thousands,  who  perished  by  the  edicts 
of  Charles  V.,  in  the  Netherlands,  or  in  the  single  Saint 
Bartholomew  Massacre  in  France  ?  Moreover,  it  should 
never  be  forgotten — from  undue  anxiety  for  impartiality — 
that  most  of  the  Catholics  who  were  executed  in  England, 
suffered  as  conspirators  rather  than  as  heretics.  No  foreign 
potentate,  claiming  to  be  vicegerent  of  Christ,  had  denounced 
Philip  as  a  bastard  and  usurper,  or  had,  by  means  of  a 
blasphemous  fiction,  which  then  was  a  terrible  reality,  severed 
the  bonds  of  allegiance  by  which  his  subjects  were  held,  cut 
him  off  from  all  communion  with  his  fellow-creatures,  and 
promised  temporal  rewards  and  a  crown  of  glory  in  heaven 
to  those  who  should  succeed  in  depriving  him  of  throne  and 
life.  Yet  this  was  the  position  of  Elizabeth.  It  was  war  to 
the  knife  between  her  and  Rome,  declared  by  Rome  itself; 
nor  was  there  any  doubt  whatever  that  the  Seminary  Priests — 
seedlings  transplanted  from  foreign  nurseries,  which  were  as 
watered  gardens  for  the  growth  of  treason — were  a  perpetually 
organized  band  of  conspirators  and  assassins,  with  whom  it 
was  hardly  an  act  of  excessive  barbarity  to  deal  in  somewhat 
summary  fashion.     Doubtless  it  would  have  been  a  more  lofty 


of  these,  according  to  him,  suffered 
for  denying  the  Queen's  supremacy, 
126  for  exercising  their  ministry,  and 
the  rest  for  being  reconciled  to  the 
Romish  church.  Many  others  died 
of  hardships  in  prison,  and  many  were 
deprived  of  their  property.  There 
seems,  nevertheless,  to  be  good  reason 
for  doubting  whether  any  one  wlio 
was  executed  might  not  have  saved 
his  life  by  explicitly  denying  the 
Pope's  power  to  depose  the  Queen. 
Tliis  certainly  furnishes  a  distinction 
between  tlie  persecution  under  Eliza- 
beth (whicli,   unjust   aa   it  was   in  its 


operation,  yet,  so  far  as  it  extended  to 
capital  inflictions,  had  in  view  tlio 
security  of  the  government)  and  that 
which  the  Protestants  had  sustained 
in  her  sister's  reign,  springing  from 
mere  bigotry  and  vindictive  rancour." 
(Hallam's  '  Constitutional  History,' 
fifth  edition.  Murray,  1846.  I.  168. 
Compare  Lingard,  viii.  356,  513, 
Strype,  iii.  iv.,  and  see  in  particular, 
chapters  iiL  and  iv.  of  Hallain,  in 
which  the  dealings  of  Elizabeth  in 
religious  matters  are  profoundly  ia- 
vestigated.) 


292  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  XVIL 

policy,  and  a  far  more  intelligent  one,  to  extend  towards  the 
Catholics  of  England,  who  as  a  body  were  loyal  to  their 
country,  an  ample  toleration.  But  it  could  scarcely  be  ex- 
pected that  Elizabeth  Tudor,  as  imperious  and  absolute  by 
temperament  as  her  father  had  ever  been,  would  be  capable 
of  embodying  that  great  principle. 

When,   in  the  preliminaries  to  the  negotiations  of  1587, 
therefore,  it  was  urged  on  the  part  of  Spain,  that  the  Queen 
was  demanding  a  concession  of  religious  liberty  from  Philip 
to  the  Netherlanders  which  she  refused  to  English  heretics, 
and  that  he  only  claimed  the  same  right  of  dictating  a  creed 
to  his  subjects  which  she  exercised  in  regard  to  her  own.  Lord 
Burghley  replied  that  the  statement  was  correct.     The  Queen 
permitted — it  was  true — no  man  to  profess  any  religion  but 
the  one  which  she  professed.     At  the  same  time  it  was  de- 
clared to  be  unjust,  that  those  persons  in  the  Netherlands  who 
had  been  for  years  in  the  habit  of  practising  Protestant  rites, 
should  be  suddenly  compelled,  without  instruction,  to  abandon 
that  form  of  worship.     It  was  well  known  that  many  would 
rather  die  than  submit  to  such  oppression,  and  it  was  affirmed 
that  the  exercise  of  this  cruelty  would  be  resisted  by  her  to 
the  uttermost.     There  was  no  hint  of  the  propriety — on  any 
logical  basis — of  leaving  the  question  of  creed  as  a  matter 
between  man  and  his  Maker,  with  which  any  dictation  on  the 
part  of  crown  or  state  was  an  act  of  odious  tyranny.     There 
was  not  even  a  suggestion  that  the  Protestant  doctrines  were 
true,  and  the  Catholic  doctrines  false.    The  matter  was  merely 
taken  up  on  the  uti  possidetis  principle,  that  they  who  had 
acquired  the  fact  of  Protestant  worship  had  a  right  to  retain 
it,  and  could  not  justly  be  deprived  of  it,  except  by  instruc- 
tion and  persuasion.     It  was  also  affirmed  that  it  was  not  the 
English  practice  to  inquire  into  men's  consciences.     It  would 
have   been   difficult,    however,    to   make   that   very   clear   to 
Philip's  comprehension,  because,  if  men,  women,  and  children, 
were   scourged   with   rods,  imprisoned,  and  hanged,   if  they 
refused   to   conform   publicly  to  a  ceremony  at  which  their 
consciences  revolted — unless  they  had  money  enough  to  pur- 


15B1. 


QUEEN'S   SINCERITY   TOWARDS   SPAIN. 


293 


chase  non-conformity — it  seemed  to  be  the  practice  to  inquire 
very  effectively  into  their  consciences/ 

But  if  there  was  a  certain  degree  of  disingonuousness  on 
the  part  of  Elizabeth  towards  the  States,  her  attitude  towards 
Parma  was  one  of  perfect  sincerity.  A  perusal  of  the  secret 
correspondence  leaves  no  doubt  whatever  on  that  point.  She 
was  seriously  and  fervently  desirous  of  peace  with  Spain, 
On  the  part  of  Farnese  and  his  master,  there  was  the  most 
unscrupulous  mendacity,  while  the  confiding  simplicity  and 
truthfulness  of  the  Queen  in  these  negotiations  was  almost 
pathetic.  Especially  she  declared  her  trust  in  the  loyal  and 
upright  character  of  Parma,  in  which  she  was  isure  of  never 
being  disappointed.  It  is  only  doing  justice  to  Alexander  to 
say  that  he  was  as  much  deceived  by  her  frankness  as  she 
by  his  falsehood.  It  never  entered  his  head  that  a  royal  per- 
sonage and  the  trusted  counsellors  of  a  great  kingdom  could 
be  telling  the  truth  in  a  secret  international  transaction,  and 


'  "  And  -when  De  Loo  reporteth 
an  objection  made  to  him,  tliat  there 
is  no  more  reason  for  the  King  to  yield 
to  any  of  his  subjects  liberty  of  reli- 
gion contrary  to  the  one  he  professeth 
no  more  than  her  Majesty  doth  to  any 
of  hers;  indeed,  at  the  first  appear- 
ance, this  objection  seemeth  of  good 
moment  to  be  allowed,  and,  until  it  be 
answered,  ought  to  be  taken  by  the 
Duke  of  Parma;  but  if  the  diversities 
of  the  comparison  shall  be  marked, 
the  case  also  will  therein  be  changed. 
The  Queen's  Majesty  indeed  never  did 
peri/lit,  either  publicly  or  privately, 
that  any  persons  for  these  seven  years 
should  use  any  exercise  of  religion 
contrary  to  that  form  received  and 
established  by  public  authority ;  so 
as  none  can  challenge  that  they  were 
by  any  liberty  suffered  to  use  any 
other,  which  is  contrary  to  the  Low 
Countries,  for  the  space  of  about  six 
years.  But  if  her  Majesty  had  so 
permitted,  surely  reason  would  move 
her  not  to  constrain,  otherwise  than  by 
instruction,  any  that  by  reason  of  her 
permission  had  governed  their  con- 
sciences to  the  contrary.  And  be- 
cause it  may  be  also  further  objected, 
aa   most   falsely   is  divulged,   to   more 


offence  against  her  Majesty  from  Ca- 
tholic places,  that  she  doth  so  severely 
punish  them  that  are  in  conscience 
contrarily  affected,  it  is  to  be  avowed 
for  a  certain  truth  that  her  Majesty 
never  did  allow  that  any  person  was 
by  inquisition  urged  to  show  his  con- 
science in  any  matter  of  faith,  nor 
ever  was  punished  for  professing  only 
of  his  opinion  in  his  conscience,  but 
what  any  have  beside  their  profession 
of  their  conscience,  moved  by  others, 
by  open  acts  to  break  the  law,  or 
have,  under  colour  of  encouraging 
others  to  change  their  form  of  reli- 
gion, persuaded  them  also  to  alter 
their  obedience  in  all  wordly  duties, 
to  practise  rebellion  in  the  realm,  to 
solicit  invasions,  and  flatly  to  deny 
the  Queen's  Majesty  to  be  their  lawful 
Queen.  In  those  cases,  her  Majesty 
and  all  her  ministers  of  justice  had 
cause  to  withstand  such  violent 
courses  under  colours  of  religion;  and 
otherwise  than  to  withstand  these 
most  dangerous  attempts,  her  Majesty 
did  never  allow  any  should  lose  their 
lives  and  shed  their  blood."  (Rough 
draft  of  Burghley,  9  March,  1587 
Br.  Mus.  Galba,  C.  is.  p.  122,  MS.) 


294 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVII. 


he  justified  tlie  industry  with  which  his  master  and  himself 
piled  fiction  upon  fiction,  by  their  utter  disbelief  in  every 
word  which  came  to  them  from  England. 

The  private  negotiations  had  been  commenced,  or  rather 
had  been  renewed,  very  early  in  February  of  this  year. 
During  the  whole  critical  period  which  preceded  and  followed 
the  execution  of  Mary,  in  the  course  of  which  the  language  of 
Elizabeth  towards  the  States  had  been  so  shrewish,  there  had 
been  the  gentlest  diplomatic  cooing  between  Farnese  and  her- 
self It  was — Dear  Cousin,  you  know  how  truly  I  confide  in 
your  sincerity,  how  anxious  I  am  that  this  most  desirable 
peace  should  be  arranged  ;  and  it  was — Sacred  Majesty,  you 
know  how  much  joy  I  feel  in  your  desire  for  the  repose  of 
the  world,  and  for  a  solid  peace  between  your  Highness  and 
the  King  my  master  ;  how  much  I  delight  in  concord — how 
incapable  I  am  hy  ambiguous  words  of  spinning  out  these  tran- 
sactions, or  of  deceiving  your  Majesty,  and  what  a  hatred  I 
feel  for  steel,  fire,  and  blood.' 

Four  or  five  months  rolled  on,  during  which  Leicester  had 
been  wasting  time  in  England,  Farnese  wasting  none  before 
Sluys,  and  the  States  doing  their  best  to  counteract  the 
schemes  both  of  their  enemy  and  of  their  ally.  De  Loo  made 
a  visit,  in  July,  to  the  camp  of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  and 
received  the  warmest  assurances  of  his  pacific  dispositions. 
"  I  am  "snuch  pained,"  said  Alexander,  "  with  this  procrastina- 
tion. 1  nm  so  full  of  sincerity  myself,  that  it  seems  to  me  a 
very  strange  matter,  this  hostile  descent  by  Drake  upon  the 
coasts  of  Spain,     The  result  of  such  courses  will  be,  that  the 


'  Parma  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  18th 
Feb.  1587.  Same  to  same,  5  April, 
1587.  Queen  to  Parma,  13  April, 
1587.  (Arch,  de  Simaucas,  MSS.) 
And  even  later  still : — 

"  Such  is  the  good  opinion  con- 
ceived of  the  Duke  of  Parma,"  wrote 
Burghley,  "  for  his  own  nature  and 
worthiness  in  all  places,  that  he  is  a 
prince  of  honour  in  keeping  his  pro- 
mise, without  respect  of  any  gain  or 
benefit.  And,  to  tell  you  true,  it  is 
'he  only  foundation  which  her  Majesty 


maketh  to  proceed  in  this  treaty, 
against  the  opinion  of  very  many,  in 
that  she  esteemeth  the  Duke  to  have 
great  regard  to  his  word  and  promise, 
and  also  an  opinion  that  she  hath, 
though  he  be  a  great  man  of  war,  that 
he  is  Christianly  disposed  rather  to 
maintain  peace  tlian  to  raise  war, 
whereof  her  Majesty  looketh  to  make 
proof  by  this  treaty,"  &c.  &c.  Burgh- 
ley to  Andr.  de  Loo,  10  Oct.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


/58T.  LANGUAGE   AND   LETTERS  OF   PARMA.  295 

King  will  end  by  being  exasperated,  and  I  shall  be  touched  in 
my  honour — so  great  is  the  hopes  I  have  held  out  of  being 
able  to  secure  a  peace.  I  have  ever  been  and  I  still  am 
most  anxious  for  concord,  from  the  aifection  I  bear  to  her 
sacred  Majesty.  I  have  been  obliged,  much  against  my  will, 
to  take  the  field  again.  I  could  wish  now  that  our  nego- 
tiations might  terminate  before  the  arrival  of  my  fresh  troops, 
namely,  9000  Spaniards  and  9000  Italians,  which,  with 
Walloons,  Germans,  and  Lorrainers,  will  give  me  an  effective 
total  of  30,000  soldiers.  Of  this  I  give  you  my  word  as  a 
gentleman.  Gro,  then,  Andrew  de  Loo,"  continued  the  Duke, 
"  write  to  her  sacred  Majesty,  that  I  desire  to  make  peace, 
and  to  serve  her  faithfully  ;  and  that  I  shall  not  change  my 
mind,  even  in  case  of  any  great  success,  for  I  like  to  proceed 
rather  by  the  ways  of  love  than  of  rigour  and  effusion  of 
blood."  1 

"  I  can  assure  you,  oh,  most  serene  Duke,"  replied  Andrew, 
"  that  the  most  serene  Queen  is  in  the  very  same  dispositions 
with  yourself" 

"Excellent  well  then,"  said  the  Duke,  ''we  shall  come  to 
an  agreement  at  once,  and  the  sooner  the  deputies  on  both 
sides  are  appointed  the  better." 

A  feeble  proposition  was  then  made,  on  the  part  of  the 
peace-loving  Andrew,  that  the  hostile  operations  against  Sluys 
should  be  at  once  terminated.  But  this  did  not  seem  so 
clear  to  the  most  serene  Duke.  He  had  gone  to  great  expense 
in  that  business  ;  and  he  had  not  built  bridges,  erected  forts, 
and  dug  mines,  only  to  abandon  them  for  a  few  fine  words, 
Fine  words  were  plenty,  but  they  raised  no  sieges.  Mean- 
time these  pacific  and  gentle  murmurings  from  Farnese's  camp 
had  lulled  the  Queen  into  forgetfulness  of  Roger  Williams  and 
Arnold  Groenevelt  and  their  men,  fighting  day  and  night  in 
trench  and  mine  during  that  critical  midsummer.  The  wily 
tongue  of  the  Duke  had  been  more  effective  than  his  bat- 
teries in  obtaining  the  much-coveted  city.  The  Queen  ob- 
stinately held  back  her  men  and  money,  confident  of  effecting' 

'  De  Loo  to  Burghley,  11  July,  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


296  THE   UNITED    NETHERLANDS.  Chap  XVIL 

a  treaty,  whether  Shiys  fell  or  not.  Was  it  strange  that  the 
States  should  be  distrustful  of  her  intentions,  and,  in  their 
turn,  become  neglectful  of  their  duty  .^  ^ 

And  thus  summer  wore  into  autumn,  Sluys  fell,  the  States 
and  their  governor-general  were  at  daggers-drawn,  the  Nether- 
landers  were  full  of  distrust  with  regard  to  England,  Alexander 
hinted  doubts  as  to  the  Queen's  sincerity  ;  the  secret  nego- 
tiations, though  fertile  in  suspicions,  jealousies,  delays,  and 
such  foul  weeds,  had  produced  no  wholesome  fruit,  and  the 
26th  Sept.,   excellent    De   Loo    became    very   much   depressed. 

1587.  ^^  Yast  a  letter  from  Burghley  relieved  his  droop- 
ing spirits.  From  the  most  disturbed  and  melancholy  man 
in  the  world,  he  protested,  he  had  now  become  merry  and 
quiet.^  He  straightway  went  oif  to  the  Duke  of  Parma,  with 
the  letter  in  his  pocket,  and  translated  it  to  him  by  candle- 
light, as  he  was  careful  to  state,  as  an  important  point  in  his 
narrative.     And  Farnese  was  fuller  of  fine  phrases  than  ever. 

"  There  is  no  cause  whatever,"  said  he,  in  a  most  loving 
manner,  "to  doubt  my  sincerity.  Yet  the  Lord-Treasurer 
intimates  that  the  most  serene  Queen  is  disposed  so  to  do. 
But  if  I  had  not  the  very  best  intentions,  and  desires  for  peace, 
I  should  never  have  made  the  first  overtures.  If  I  did  not 
wish  a  pacific  solution,  what  in  the  world  forced  me  to  do 
what  I  have  done  ?  On  the  contrary,  it  is  I  that  have  reason 
to  suspect  the  other  parties  with  their  long  delays,  by  which 
they  have  made  me  lose  the  best  part  of  the  summer."  •' 

He  then  commented  on  the  strong  expressions  in  the  English 
letters,  as  to  the  continuance  of  her  Majesty  in  her  pious  re- 
solutions ;   observed  that  he  was   thoroughly  advised  of  the 


'  Burghley  to  De  Loo,  18  July, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  "  Da  turbato  e  melancolico  m'  ha 
del  tutto  quietato  e  fatto  star  allegro," 
&C.  De  Loo  to  Burghley,  26  Sept. 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  "  Con  dire  amorevolmente  lo  che 
Bigue — non  e  (disse),  causa  alcuna  di 
dubitare  della  mia  sincera  mente — si 
come  suUo  fine  della  1™  si  fa  menzione 
che  la  ser""*  regina  lo  polrebbe  tare — 
perche   se  non  avessi  havuto  boniss""* 


disposizione  e  desiderio  della  pace 
non  sarei  gia  ito  a  fame  la  prima  aper- 
tura  mi  medesimo,  e  condescendere 
alle  cose  che  sapete  (disse  a  me)  se 
non  si  fosse  stata  intenzione  di  volerne 
venir  a  una  conclusione  (agiongendo) 
che  cosa  mi  fbrzava  di  ferlo?  Anzi 
piuttosto  avrei  occasione  io  di  suspet- 
tar  loro  con  tante  sorte  di  dUazioni  e 
haver  mi  fatto  perdere  la  meglior  part© 
de  1'  estate,"  &c.    (Ibid.) 


1587.  NEGOTIATIONS   OF   DE   LOO.  297 

disputes  between  the  Earl  of  Leicester  and  the  States  ;  and 
added  that  it  was  very  im2)ortant  for  the  deputies  to  arrive  at 
the  time  indicated  by  the  Queen. 

"Whatever  is  to  be  done,"  said  he,  in  conclusion,  "let  it 
be  done  quickly  ;"  and  with  that  he  said  he  would  go  and  eat 
a  bit  of  supper. 

"And  may  I  communicate  Lord  Burghley's  letter  to  any 
one  else  .?  "  asked  De  Loo. 

"  Yes,  yes,  to  the  Seigneur  de  Champagny,  and  to  my 
secretary  Cosimo,"  answered  his  Highness. 

So  the  merchant  negotiator  proceeded  at  once  to  the 
mansion  of  Champagny,  in  company  with  the  secretary 
Cosimo.  There  was  a  long  conference,  in  which  De  Loo 
was  informed  of  many  things  which  he  thoroughly  believed, 
and  faithfully  transmitted  to  the  court  of  Elizabeth.  Alexander 
had  done  his  best,  they  said,  to  delay  the  arrival  of  his  fresh 
troops.  He  had  withdrawn  from  the  field,  on  various  pretexts, 
hoping,  day  after  day,  that  the  English  commissioners  would 
arrive,  and  that  a  firm  and  perpetual  peace  would  succeed  to 
the  miseries  of  war.  But  as  time  wore  away,  and  there  came 
no  commissioners,  the  Duke  had  come  to  the  painful  con- 
clusion that  he  had  been  trifled  with.^  His  forces  would  now 
be  sent  into  Holland  to  find  something  to  eat ;  and  this  would 
ensure  the  total  destruction  of  all  that  territory.  He  had  also 
written  to  command  all  the  officers  of  the  coming  troops  to 
hasten  their  march,  in  order  that  he  might  avoid  incurring 
still  deeper  censure.  He  was  much  ashamed,  in  truth,  to  have 
been  wheedled  into  passing  the  whole  fine  season  in  idleness.'' 
He  had  been  sacrificing  himself  for  her  sacred  Majesty,  and 
to  serve  her  best  interests  ;  and  now  he  found  himself  the 
object  of  her  mirth.'*  Those  who  ought  to  be  well  informed 
had  assured  him  that  the  Queen  was  only  waiting  to  see  how 
the  King  of  Navarre  was  getting  on  with  the  auxiliary  force 
just  going  to  him  from  Germany,  that  she  had  no  intention 

'  "  Ma  a  r  ultimo  il  Duca  vedendo  I  '  "  Trovandosi  vergogniato  davere, 
la  continua  dilazione,  con  giudicare  lasciato  scorrere  si  bella  atagione  in 
che    si    burlasse,"    Ac.      (De    Loo    to       ozio,"  &c.     (Ibid.) 

Burgbley,  MS.  last  cited.)  j        '  Ibid. 


298 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVII. 


whatever  to  make  peace,  and  that,  before  long,  he  might 
expect  all  these  German  mercenaries  upon  his  shoulders  in 
the  Netherlands.  Nevertheless  he  was  prepared  to  receive 
them  with  40,000  good  infantry,  a  splendid  cavalry  force,  and 
plenty  of  money.' 

All  this  and  more  did  the  credulous  Andrew  greedily 
devour,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  communicating  the  important 
intelligence  to  her  Majesty  and  the  Lord- Treasurer,  He 
implored  her,  he  said,  upon  his  bare  knees,  prostrate  on  the 
ground,  and  from  the  most  profound  and  veritable  centre  of 
his  heart  and  with  all  his  soul  and  all  his  strength,^  to  believe 
in  the  truth  of  the  matters  thus  confided  to  him.  He  would 
pledge  his  immortal  soul,  which  was  of  more  value  to  him — 
as  he  correctly  observed — than  even  the  crown  of  Spain,  that 
the  King,  the  Duke,  and  his  counsellors,  were  most  sincerely 
desirous  of  peace,  and  actuated  by  the  most  loving  and  benevo- 
lent motives.  Alexander  Farnese  was  "  the  antidote  to  the 
Duke  of  Alva,"  kindly  sent  by  heaven,  ut  contraria  contrai^iis 
curenter,  and  if  the  entire  security  of  the  sacred  Queen  were 
not  now  obtained,  together  with  a  perfect  re-integration  of  love 
between  her  Majesty  and  the  King  of  Spain,  and  with  the 
assured  tranquillity  and  j^erpetual  prosperity  of  the  Nether- 
lands, it  would  be  the  fault  of  England,  not  of  Spain.'' 

And  no  doubt  the  merchant  believed  all  that  was  told  him, 
and — what  was  worse — that  he  fully  impressed  his  own  con- 
victions upon  her  Majesty  and  Lord  Burghley,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  comptroller,  who,  poor  man,  had  great  facility  in 
believing  anything  that  came  from  the  court  of  the  most 
Catholic  King.  Yet  it  is  painful  to  reflect,  that  in  all  these 
communications  of  Alexander  and  his  agents,  there  was  not 
one  single  word  of  truth.  It  was  all  false  from  beginning  to 
end,  as  to  the  countermanding  of  the  troops,  as  to  the  pacific 
intentions  of  the  King  and  Duke,  and  as  to  the  proposed 
campaign  in  Friesland,  in  case  of  rupture,  and  all  the  rest. 
But  this  will  be  conclusively  proved  a  little  later. 


'  De  Loo  to  Burghley,  MS.  last  cited. 

'  "  Flexis    nufUsque    genibus    humi 

prostratus,    dal    piu    prolbndo    e   vero 


centro  del  mio  cuore  et  ex  corde  et  ex 
tota  anima,"  &c.     (Tbid.) 
=  Ibid. 


5187. 


ENGLISH   COMMISSIONERS   APPOINTED. 


299 


Meantime  the  conference  had  been  most  amicable  and 
satisfactory.  And  when  business  was  over,  Champagny — not 
a  whit  the  worse  for  the  severe  jilting  which  he  had  so  re- 
cently sustained  from  the  widow  De  Bours,  now  Mrs.  Aristotle 
Patton — invited  De  Loo  and  Secretary  Cosimo  to  supper. 
And  the  three  made  a  night  of  it,  sitting  up  late,  and  draining 
such  huge  bumpers  to  the  health  of  the  Queen  of  England, 
that — as  the  excellent  Andrew  subsequently  informed  Lord 
Burghley — his  head  ached  most  bravely  next  morning.^ 

And,  so,  amid  the  din  of  hostile  preparation  not  only  in 
Cadiz  and  Lisbon,  but  in  Ghent  and  Sluys  and  Antwerp,  the 
import  of  wliich  it  seemed  difficult  to  mistake,  the  comedy  of 
negotiation  was  still  rehearsing,  and  the  principal  actors  were 
already  familiar  with  their  respective  parts.  There  were  the 
Earl  of  Derby,  knight  of  the  garter,  and  my  Lord  Cobham, 
and  puzzling  James  Croft,  and  other  Englishmen,  actually 
believing  that  the  farce  was  a  solemn  reality.  There  was 
Alexander  of  Parma  thoroughly  aware  of  the  contrary.  There 
was  Andrew  de  Loo,  more  talkative,  more  credulous,  more 
busy  than  ever,  and  more  fully  impressed  with  the  importance 
of  his  mission,  and  there  was  the  white-bearded  Lord- 
Treasurer  turning  complicated  paragraphs,  shaking  his  head, 
and  waving  his  wand  across  the  water,  as  if,  by  such  expedients, 
the  storm  about  to  burst  over  England  could  be  dispersed. 

The  commissioners  should  come,  if  only  the  Duke  of 
Parma  would  declare  on  his  word  of  honour,  that  these  hostile 
preparations  with  which  all  Christendom  was  ringing,  were 
not  intended  against  England  ;  or — if  that  really  were  the 
case — if  he  would  request  his  master  to  abandon  all  such 
schemes,  and  if  Philip  in  consequence  would  promise  on  the 
honour  of  a  prince,  to  make  no  hostile  attempts  against  that 
country.- 


'  "Con  sommo  contentamento  del 
uno  e  r  altro,  a  tal  segno,  che  tenen- 
doci  il  S"^  de  Champagny  a  cena,  con 
far  11  ragione  di  buon  cuore  d'  un  gran 
brindisi  che  fece  alia  sanita  di  sua 
sacra  Macsta,  mi  dolse  (con  licenza 
per  dirlo  eonie  va)  la  matlina  seguentc 


bravamente  la  testa."  A.  de  Loo  to 
Burghley,  26  Sept.  1587.  (S.  P.  Office, 
MS.) 

'  "  If  you  can  possibly,  I  require  you 
to  obtain  of  the  Duke,  in  writing  under 
his  iiund,  an  assurance  either  of  his 
knowledge  that  tliese  preparations  iwij 


300 


THE  'UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVII. 


There  would  really  seem  an  almost  Arcadian  simplicity  in 
such  demands,  coming  from  so  practised  a  statesman  as  the 
Lord-Treasurer,  and  from  a  woman  of  such  brilliant  intellect 
as  Elizabeth  unquestionably  possessed.  But  we  read  the 
history  of  1587,  not  only  by  the  light  of  subsequent  events, 
but  by  the  almost  microscopic  revelations  of  sentiments  and 
motives,  which  a  full  perusal  of  the  secret  documents  in  those 
ancient  cabinets,  afford.  At  that  moment  it  was  not  igno- 
rance nor  dulness  which  was  leading  England  towards  the 
pitfall  so  .artfully  dug  by  Spain.  There  was  trust  in  the 
plighted  word  of  a  chivalrous  soldier  like  Alexander  Farnese,^ 
of  a  most  religious  and  anointed  monarch  like  Philip  II. 
English  frankness,  playing  cards  upon  the  table,  was  no 
match  for  Italian  and  Spanish  legerdemain, — a  system  accord- 
ing to  which,  to  defraud  the  antagonist  by  every  kind  of 
falsehood  and  trickery  was  the  legitimate  end  of  diplomacy 
and  statesmanship.  It  was  well  known  that  there  were  great 
preparations  in  Spain,  Portugal,  and  the  obedient  Netherlands, 
by  land  and  sea.  But  Sir  Robert  Sidney^  was  persuaded  that 
the  expedition  was  intended  for  Africa  ;  even  the  Pope  was 


not  nor  shall  be  meant  against  any  of 
her  Majesty's  dominions;  or  other- 
wise, if  he  be  not  able  to  assure  the 
same,  then,  at  the  least,  that  he  will, 
by  his  writing,  assure  her  Majesty 
that  he  will,  upon  his  honour,  with  all 
expedition,  send  to  llie  King  his  ad- 
vice to  stay  all  hostile  actions,  or  to 
have  the  King's  answer,  like  a  prince 
of  honour,  whether  he  intendeth  or  no 
to  employ  these  foi'ces  against  lier 
Majesty,  which,  though  in  some  con- 
struction may  seem  hard  to  require  of 
a  king  intending  hostility,  yet,  as  the 
case  is,  when  her  Majesty  yieldeth  to 
a  cessation  of  arms,  and  to  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  the  king,  is  a  request 
most  reasonable  to  make,  and  honour- 
able for  tiie  king  to  grant.  .  .  .  Such 
are  the  frequent  reports  out  of  Spain 
of  these  preparations,  and  yet  her 
Majesty  will  stand  to  the  Duke^s  atiswer, 
if  the  army  shall  not  be  known  to  be 
actually  prepared  against  England — 
which,  if  it  shall  be,  no  man  will 
think  it  meet  that  her  commissioners 


should  come."  Burghley  to  A.  De 
Loo,  10  Oct.  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  As  early  as  August,  the  Duke  had 
proposed  a  cessation  of  arms,  to  grant 
which,  as  has  been  abundantl}'  shown 
by  his  private  correspondence,  was 
never  in  his  thougiits.  "  The  Duke 
of  Parma,  to  the  end  the  treaty  may 
proceed  with  better  success,  hath 
made  offer  unto  us  to  yield  to  a  cessa- 
tion of  arms,  having  put  us  also  in 
hope  that  such  forces  as  are  now  pre- 
paring in  Italy,  amounting  to  15,000 
footmen,  at  the  lea.'it,  sliall  be  stayed." 
Queen  to  Leicester,  9  Aug.  1587. 
(Br.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  I.  293,  MS.) 

"  "There  came  some  out  of  Spain 
very  lately,  that  say  the  preparations 
there  are  for  a  certain  place  in  Africk, 
which  greatly  imports  the  passage  of 
both  the  Indies.  The  admiral  of  the 
Turks  was  to  leave  it  last  year  with 
sixty  galleys."  Sir  R.  Sidney  to 
Leicester.  31  Dec.  1587.  (Br.  Mus. 
Galba,  D.  II.  p.  288,  MS.) 


2587.        PARMA'S  AFFECTIONATE  LETTER  TO  THE  QUEEN.         301 

completely  mystified — to  the  intense  delight  of  Philip — and 
Burghley,  enlightened  by  the  sagacious  De  Loo,  was  con- 
vinced, that  even  in  case  of  a  rupture,  the  whole  strength  of 
the  Spanish  arms  was  to  be  exerted  in  reducing  Friesland 
and  Overyssel.  But  Walsingham  was  never  deceived  ;  for  he 
had  learned  from  Demosthenes  a  lesson  with  which  William 
the  Silent,  in  his  famous  Apology,  had  made  the  world  familiar, 
that  the  only  citadel  against  a  tyrant  and  a  conqueror  was 
distrust. 

Alexander,  much  grieved  that  doubts  should  still  be  felt  as 
to  his  sincerity,  renewed  the  most  exuberant  expressions  of 
that  sentiment,  together  with  gentle  complaints  against  the 
dilatoriness  which  had  proceeded  from  the  doubt.  Her  Majesty 
had  long  been  aware,  he  said,  of  his  anxiety  to  bring  about  a 
perfect  reconciliation  ;  but  he  had  waited,  month  after  month, 
for  her  commissioners,  and  had  waited  in  vain.  His  hopes  had 
been  dashed  to  the  ground.  The  afiair  had  been  indefinitely 
spun  out,  and  he  could  not  resist  the  conviction  that  her 
Majesty  had  changed  her  mind.  Nevertheless,  as  Andrew  de 
Loo  was  again  jjroceeding  to  England,  the  Duke  seized  the 
opportunity  once  more  to  kiss  her  hand,  and — although  he 
had  well  nigh  resolved  to  think  no  more  on  the  subject — to 
renew  his  declarations,  that,  if  the  much- coveted  peace  were 
not  concluded,  the  blame  could  not  be  imputed  to  him,  and 
that  he  should  stand  guiltless  before  God  and  the  world.  He 
had  done,  and  was  still  ready  to  do,  all  which  became  a 
Christian  and  a  man  desirous  of  the  public  welfare  and  tran- 
quillity.'^ 


*  "  E  cosi  da  canto  mio  haveva  pre- 
parato  gli  affari  di  manera,  e  messo  il 
tutto  iu  termine,  che  V'*  Ma**  haveva 
potuto  conoscere  qual  zelo  ch'  io  ab- 
braciara  questa  occasione,  e  quanto  io 
desiderava  di  veder  rivertire  la  btaona 
e  mutua  intelligenza  fra  il  Re  niio 
signore  et  la  ¥"■«  M'*.  Ma  vedendo 
che  non  obstante  le  tante  speranze  che 
m'  eravano  state  date  della  vcnuta  dei 
commissarii  di  V*  M'*,  la  cosa  Ri  va 
tuttavia  tirando  al  lungo,  io  non  po  so 
Be  non  dubitaire  ch'  ella  habbia  umlalo 


d'  opinione,  e  se  ben  io  ero  quasi  reso- 
luto  di  non  ci  pensar  piu,  tuttavia 
ritornandosene  per  di  la  il  detto 
Andrea  mi  parse  di  scriver  ancor 
questi  pocbi  versi,  tanto  per  non  perder 
r  occasione  di  baciar  huniil"=  le  mani 
a  ¥>■»  M'*  quanto  per  assigurarla  che 
non  restara  per  me,  che  la  risoluzione 
presa,  non  passi  avanti,  e  che  succe- 
dendo  altrimente  ne  saro  scusato  inanzi 
a  Dio  et  al  moudo,  e  havero  almeno 
satisfatto  a  me  medcBimo,  d'  haver 
fatto  quelle   che   1'   oblige   Chriatiano, 


302 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVII. 


When  Biirglilcy  read  these  fine  phrases,  he  was  much  im- 
pressed ;  and  they  were  pronounced  at  the  English  court  to 
be  "  very  princely  and  Christianly."  An  elaborate  comment 
too  was  drawn  up  by  the  comptroller  on  every  line  of  the 
letter.     "  These  be  very  good  words,"  said  the  comptroller.' 

But  the  Queen  was  even  more  pleased  with  the  last  proof 
of  the  Duke's  sincerity,  than  even  Burghley  and  Croft  had 
been.  Disregarding  all  the  warnings  of  Walsingham,  she 
renewed  her  expressions  of  boundless  confidence  in  the  wily 
Italian.  "  We  do  assure  you,"  wrote  the  Lords,  "  and  so  you 
shall  do  well  to  avow  it  to  the  Duke  upon  our  honours,  that 
her  Majesty  saith  she  thinketh  both  their  minds  to  accord 
upon  one  good  and  Christian  meaning,  though  their  ministers 
may  perchance  sound  upon  a  discord."  ^  And  she  repeated 
her  resolution  to  send  over  her  commissioners,  so  soon  as  the 
Duke  had  satisfied  her  as  to  the  hostile  2)reparations. 

We  have  now  seen  the  good  faith  of  the  English  Queen 
towards  the  Spanish  government.  We  have  seen  her  boundless 
trust  in  the  sincerity  of  Farnese  and  his  master.  We  have 
heard  the  exuberant  professions  of  an  honest  intention  to 
bring  about  a  firm  and  lasting  peace,  which  fell  from  the  lips 
of  Farnese  and  of  his  confidential  agents.  It  is  now  necessary 
to  glide  for  a  moment  into  the  secret  cabinet  of  Philip, 
in  order  to  satisfy  ourselves  as  to  the  value  of  all  those  pro- 
fessions. The  attention  of  the  reader  is  solicited  to  these 
investigations,  because  the  year  1587  was  a  most  critical 
period  in  the  history  of  English,  Dutch,  and  European  liberty. 
The  coming  year  1588  had  been  long  spoken  of  in  prophecy, 
as  the  year  of  doom,  perhaps  of  the  destruction  of  the  world, 
but  it  was  in  1587,  the  year  of  expectation  and  jDreparation, 
that  the  materials  were  slowly  combining  out  of  which  that 
year's  history  was  to  be  formed. 


et   di    persoua   desiderosa   del   bene    e 
riposo   publico   m'    obligara."      Parma 

Oct    30 

to  Queen  Elizabeth,    — '—,  1587.  (S.P. 

Nov.  9 

Office  MS.) 

I  The  Lords  to  A.  de  Loo,   11  Nov. 
1587.     (S.  r.  Office  MS.) 


And  if  blunt  Sir  Roger  Williams 
had  been  standing  by  when  the  re- 
mark was  made,  lie  might  have  ex- 
claimed with  his  countryman,  honest 
Hugh  Evans,  "  Good  worts,  good 
worts — good  cabbage  1" 

"Ibid. 


1587.  PHILIP  AT  HIS  WRITING-TABLE.  303 

And  there  sat  the  patient  letter- writer  in  his  cabinet,  busy 
with  his  schemes.  His  grey  head  was  whitening  fast.  He 
was  sixty  years  of  age.  His  frame  was  sUght,  his  figure 
stooping,  his  digestion  very  weak,  his  manner  more  glacial 
and  sepulchral  than  ever  ;  but  if  there  were  a  hard-working 
man  in  Europe,  that  man  was  Philip  II.  And  there  he  sat  at 
his  table,  scrawling  his  apostilles.  The  fine  innumerable 
threads  which  stretched  across  the  surface  of  Christendom, 
and  covered  it  as  with  a  net,  all  converged  in  that  silent 
cheerless  cell.  France  was  kept  in  a  state  of  perpetual  civil 
war  ;  the  Netherlands  had  been  converted  into  a  shambles  ; 
Ireland  was  maintained  in  a  state  of  chronic  rebellion ; 
Scotland  was  torn  with  internal  feuds,  regularly  organized  and 
paid  for  by  Philip  ;  and  its  young  monarch — "  that  lying  King 
of  Scots,"  as  Leicester  called  him — was  kept  in  a  leash  ready 
to  be  slipped  upon  England,  when  his  master  should  give  the 
word ;  and  England  herself  was  palpitating  with  the  daily 
expectation  of  seeing  a  disciplined  horde  of  brigands  let  loose 
upon  her  shores  ;  and  all  this  misery,  past,  present,  and  future, 
was  almost  wholly  due  to  the  exertions  of  that  grey-haired 
letter-writer  at  his  peaceful  library-table. 

At  the  very  beginning  of  the  year  the  King  of  Denmark 
had  made  an  offer  to  Philip  of  mediation.  The  letter,  entrusted 
to  a  young  Count  de  Rantzan,  had  been  intercepted  by  the 
States — the  envoy  not  having  availed  himself,  in  time,  of  his 
diplomatic  capacity,  and  having  in  consequence  been  treated, 
for  a  moment,  like  a  prisoner  of  war.  The  States  had  imme- 
diately addressed  earnest  letters  of  protest  to  Queen  Elizabeth, 
declaring  that  nothing  which  the  enemy  could  do  in  war  was 
half  so  horrible  to  them  as  the  mere  mention  of  peace.  Life, 
honour,  religion,  liberty,  their  all,  were  at  stake,  they  said, 
and  would  go  down  in  one  universal  shipwreck,  if  peace  should 
be  concluded  ;  and  they  implored  her  Majesty  to  avert  the 
proposed  intercession  of  the  Danish  King.^  Wilkes  wrote  to 
Walsingham,^  denouncing  that  monarch  and  his  ministers  aa 

'  Bor,  U  xxii.  945-948.  Metercn,  I  '  Wilkes  to  Walsingham,  3  Dec. 
Xii.  247.  I  1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.J 


304 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVII. 


Siipeiidiaries  of  Spain,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Duke  of 
ruiina,  after  courteously  thanking  the  King  for  his  offer  of 
mediation,  described  him  to  Philip  as  such  a  dogged  heretic,* 
that  no  good  was  to  be  derived  from  him,  except  by  meeting 
his  fraudulent  offers  with  an  equally  fraudulent  response. 
There  will  be  nothing  lost,  said  Alexander,  by  affecting  to 
listen  to  his  proposals,  and  meantime  your  Majesty  must 
proceed  with  the  preparations  against  England.'  This  was  in 
the  first  week  of  the  year  1587. 

In  February,  and  almost  on  the  very  day  when  Parma  was 
writing  those  affectionate  letters  to  Elizabeth,  breathing 
nothing  but  peace,  he  was  carefully  conning  Philip's  directions 
in  regard  to  the  all-important  business  of  the  invasion.  He 
was  informed  by  his  master,  that  one  hundred  vessels,  forty 
of  them  of  largest  size,  were  quite  ready,  together  with  12,000 
Spanish  infantry,  including  3000  of  the  old  legion,  and  tliut 
there  were  volunteers  more  than  enough.  Philip  had  also 
taken  note,  he  said,  of  Alexander's  advice  as  to  choosing  the 
season  when  the  crops  in  England  had  just  been  got  in,  as 
the  harvest  of  so  fertile  a  country  would  easily  support  an 
invading  force  ;  but  he  advised  nevertheless  that  the  army 
should  be  thoroughly  victualled  at  starting.^  Finding  that 
Alexander  did  not  quite  approve  of  the  Irish  part  of  the  plan, 
he  would  reconsider  the  point,  and  think  more  of  the  Isle  of 
Wight  ;  but  perhaps  still  some  other  place  might  be  discovered, 
a  descent  upon  which  might  inspire  that  enemy  with  still 
greater  terror  and  confusion.  It  would  be  difficult  for  him, 
he  said,  to  grant  the  6000  men  asked  for  by  the  Scotch 
malcontents,  without  seriously  weakening  his  armada  ;  but 
there  must  be  no  positive  refusal,  for  a  concerted  action  with 
the  Scotch  lords  and  their  adherents  was  indispensable.  The 
secret,  said  the  King,  had  been  profoundly  kept,  and  neither 
in  Spain  nor  in  Eome  had  anything  been  allowed  to  transpire. 
Alexander  was  warned  therefore  to  do  his  best  to  maintain 


*  "  Emperrado  erege,"  &c.  Parma 
to  Philip,  10  Jan.  1587.  (Arch,  de 
Simancas,  MS.) 


'  Ibid. 

'  Philip  II.  to  Parma,  28  Feb.  1587 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 


1587.  HIS  PLOTS  WITH  PAllMA  AGAINST  ENGLAND.  305 

the  mystery,  for  the  enemy  was  trying  very  hard  to  penetrate 
their  actions  and  their  thoughts.' 

And  certainly  Alexander  did  his  best.  He  replied  to  his 
master,  by  transmitting  copies  of  the  letters  he  had  been 
writing  with  his  own  hand  to  the  Queen,  and  of  the  pacific 
messages  he  had  sent  her  through  Champagny  and  De  Loo.^ 
She  is  just  now  somewhat  confused,  said  he,  and  those  of  her 
counsellors  who  desire  peace  are  more  eager  than  ever  for 
negociation.  She  is  very  much  afflicted  with  the  loss  of 
Deventer,  and  is  quarrelling  with  the  French  ambassador 
about  the  new  conspiracy  for  her  assassination.  The  oppor- 
tunity is  a  good  one,  and  if  she  writes  an  answer  to  my  letter, 
said  Alexander,  we  can  keep  the  negociation  alive,  while,  if 
she  does  not,  'twill  be  a  proof  that  she  has  contracted  leagues 
with  other  parties.  But,  in  any  event,  the  Duke  fervently 
implored  Philip  not  to  pause  in  his  preparations  for  the  great 
enterprise  which  he  had  conceived  in  his  royal  breast.''  So 
urgent  for  the  invasion  was  the  peace-loving  general. 

He  alluded  also  to  the  supposition  that  the  quarrel  between 
her  Majesty  and  the  French  envoy  was  a  mere  fetch,  and 
only  one  of  the  results  of  Bellievre's  mission.  Whether  that 
diplomatist  had  been  sent  to  censure,  or  in  reality  to  approve, 
in  the  name  of  his  master,  of  the  Scottish  Queen's  execution, 
Alexander  would  leave  to  be  discussed  by  Don  Bernardino 
de  Mendoza,  the  Spanish  ambassador  in  Paris ;  but  he 
was  of  opinion  that  the  anger  of  the  Queen  with  France 
was  a  fiction,  and  her  supposed  league  with  France  and 
Germany  against  Spain  a  fact.^  Upon  this  point,  as  it  appears 
from  Secretary  Walsingham's  lamentations,  the  astute  Farnese 
was  mistaken.  In  truth  he  was  frequently  led  into  error 
by  attributing  to  the  English  policy  the  same  serpentine 
movement  and  venomous  purpose  which  characterized  his 
own  ;  and  we  have  already  seen,  that  Elizabeth  was  ready,  on 
the  contrary,  to  quarrel  with  the  States,  with  France,  with  all 
the  world,  if  she  could  only  secure  the  good- will  of  Philip. 

•  Philip  to  Parma,  MS.  last  cited.  I   1587.     (Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

*  Parma   to   Philip   IL    22    March,   |       •  Ibid.  ♦  Ibid- 
VOL.  II. — X 


506  THE  UNITED  NETSEIRLANDS.  Chai'.  XVIL 

The  French  matter,  indissolubly  connected  in  that  monarch's 
schemes,  with  his  designs  upon  England  and  Holland,  was 
causing  Alexander  much  anxiety.  He  foresaw  great  difficulty 
in  maintaining  that  indispensable  civil  war  in  France,  and 
thought  that  a  peace  might,  some  fine  day,  be  declared 
between  Henry  III.  and  the  Huguenots,  when  least  expected. 
In  consequence,  the  Duke  of  Gruise  was  becoming  very  im- 
portunate for  Philip's  subsidies.  "  Mucio  comes  begging  to 
me,"  said  Parma,  "  with  the  very  greatest  earnestness,  and 
utters  nothing  but  lamentations  and  cries  of  misery.'  He 
asked  for  25,000  of  the  150,000  ducats  promised  him.  I  gave 
them.  Soon  afterwards  he  writes,  with  just  as  much  anxiety, 
for  25,000  more.  These  I  did  not  give  ;  firstly,  because  I  had 
them  not,"  (which  would  seem  a  sufficient  reason)  "and 
secondly,  because  I  wished  to  protract  matters  as  much  as 
possible.  He  is  constantly  reminding  me  of  your  Majesty's 
promise  of  300,000  ducats,  in  case  he  comes  to  a  rupture  with 
the  King  of  France,  and  I  always  assure  him  that  your 
Majesty  will  keep  all  promises."  ^ 

Philip,  on  his  part,  through  the  months  of  spring,  continued 
to  assure  his  generalissimo  of  his  steady  preparations  by  sea 
and  land.  He  had  ordered  Mendoza  to  pay  the  Scotch  lords 
the  sum  demanded  by  them,  but  not  till  after  they  had  done 
the  deed  agreed  upon  ;  and  as  to  the  6000  men,  he  felt  obliged, 
he  said,  to  defer  that  matter  for  the  moment,  and  to  leave  the 
decision  upon  it  to  the  Duke.^  Farnese  kept  his  sovereign 
minutely  informed  of  the  negociations  carried  on  through 
Champagny  and  De  Loo,  and  expressed  his  constant  opinion 
that  the  Queen  was  influenced  by  motives  as  hypocritical  as 
his  own.  She  was  only  seeking,  he  said,  to  deceive,  to 
defraud,  to  put  him  to  sleep,  by  those  feigned  negotiations, 
while  she  was  making  her  combinations  with  France  and 
Germany,  for  the  ruin  of  Spain.  There  was  no  virtue  to  be 
expected  from  her,  except  she  was  compelled  thereto  by  pure 

'   "  Con   grandissima  instancia  y  de    I       '  Ibid, 
darandome  lastimas  y  miserias."     MS.  ^  Philip  to  Parma.    15  April   1687. 

Letter  of  Parma  to  Pliilip,  last  cited.         |  (Arch,  do  Siniaucas,  MS.) 


1587.  PARMA'S  SECRfiT  LEtTJilRS  TO  TaE  KING.  $07 

necessity.^  The  English,  he  said,  were  hated  and  abhorred 
by  the  natives  of  Holland  and  Zeeland,^  and  it  behoved  Philip 
to  seize  so  favourable  an  opportunity  for  urging  on  his  great 
plan  with  all  the  speed  in  the  world.  It  might  be  that  the 
Queen,  seeing  these  mighty  preparations,  even  although  not 
suspecting  that  she  herself  was  to  be  invaded,  would  tremble 
for  her  safety,  if  the  Netherlands  should  be  crushed.  But  if 
she  succeeded  in  deceiving  Spain,  and  putting  Philip  and 
Parma  to  sleep,  she  might  well  boast  of  having  made  fools  of 
them  all.^  The  negotiations  for  peace  and  the  preparations 
for  the  invasion  should  go  simultaneously  forward  therefore, 
and  the  money  would,  in  consequence,  come  more  sparingly 
to  the  Provinces  from  the  English  coffers,  and  the  disputes 
between  England  and  the  States  would  be  multiplied.  The 
Duke  also  begged  to  be  informed  whether  any  terms  could  be 
laid  down,  upon  which  the  King  really  would  conclude  peace, 
in  order  that  he  might  make  no  mistake  for  want  of  instruc- 
tions or  requisite  powers.  The  condition  of  France  was 
becoming  more  alarming  every  day,  he  said.  In  other  words, 
there  was  an  ever-growing  chance  of  peace  for  that  distracted 
country.  The  Queen  of  England  was  cementing  a  strong 
league  between  herself,  the  French  King,  and  the  Huguenots, 
and  matters  were  looking  very  serious.  The  impending  peace 
in  France  would  never  do,  and  Philip  should  prevent  it  in 
time,  by  giving  Mucio  his  money.  Unless  the  French  are 
entangled  and  at  war  among  themselves,  it  is  quite  clear,  said 
Alexander,  that  we  can  never  think  of  carrying  out  our  great 
scheme  of  invading  England.* 

The  King  thoroughly  concurred  in  all  that  was  said  and 
done  by  his  faithful  governor  and  general.  He  had  no  inten- 
tion of  concluding  a  peace  on  any  terms  whatever,  and  there- 
fore could  name  no  conditions  ;  but  he  quite  approved  of  a 


'  "Noes  aguardar  de  ella  ninguna 
virtud,  sino  fuesse  forzada  de  la  pura 
necesidad."  Parma  to  Philip,  12th 
AprU,  1587.     (Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

"  ■'  Odiados    v    aborrecidos    de    los 


'  "Se  podria  jactar  de  haber  noa 
burlado."     (Ibid.) 

*  "  Sin  quedar  embarazados  los  fran- 
ceses  entro  si  es  claro  que  no  se  podria 
pensar  a  la    efectuacion    del    negocio." 


naturales     de     Olanda     y      Zelauda."    j    Parma    to     Philip,     12     April,     1587. 
(Parma  to  Philip,  MS.  last  cited.)  I   (Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 


VOL. 


308 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDa 


Chap.  XVIl 


continuance  of  the  negotiations.  The  English,  he  was  con- 
vinced, were  utterly  false  on  their  part,  and  the  King  of 
Denmark's  proposition  to  mediate  was  part  and  parcel  of  the 
same  general  fiction.  He  was  quite  sensible  of  the  necessity 
of  giving  Mucio  the  money  to  prevent  a  pacification  in  France, 
and  would  send  letters  of  exchange  on  Agostino  Spinola  for 
the  300,000  ducats.  Meantime  Farnese  was  to  go  on  steadily 
with  his  preparations  for  the  invasion.^ 

The  secretary-of-state,  Don  Juan  de  Idiaquez,  also  wrote 
most  earnestly  on  the  great  subject  to  the  Duke.  "  It  is  not 
to  be  exaggerated,"  he  said,  "  how  set  his  Majesty  is  in  the 
all-important  business.  If  you  wish  to  manifest  towards  him 
the  most  flattering  obedience  on  earth,  and  to  oblige  him  as 
much  as  you  could  wish,  give  him  this  great  satisfaction  this 
year.  Since  you  have  money,  prepare  everything  out  there, 
conquer  all  difficulties,  and  do  the  deed  so  soon  as  the  forces 
of  Spain  and  Italy  arrive,  according  to  the  plan  laid  down  by 
your  Excellency  last  year.  Make  use  of  the  negotiations  for 
peace  for  this  one  purpose,  and  no  more,  and  do  the  business 
like  the  man  you  are.  Attribute  the  liberty  of  this  advice  to 
my  desire  to  serve  you  more  than  any  other,  to  my  knowledge 
of  how  much  you  will  thereby  gratify  his  Majesty,  and  to  my 
fear  of  his  resentment  towards  you,  in  the  contrary  case."' 

And,  on  the  same  day,  in  order  that  there  might  be  no 
doubt  of  the  royal  sentiments,  Philip  expressed  himself  at 
length  on  the  whole  subject.  The  dealings  of  Farnese  with 
the  English,  and  his  feeding  them  with  hopes  of  peace,  would 
have  given  him  more  satisfaction,  he  observed,  if  it  had  caused 
their   preparations    to   slacken ;    but,  on   the   contrary,  their 


'  Philip  to  Parma,  15  April,  1587. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

*  "  No  se  puede  encarecer  quan 
puesto  esta  su  Mag<i  en  el  negocio 
principal  (the  invasion  of  England). 
Si  V'*  Ex<^»  le  quiere  hazer  la  mayor 
lisonja  de  la  tierra,  y  obligarla  a  quanto 
quisiere,  de  le  este  contentam'"  este 
ano,  y  pue8  tiene  dinero  prepare  todo 
lo  de  alii,  y  venca  las  dificultades  y 
baga  el  efeto  que  a  tiempo  Uegara  lo 


de  Espana  y  Italia,  para  el  q  ¥■■"■  Ex"* 
dezia  el  ano  pasado,  y  sirva  se  de  los 
tratos  de  paz  para  este  mismo  fin,  no 
mas,  y  haga  esto  hecho  tan  de  quien 
es,  y  atribuya  ¥■■»  Bx^a  i^  libertad  des- 
to  aviso  a  lo  q  deseo  servirle  mas  que 
nadie,  y  a  lo  que  veo  que  obligara  a 
su  Magii  con  ello,  y  lo  que  temo  que 
sentiria  lo  contrario."  Don  Juan  de 
Idiaquez  to  Parma,  13  May,  1587 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 


1587. 


PHILIP'S  LETTERS  TO  PARMA. 


309 


boldness  had  increased.  They  had  perpetrated  the  inhuman 
murder  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  and  moreover,  not  content  with 
their  piracies  at  sea  and  in  the  Indies,  they  had  dared  to 
invade  the  ports  of  Spain,  as  would  appear  in  the  narrative 
transmitted  to  Farnese  of  the  late  events  at  Cadiz.  And 
although  that  damage  was  small,  said  Philip,  there  resulted  a 
very  great  obligation  to  take  them  seriously  in  hand.^  He 
declined  sending  full  powers  for  treating  ;  but  in  order  to  make 
use  of  the  same  arts  employed  by  the  English,  he  preferred 
that  Alexander  should  not  undeceive  them,  but  desired  him  to 
express,  as  out  of  his  own  head,  to  the  negotiators,  his  astonish- 
ment that  while  they  were  holding  such  language  they  should 
commit  such  actions.  Even  their  want  of  prudence  in  thus 
provoking  the  King,  when  their  strength  was  compared  to  his, 
should  be  spoken  of  by  Farnese  as  wonderful,  and  he  was  to 
express  the  opinion  that  his  Majesty  would  think  him  much 
wanting  in  circumspection,  should  he  go  on  negotiating  while 
they  were  playing  such  tricks.  "  You  must  show  yourself 
very  sensitive  about  this  event,"  continued  Philip,  "and  you 
must  give  them  to  understand  that  I  am  quite  as  angry  as 
you.  You  must  try  to  draw  from  them  some  offer  of  satisfac- 
tion— however  false  it  will  be  in  reality — such  as  a  proposal  to 
recall  the  fleet,  or  an  assertion  that  the  deeds  of  Drake  in 
Cadiz  were  without  the  knowledge  and  contrary  to  the  will  of 
the  Queen,  and  that  she  very  much  regrets  them,  or  something 
of  that  sort."  2 

It  has  already  been  shown  that  Farnese  was  very  successful 
in  eliciting  from  the  Queen,  through  the  mouth  of  Lord 
Burghley,  as  ample  a  disavowal  and  repudiation  of  Sir  Francis 
Drake  as  the  King  could  possibly  desire.  Whether  it  would 
have  the  desired  effect  of  allaying  the  wrath  of  Philip,  might 
have  been  better  foretold,  could  the  letter,  with  which  we  are 


>  "T  aunque  el  dafio  fue  poco  es  ya 
mucha  la  obligacion  de  yr  les  muy  de 
veras  a  la  niano."  Philip  to  Parma, 
X3    May,   1587.     (Arch,  de  Simancas, 


MS.) 

'  Philip  to  Pama, 
(MS.  last  cited.) 


13    May,    J58T 


310 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLilNDS. 


Chap.  XVII 


now  occupied,  have  been  laid  upon  the  Greenwich  council- 
board. 

"  When  you  have  got  such  a  disavowal,"  continued  his 
Majesty,  "  you  are  to  act  as  if  entirely  taken  in  and  imposed 
upon  by  them,  and,  pretending  to  believe  everything  they  tell 
you,  you  must  renew  the  negotiations,  proceed  to  name  com- 
missioners, and  propose  a  meeting  upon  neutral  territory.'  As 
for  powers,,  say  that  you,  as  my  governor-general,  will  entrust 
them  to  your  deputies,  in  regard  to  the  Netherlands.  For 
all  other  matters,  say  that  you  have  had  full  powers  for  many 
months,  but  that  you  cannot  exhibit  them  until  conditions 
worthy  of  my  acceptance  have  been  offered.  Say  this  only  for 
the  sake  of  appearance.^  This  is  the  true  way  to  take  them  in, 
and  so  the  peace-commissioners  may  meet.  But  to  you  only 
do  I  declare  that  my  intention  is  that  this  shall  never  lead  to 
any  result,  whatever  conditions  may  he  offered  hy  them.  On  the 
contrary,  all  this  is  done — just  as  they  do — to  deceive  them, 
and  to  cool  them  in  their  preparations  for  defence,  by  inducing 
them  to  believe  that  such  preparations  will  be  unnecessary.^ 
You  are  well  aivare  that  the  reverse  of  all  this  is  the  truth,  and 
that  on  our  part  there  is  to  be  no  slackness,  but  the  greatest 
diligence  in  our  efforts  for  the  invasion  of  England,  for  which 
we  have  already  made  the  most  abundant  provision  in  men, 
ships,  and  money,  of  which  you  are  well  aware."  ^ 

Is  it  strange  that  the  Queen  of  England  was  deceived  ?  Is 
it  matter  of  surprise,  censure,  or  shame,  that  no  English  states- 
man was  astute  enough  or  base  enough  to  contend  with  such 
diplomacy,  which  seemed  inspired  only  by  the  very  father 
of  lies  ? 

"  Although  we  thus  enter  into  negotiations,"  continued  the 
King — unveiling  himself,  with  a  solemn  indecency,  not  agree- 


'  "T  entonces  hazer  vos  del  en- 
gaiiado  y  que  creyendo  lo  que  os  diren 
de  nuevo  volvays  a  la  platica,"  &c.  MS. 
last  cited. 

'  "  Que  es  camino  disimulado." 
gbid.) 

•  "  Pero  con  vos  solo  me  aclaro  que 


mia  intencion  no  es  de  que  aquello 
llegue  a  effeto  con  ningunas  condi- 
ciones,  sino  que  todo  esto  se  tome  por 
medio,  como  lo  hazen  ellos,  de  entre- 
tenerlos  y  enfriarlos,"  &a  (Ibid.) 
*  Ibid. 


1587. 


WONDERFUL  DUPLICITY  OF  PHILIP. 


311 


able  to  contemplate — "  without  any  intention  of  concluding 
them,  you  can  always  get  out  of  them  with  great  honour,  by 
taking  umbrage  about  the  point  of  religion  and  about  some 
other  of  the  outrageous  propositions  which  they  are  like  to 
propose,  and  of  which  there  are  plenty  in  the  letters  of  Andrew 
de  Loo/  Your  commissioners  must  be  instructed  to  refer  all 
important  matters  to  your  personal  decision.  The  English 
will  be  asking  for  damages  for  money  spent  in  assisting  my 
rebels  ;  your  commissioners  will  contend  that  damages  are 
rather  due  to  me.  Thus,  and  in  other  ways,  time  will  be 
spent.  Your  own  envoys  are  not  to  know  the  secret  any  more 
than  the  English  themselves.  I  tell  it  to  you  only.  Thus 
you  will  proceed  with  the  negotiations,  now  yielding  on  one 
point,  and  now  insisting  on  another,  but  directing  all  to  the 
same  object — to  gain  time  while  proceeding  with  the  prepara- 
tion for  the  invasion,  according  to  the  plan  already  agreed 
upon."  ^ 

Certainly  the  most  Catholic  King  seemed,  in  this  remark- 
able letter  to  have  outdone  himself ;  and  Farnese — that  sincere 
Farnese,  in  whose  loyal,  truth-telling,  chivalrous  character, 
the  Queen  and  her  counsellors  placed  such  implicit  reliance — 
could  thenceforward  no  longer  be  embarrassed  as  to  the  course 
ne  was  to  adopt.  To  lie  daily,  through  thick  and  thin,  and 
with  every  variety  of  circumstance  and  detail  which  a  genius 
fertile  in  fiction  could  suggest,  such  was  the  simple  rule  pre- 
scribed by  his  sovereign.  And  the  rule  was  implicitly  obeyed, 
and  the  English  sovereign  thoroughly  deceived.  The  secret 
confided  only  to  the  faithful  breast  of  Alexander  was  religiously 
kept.  Even  the  Pope  was  outwitted.  His  Holiness  proposed 
to  Philip  the  invasion  of  England,  and  offered  a  million  to 
further  the  plan.  He  was  most  desirous  to  be  informed  if  the 
project  was  resolved  upon,  and,  if  so,  when  it  was  to  be  accom- 


'  "Con  mucha  honra,  desconcer- 
tandovos  sobre  el  punto  de  la  religion 
o  otro  de  los  desaforados,  que  ellos 
han  de  proponer,  que  harto  lo  son  los 
del  papel  do  Andrea  de  Loo."  (MS. 
last  cited.) 


"^ "  Podreys  yr  afloxando  en  unos 
puntos,  y  afirmando  en  otros,  todo  en- 
derezado  al  mismo  fin  por  ganar  tiem- 
po,  preparando  todo  con  diligenzu 
segun  la  traza  concebida,"  Ac.     (Ibid.i 


312 


THK  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIL 


plished.  The  King  took  the  Pope's  million,  but  refused  the 
desired  information.  He  answered  evasively.  He  had  a  very 
good  will  to  invade  the  country,  he  said,  but  there  were  great 
difficulties  in  the  way.^  After  a  time,  the  Pope  again  tried 
to  j)ry  into  the  matter,^  and  again  offered  the  million  which 
Philip  had  only  accepted  for  the  time  when  it  might  be  wanted, 
giving  him  at  the  same  time,  to  understand  that  it  was  not 
necessary  at  that  time,  because  there  were  then  great  impedi- 
ments. "  Thus  he  is  pledged  to  give  me  the  subsidy,  and  I 
Itm  not  pledged  for  the  time,"  said  Philip,  "  and  I  keep  my 
secret,  which  is  the  most  important  of  all."^ 

Yet  after  all,  Faruese  did  not  see  his  way  clear  towards  the 
consummation  of  the  plan.  His  army  had  wofully  dwindled, 
and  before  he  could  seriously  set  about  ulterior  matters,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  take  the  city  of  Sluys.  This  was  to 
prove — as  already  seen — a  most  arduous  enterprise.  He  com- 
plained to  Philip  *  of  his  inadequate  supplies  both  in  men  and 
money.  The  project  conceived  in  the  royal  breast  was  worth 
spending  millions  for,  he  said,  and  although  by  zeal  and  devo- 
tion he  could  accomplish  something,  yet  after  all  he  was  no 
more  than  a  man,  and  without  the  necessary  means  the  scheme 
could  not  succeed.^  But  Philip,  on  the  contrary,  was  in  the 
highest  possible  spirits.  He  had  collected  more  money,  he 
declared,  than  had  ever  been  seen  before  in  the  world."  He 
had  two  million  ducats  in  reserve,  besides  the  Pope's  million, 
the  French  were  in  a  most  excellent  state  of  division,  and  the 
invasion  should  be  made  this  year  without  fail.  The  fleet 
would  arrive  in  the  English  channel  by  the  end  of  the  summer, 
which  would  be  exactly  in  conformity  with  Alexander's  ideas. 
The  invasion  was  to  be  threefold  :  from  Scotland,  under  the 


'  Philip  to  Parma,  5  June,  1587. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

"  "Se  ha  venido  de  rodear."     (Ibid.) 

'  "  Por  tenirlo  prendado  en  la  ayuda, 
y  de  no  prendarme  yo  en  lo  tiempo,  y 
mcus  por  el  secreto  que  es  la  coaa  prin- 
cipal."    (Ibid.) 

♦  Parma  to  Philip,  31  May,  1587. 
(Arch,  de  Simancaa,  MS.) 

'Ibid. 


'  He  had  aent,  he  said,  besides  the 
regular  remittances,  700,000  ducats, 
and  there  were  then  coming  2,300,000 
ducats  additional — 300,000  of  which 
were  for  Mucio,  in  case  of  rupture 
with  the  French  King.  Otherwisa 
not  a  penny  was  to  be  diverted  from 
the  great  cause.  Philip  to  Farnesa 
5  June,  1587.  (Arch,  de  Simancaa^ 
MS.) 


1687.  HIS  SANGUINE  VIEWS  AS  TO  ENGLAND.  313 

Scotch  earls  and  their  followers,  with  the  money  and  troops 
furnished  by  Philip  ;  from  the  Netherlands,  under  Parma  ; 
and  by  the  great  Spanish  armada  itself,  upon  the  Isle  of 
Wight.  Alexander  must  recommend  himself  to  God,  in  whose 
cause  he  was  acting,  and  then  do  his  duty,  which  lay  very 
plain  before  him.  If  he  ever  wished  to  give  his  sovereign 
satisfaction  in  his  life,  he  was  to  do  the  deed  that  year,  what- 
ever might  betide.^  Never  could  there  be  so  fortunate  a 
conjunction  of  circumstances  again.  France  was  in  a  state  of 
revolution,  the  German  levies  were  weak,  the  Turk  was  fully 
occupied  in  Persia,  an  enormous  mass  of  money,  over  and 
above  the  Pope's  million,  had  been  got  together,  and  although 
the  season  was  somewhat  advanced,  it  was  certain  that  the 
Duke  would  conquer  all  impediments,  and  be  the  instrument 
by  which  his  royal  master  might  render  to  God  that  service 
which  he  was  so  anxious  to  j^erform.  Enthusiastic,  though 
gouty,  Philip  grasped  the  pen  in  order  to  scrawl  a  few  words 
with  his  own  royal  hand.  "  This  business  is  of  such  import- 
ance," he  said,  "and  it  is  so  necessary  that  it  should  not  be 
delayed,  that  I  cannot  refrain  from  urging  it  upon  you  as 
much  as  I  can.  I  should  do  it  even  more  amply,  if  this  hand 
would  allow  me,  which  has  been  crippled  with  gout  these 
several  days,  and  my  feet  as  well,  and  although  it  is  unattended 
with  pain,  yet  it  is  an  impediment  to  writing."  ^ 

Struggling  thus  against  his  own  difficulties,  and  triumj)hantly 
accomplishing  a  whole  paragraph  with  disabled  hand,  it  was 
natural  that  the  King  should  expect  Alexander,  then  deep  in 
the  siege  of  Sluys,  to  vanquish  all  his  obstacles  as  successfully, 
and  to  effect  the  conquest  of  England  so  soon  as  the  harvests 
of  that  kingdom  should  be  garnered. 

Sluys  was  surrendered  at  last,  and  the  great  enterprise  seemed 
ripening  from  hour  to  hour.  During  the  months  of  autumn, 
upon  the  very  days  when  those  loving  messages,  mixed  with 
gentle  reproaches,  were  sent  by  Alexander  to  Elizabeth,  and 

» Philip    to    Parma,   5   June,    1587.  hiziera   lo  aun   mas   largamente  si   me 

(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.)  diera  lugar    esta   mano   que   he  tenido 

"  "  Importa    tanto    esse    negocio,    y  con    la   gota    estos   dias    y  log  pics,  v 

que  no  se  dilate,  que  no  puedo  dexar  aunque  estaya  sin  doJor,  esta  impedida 

de   encargarosle  todo  quanto  puedo  y  para  esto."     (Ibid.) 


314 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVII 


almost  at  the  self-same  hours  in  which  honest  Andrew  de  Loo 
was  getting  such  head-aches  by  drinking  the  Queen's  health 
with  Cosimo  and  Champagny,  the  Duke  and  Philip  were  inter- 
changing detailed  information  as  to  the  progress  of  the  inva- 
sion. The  King  calculated  that  by  the  middle  of  September 
Alexander  would  have  30,000  men  in  the  Netherlands  ready 
for  embarcation.  Marquis  Santa  Cruz  was  announced  as 
nearly  ready  to  sail  for  the  English  channel  with  22,000  more, 
among  whom  were  to  be  16,000  seasoned  Spanish  infantry. 
The  Marquis  was  then  to  extend  the  hand  to  Parma,  and 
protect  that  passage  to  England  which  the  Duke  was  at  once 
to  effect.  The  danger  might  be  great  for  so  large  a  fleet  to 
navigate  the  seas  at  so  late  a  season  of  the  year  ;  but  Philip 
was  sure  that  God,  whose  cause  it  was,  would  be  pleased  to 
give  good  weather.^  The  Duke  was  to  send,  with  infinite 
precautions  of  secrecy,  information  which  the  Marquis  would 
expect  off  Ushant,  and  be  quite  ready  to  act  so  soon  as  Santa 
Cruz  should  arrive.  Most  earnestly  and  anxiously  did  the 
King  deprecate  any  thought  of  defen-ing  the  expedition  to 
another  year.  If  delayed,  the  obstacles  of  the  following 
summer — a  peace  in  France,  a  peace  between  the  Turk  and 
Persia,  and  other  contingencies — would  cause  the  whole  project 
to  fail,  and  Philip  declared,  with  much  iteration,  that  money, 
reputation,  honour,  his  own  character  and  that  of  Farnese, 
and  God's  service,  were  all  at  stake.-  He  was  impatient  at 
suggestions  of  difficulties  occasionally  ventured  by  the  Duke, 
who  was  reminded  that  he  had  been  appointed  chief  of  the 
great  enterprise  by  the  spontaneous  choice  of  his  master,  and 
that  all  his  jilans  had  been  minutely  followed.  "  You  are  the 
author  of  the  whole  scheme,"  said  Philip,  "  and  if  it  is  all  to 
vanish  into  space,  what  kind  of  a  figure  shall  we  cut  the  coming 
year  ?  "  ^  Again  and  again  he  referred  to  the  immense  sum 
collected — such  as  never  before  had  been  seen  since  the  world 


'  " Aunque  no  dexa  de  ver  lo  que 
se  aventura  eu  uavegar  con  gruessa 
armada  iu  invierno,  y  por  esse  canal, 
sin  tener  puerto  cierto ;  y  el  tiempo 
plazera  a  Dios  cuva  es  la  causa  darle 
Dueno."  Philip  to  Parma,  4  Sept. 
1587.     (Arch,  de  Siroancas,  MS.) 


2  Ibid. 

^  "  De  que  vos  solo  seys  autor. 
Veed  si  hubiesse  de  caer  todo  en  vacio, 
quel  es  que  quedariamos  el  ano  que 
viene,"  &c.  Philip  to  Parma,  14  Sept 
1587.    (Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 


1587.  HE  IS  RELtTCTANT  TO  HEAR  OF  THE  OBSTACLES.  315 

was  made— 4,800,000  ducats  with  2,000,000  in  reserve,  of 
which  he  was  authorized  to  draw  for  500,000  in  advance,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  Pope's  million.' 

But  Alexander,  while  straining  every  nerve  to  obey  his 
master's  wishes  about  the  invasion,  and  to  blind  the  English 
by  the  fictitious  negotiations,  was  not  so  sanguine  as  his  sove- 
reign. In  truth,  there  was  something  puerile  in  the  eagerness 
which  Philip  manifested.  He  had  made  up  his  mind  that 
England  was  to  be  conquered  that  autumn,  and  had  en- 
deavoured— as  well  as  he  could — to  comprehend  the  plans 
which  his  illustrious  general  had  laid  down  for  accomplishing 
that  purpose.  Of  course,  to  any  man  of  average  intellect,  or, 
in  truth,  to  any  man  outside  a  madhouse,  it  would  seem  an 
essential  part  of  the  conquest  that  the  Armada  should  arrive. 
Yet — wonderful  to  relate — Philip,  in  his  impatience,  abso- 
lutely suggested  that  the  Duke  might  take  possession  of 
England  ivithout  waiting  for  Santa  Cruz  and  his  Armada.  As 
the  autumn  had  been  wearing  away,  and  there  had  been  un- 
avoidable delays  about  the  shipping  in  Spanish  ports,  the 
King  thought  it  best  not  to  defer  matters  till  the  winter. 
"  You  are,  doubtless,  ready,"  he  said  to  Farnese.  "  If  you 
think  you  can  make  the  passage  to  England  before  the  fleet 
from  Spain  arrives,  go  at  once.  You  may  be  sure  that  it  will 
come  ere  long  to  support  you.  But  if  you  prefer  to  wait, 
wait.  The  dangers  of  winter  to  the  fleet  and  to  your  own 
person  are  to  be  regretted,  but  God,  whose  cause  it  is,  will 
protect  you."^ 

It  was  easy  to  sit  quite  out  of  harm's  way,  and  to  make 
such  excellent  arrangements  for  smooth  weather  in  the  wintry 
channel,  and  for  the  conquest  of  a  maritime  and  martial 
kingdom  by  a  few  flat  bottoms.  Philip  had  little  difficulty 
on  that  score,  but  the  affliirs  of  France  were  not  quite  to  his 
mind.  The  battle  of  Coutras,  and  the  entrance  of  the  German 
and  Swiss  mercenaries  into  that  country,  were  somewhat  per- 
plexing.    Either  those  auxiliaries  of  the  Huguenots  would  be 

'   I'liilio  to  Piirma.  MS.  last  cited. 
»  Philip  to  Parma,  t  Nov.  1587.     (Arch,  do  Simancas.  MS.) 


316 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIL 


defeated,  or  they  would  be  victorious,  or  both  parties  would 
come  to  an  agreement.  In  the  first  event,  the  Duke,  after 
sending  a  little  assistance  to  Mucio,  was  to  effect  his  passage 
to  England  at  once.  In  the  second  case,  those  troops,  even 
though  successful,  would  doubtless  be  so  much  disorganized 
that  it  might  be  still  safe  for  Farnese  to  go  on.  In  the  third 
contingency — that  of  an  accord — it  would  be  necessary  for 
him  to  wait  till  the  foreign  troops  had  disbanded  and  left 
France.  He  was  to  maintain  all  his  forces  in  perfect  readi- 
ness, on  pretext  of  the  threatening  aspect  of  French  matters, 
and,  so  soon  as  the  Swiss  and  Germans  were  dispersed,  he 
was  to  proceed  to  business  without  delay. ^  The  fleet  would 
be  ready  in  Spain  in  all  November,  but  as  sea-aifairs  were  so 
doubtful,  particularly  in  winter,  and  as  the  Armada  could  not 
reach  the  channel  till  mid- winter,  the  Duke  ivas  not  to  wait 
for  its  arrival.  "  Whenever  you  see  a  favourable  oppor- 
tunity," said  Philip,  "  you  must  take  care  not  to  lose  it,  even 
if  the  fleet  has  not  made  its  appearance.  For  you  may  be 
sure  that  it  will  soon  come  to  give  you  assistance,  in  one  way 
or  another."^ 

Farnese  had  also  been  strictly  enjoined  to  deal  gently  with 
the  English,  after  the  conquest,  so  that  they  would  have  cause 
to  love  their  new  master.  His  troops  were  not  to  forget  dis- 
cipline after  victory.  There  was  to  be  no  pillage  or  rapine. 
The  Catholics  were  to  be  handsomely  rewarded,  and  all  the 
inhabitants  were  to  be  treated  with  so  much  indulgence  that, 
instead  of  abhorring  Parma  and  his  soldiers,  thoy  would  con- 
ceive a  strong  afiection  for  them  all,  as  the  source  of  so  many 
benefits.^  Again  the  Duke  was  warmly  commended  for  the 
skill  with  which  he  had  handled  the  peace-negotiation.  It 
was  quite  right  to  appoint  commissioners,  but  it  was  never  for 
an  instant  to  be  forgotten  that  the  sole  object  of  treating  was 
to  take  the  English  unawares.     "  And  therefore  do  you  guide 


•  Philip  to  Parma,  14  Nov.  1587. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

*  "Viendo  buena  ocaeion  procurays 
de  no  perderla,  aunque  no  aya  llegado 
la  armada — siendo    cierto    que    luego 


llegani   a   hazer   espaldas   y    ayudaros 
de  una  niano  o  otra."     (Ibid.) 

^    Philip   to    Parma,    25    Oct.    1587. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 


/587, 


AND  IMAGINES  PARMA  IN  ENGLAND. 


317 


them  to  this  end,"  said  the  King  with  pious  unction,  "  which 
is  what  you  owe  to  God,  in  wliose  service  I  have  engaged  in 
this  enterprise,  and  to  whom  I  have  dedicated  the  whole,"' 
The  King  of  France,  too — that  unfortunate  Henry  III., 
against  whose  throne  and  life  Philip  maintained  in  constant 
pay  an  organized  band  of  conspirators — was  affectionately 
adjured,  through  the  Spanish  envoy  in  Paris,  Mendoza,  to 
reflect  upon  the  advantages  to  France  of  a  Catholic  king  and 
kingdom  of  England,  in  j)lace  of  the  heretics  now  in  power."  - 

But  Philip,  growing  more  and  more  sanguine,  as  those 
visions  of  fresh  crowns  and  conquered  kingdoms  rose  before 
him  in  his  solitary  cell,  had  even  persuaded  himself  that  the 
deed  was  already  done.  In  the  early  days  of  December,  he 
expressed  a  doubt  whether  his  14th  November  letter  had 
reached  the  Duke,  who  hy  that  time  ivas  2yrohahly  in  England} 
One  would  have  thought  the  King  addressing  a  tourist  jusi 
starting  on  a  little  pleasure-excursion.  And  this  \Yas  precisely 
the  moment  when  Alexander  had  been  writing  those  affec- 
tionate phrases  to  the  Queen  which  had  been  considered  by 
the  counsellors  at  Greenwich  so  "  princely  and  Christianly," 
and  which  Croft  had  pronounced  such  "  very  good  words." 

If  there  had  been  no  hostile  fleet  to  prevent,  it  was  to  be 
hoped,  said  Philip,  that,  in  the  name  of  God,  the  passage 
had  been  made.  "  Once  landed  there,"  continued  the  King, 
"  I  am  persuaded  that  you  will  give  me  a  good  account  of 
yourself,  and,  with  the  help  of  our  Lord,  that  you  will  do  that 
service  which  I  desire  to  render  to  Him,  and  that  He  will 
guide  our  cause,  which  is  His  own,  and  of  such  great  import- 
ance to  His  Church."^  A  part  of  the  fleet  would  soon  after 
arrive  and  bring  six  thousand  Spaniards,  the  Pope's  million, 
and  other  good  things,  which  might  prove  useful  to  Parma, 


'  "  Por  tomarlos  desapercibidos. 
Assi  lo  guiad  a  esta  fin  que  es  el  que 
deve  a  Dios,  por  cuj^o  servicio  hago  lo 
principal,  y  so  lo  ofresco."  (Philip  to 
Parma,  last  cited.) 

"  Philip  to  I)on  Bernardino  do 
Mendoza,  4  Nov.  1587.  (Arch,  do 
Simaucas,  MS.) 

*   Philip    to   Parma,    11   Dcr.    1587. 


(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

*  "  Y  aviendo  pasado  estoy  muy  por 
suadido  de  vos  que  con  ayuda  de  N''" 
Sefior  mo  dareys  la  buena  cuenta  que 
dczio  que  sareys  cierto  de  hazerle  el 
servicio  que  yo  en  esto  pretendo — el 
io  guia  como  causa  suya  y  tan  impor* 
tante  a  su  yglesia-"     (Ibid.) 


318  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVH. 

presupposing  tbat   they  would  find  him  established  on  the 
enemy's  territory/ 

This  conviction  that  the  enterprise  had  been  already  accom- 
plished grew  stronger  in  the  King's  breast  every  day.  He 
was  only  a  little  disturbed  lest  Farnese  should  have  mis- 
understood that  14th  November  letter.  Philip — as  his  wont 
was — had  gone  into  so  many  petty  and  puzzling  details,  and  had 
laid  down  rules  of  action  suitable  for  various  contingencies, 
so  easy  to  put  comfortably  upon  paper,  but  which  might 
become  perplexing  in  action,  that  it  was  no  wonder  he 
should  be  a  little  anxious.  The  third  contingency  suggested 
by  him  had  really  occurred.  There  had  been  a  composition 
between  the  foreign  mercenaries  and  the  French  King. 
Nevertheless  they  had  also  been  once  or  twice  defeated,  and 
this  was  contingency  number  two.  Now  which  of  the  events 
would  the  Duke  consider  as  having  really  occurred.  It  was 
to  be  hoped  that  he  would  have  not  seen  cause  for  delay,  for 
in  truth  number  three  was  not  exactly  the  contingency  which 
existed.  France  was  still  in  a  very  satisfactory  state  of  dis- 
cord and  rebellion.  The  civil  war  was  by  no  means  over. 
There  was  small  fear  of  peace  that  winter.  Give  Mucio  his 
pittance  with  frugal  hand,  and  that  dangerous  personage 
would  ensure  tranquillity  for  Philip's  project,  and  misery  for 
Henry  III,  and  his  subjects  for  an  indefinite  period  longer. 
The  King  thought  it  improbable  that  Farnese  could  have 
made  any  mistake.^  He  expressed  therefore  a  little  anxiety 
at  having  received  no  intelligence  from  him,  but  great 
confidence  that,  with  the  aid  of  the  Lord  and  of  his  own 
courage  he  had  accomplished  the  great  exploit.  Philip  had 
only  recommended  delay  in  event  of  a  general  peace  in 
France — Huguenots,  Koyahsts,  Leaguers,  and  all.  This  had 
not  happened.  "  Therefore,  I  trust,"  said  the  King,  "  that 
you — perceiving  that  this  is  not  contingency  number  three 
which  was  to  justify  a  pause — will  have  already  executed 
the  enterprise,  and  fulfilled  my  desire.     I  am  confident  that 

'  Philip  to  Parma,  MS.  last  cited. 
*  Same  to  same,  24  Dec.  1587.     (Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 


1587.  BUT  ALEXANDER'S  DIFFICULTIES  ARE  GREAT.  319 

the  deed  is  done,  and  that  God  has  blessed  it,  and  I  am  now 
expecting  the  news  from  hour  to  hour." ' 

But  Alexander  had  not  yet  arrived  in  England.  The  pre- 
liminaries for  the  conquest  caused  him  more  perplexity  than 
the  whole  enterprise  occasioned  to  Philip.  He  was  very 
short  of  funds.  The  five  millions  were  not  to  be  touched, 
except  for  the  expenses  of  the  invasion.  But  as  England 
was  to  be  subjugated,  in  order  that  rebellious  Holland  might 
be  recovered,  it  was  hardly  reasonable  to  go  away  leaving 
such  inadequate  forces  in  the  Netherlands  as  to  ensure  not 
only  independence  to  the  new  republic,  but  to  hold  out 
temptation  for  revolt  to  the  obedient  Provinces.  Yet  this 
was  the  dilemma  in  which  the  Duke  was  placed.  So  much 
money  had  been  set  aside  for  the  grand  project  that  there 
was  scarcely  anything  for  the  regular  military  business.  The 
customary  supplies  had  not  been  sent.  Parma  had  leave  to 
draw  for  six  hundred  thousand  ducats,  and  he  was  able  to  get 
that  draft  discounted  on  the  Antwerp  Exchange  by  consent- 
ing to  receive  five  hundred  thousand,  or  sacrificing  sixteen 
per  cent,  of  the  sum.^  A  good  number  of  transports  and 
scows  had  been  collected,  but  there  had  been  a  deficiency  of 
money  for  their  proper  equipment,  as  the  five  millions  had 
been  very  slow  in  coming,  and  were  still  upon  the  road.  The 
whole  enterprise  was  on  the  point  of  being  sacrificed,  accord- 
ing to  Farnese,  for  want  of  funds.  The  time  for  doing  the 
deed  had  arrived,  and  he  declared  himself  incapacitated  by 
poverty.  He  expressed  his  disgust  and  resentment  in  lan- 
guage more  energetic  than  courtly,  and  protested  that  he  was 
not  to  blame.  "  I  always  thought,"  said  he  bitterly,  "  that 
your  Majesty  would  provide  all  that  was  necessary  even  in 
superfluity,  and  not  limit  me  beneath  the  ordinary.  I  did 
not  suppose,  when  it  was  most  important  to  have  ready  money, 
that  I  should  be  kept  short,  and  not  allowed  to  draw  certain 


'  "  Y  asi  creo,  que  conociendo  que 
no  es  este  el  caso  tercero,  en  que 
aviades  de  parar,  avreys  executado  la 


de  que  quedo  aguardando  el  aviso  de 
ora  en  ora."     (Ibid.) 

Parma   to  Philip,    18   Sept.    1587. 


empresa,  y  cuniplido  mio  deseo  ....    1   (.\rch.  de  Simancas,  MS.) 


320 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVII. 


sums  by  anticipation,  which  I  ehould  have  done  had  you  not 
forbidden."  ^ 

This  was,  through  life,  a  striking  characteristic  of  Philip. 
Enormous  schemes  were  laid  out  with  utterly  inadequate  pro- 
vision for  their  accomplishment,  and  a  confident  expectation 
entertained  that  wild  visions  were,  in  some  indefinite  way,  to 
be  converted  into  substantial  realities,  without  fatigue  or  per- 
sonal exertion  on  his  part,  and  with  a  very  trifling  outlay  of 
ready  money. 

Meantime  the  faithful  Farnese  did  his  best.  He  was  inde- 
fatigable night  and  day  in  getting  his  boats  together  and  pro- 
viding his  munitions  of  war.  He  dug  a  canal  from  Sas  de 
Gand — which  was  one  of  his  principal  depots — all  the  way  to 
Sluys,  because  the  water-communication  between  those  two 
points  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Hollanders  and  Zee- 
landers.  The  rebel  cruisers  swarmed  in  the  Scheldt,  from 
Flushing  almost  to  Antwerp,  so  that  it  was  quite  impossible 
for  Parma's  forces  to  venture  forth  at  all  ;  and  it  also  seemed 
hopeless  to  hazard  putting  to  sea  from  Sluys."  At  the  same 
time  he  had  appointed  his  commissioners^  to  treat  with  the 
English  envoys  already  named  by  the  Queen.  There  had 
been  much  delay  in  the  arrival  of  those  deputies,  on  account 
of  the  noise  raised  by  Barneveld  and  his  followers  ;  but 
Burghley  was  now  sanguine  that  the  exposure  of  what  he 
called  the  Advocate's  seditious,  false,  and  perverse  proceed- 
ings, would  enable  Leicester  to  procure  the  consent  of  the 
States  to  a  universal  peace. 

And  thus,  with  these  parallel  schemes  of  invasion  and 
negotiation,  spring,  summer,  and  autumn,  had  worn  away. 
Santa  Cruz  was  still  with  his  fleet  in  Lisbon,  Cadiz,  and  the 
Azores  ;  and  Parma  was  in  Brussels,  when  Philip  fondly  ima- 


'  Parma  to  Philip,  MS.  last  cited. 

"^  Parma  to  Piiilip,  21  Dec.  1587. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.)  "  Pues  de 
razon  Olandeses  y  Zelandeses  solos 
estan  siempre  a  la  mira  y  asi  como 
tienen  medio  de  estorbarnos  la  junta 
J  salida  de  uuestros  baxeles  lo  ternan 


cada  dia  mayor  para  hazer  lo  mismo 

en  el  pasage." 

^  Aremberg,  Champagny,  Richardct, 
Maas,  Gamier.  Parma  to  PhLlip, 
18  Sept.  1587.  (Arch,  de  Simancas, 
MS.) 


1587.  HE   DENOUNCES   PHILIP'S   WILD   SCHEMES.  321 

gined  him  established  in  Greenwich  Palace.  When  made 
aware  of  his  master's  preposterous  expectations,  Alexander 
would  have  been  perhaps  amused,  had  he  not  been  half  beside 
himself  with  indignation.  Such  folly  seemed  incredible. 
There  was  not  the  slightest  appearance  of  a  possibility  of 
making  a  jiassage  without  the  protection  of  the  Spanish  fleet, 
he  observed.  His  vessels  were  mere  transport-boats,  without 
the  least  power  of  resisting  an  enemy.  The  Hollanders  and 
Zeelanders,  with  one  hundred  and  forty  cruisers,  had  shut 
him  up  in  all  directions.  He  could  neither  get  out  from 
Antwerp  nor  from  "Sluys.  There  were  large  English  ships, 
too,  cruising  in  the  channel,  and  they  were  getting  ready  in 
the  Netherlands  and  in  England  "  most  furiously."  ^  T\w 
delays  had  been  so  great,  that  their  secret  had  been  poorly 
kept,  and  the  enemy  was  on  his  guard.  If  Santa  Cruz  had 
come,  Alexander  declared  that  he  should  have  already  been 
in  England.  When  he  did  come  he  should  still  be  prepared 
to  make  the  passage  ;  but  to  talk  of  such  an  attempt  without 
the  Armada  was  senseless,  and  he  denounced  the  madness  of 
that  proposition  to  his  Majesty  in  vehement  and  unmeasured 
terms.-  His  army,  by  sickness  and  other  causes,  had  been 
reduced  to  one-half  the  number  considered  necessary  for  the 
invasion,  and  the  rebels  had  established  regular  squadrons  in 
the  Scheldt,  in  the  very  teeth  of  the  forts  at  Lillo,  Liefkens- 
hoek,  Saftingen,  and  other  points  close  to  Antwerp.  There 
were  so  many  of  these  war-vessels,  and  all  in  such  excellent 
order,  that  they  Avere  a  most  notable  embarrassment  to  him, 
he  observed,  and  his  own  flotilla  would  run  great  risk  of  being 
utterly  destroyed.  Alexander  had  been  personally  superin- 
tending matters  at  Sluys,  Ghent,  and  Antwerp,  and  had 
strengthened  with  artillery  the  canal  which  he  had  con- 
structed between  Sas  and  Sluys.  Meantime  his  fresh  troops 
had  been  slowly  arriving,  but  much  sickness  prevailed  among 
them.  The  Italians  were  dying  fast,  almost  all  the  Spaniards 
were  in  hospital,  and  the  others  were  so  crippled  and  worn 
out  that  it  was  most  pitiable  to  behold  them  ;  yet  it  was  abso- 

'  Parma  to  Pliilip,  21  Dec,  1587.     (Arch,  de  Simancaa,  MS.)  »  Ibid 

VOL.  II. — Y 


322 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVH 


lutely  necessaiy  that  those  who  were  in  health  should  accom- 
pany him  to  England,'  since  otherwise  his  Spanish  force 
would  be  altogether  too  weak  to  do  the  service  expected. 
He  had  got  together  a  good  number  of  transports.  Not 
counting  his  Antwerp  fleet — which  could  not  stir  from  port,  as 
he  bitterly  complained,  nor  he  of  any  use,  on  account  of  the 
rebel  blockade — he  had  between  Dunkerk  and  Newport 
seventy-four  vessels  of  various  kinds  fit  for  sea-service,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  flat-bottoms  (pleytas),  and  seventy  river- 
hoys,  all  which  were  to  be  assembled  at  Sluys,  whence  they 
would — so  soon  as  Santa  Cruz  should  make  his  appearance — 
set  forth  for  England.^  This  force  of  transports  he  pro- 
nounced sufficient,  when  properly  protected  by  the  Spanish 
Armada,  to  carry  himself  and  his  troops  across  the  channel. 
If,  therefore,  the  matter  did  not  become  publicly  known,  and 
if  the  weather  proved  favourable,  it  was  probable  that  his 
Majesty's  desire  would  soon  be  fulfilled  according  to  the  plan 
proposed.  The  companies  of  light  horse  and  of  arquebus- 
men,  with  which  he  meant  to  make  his  entrance  into  London, 
had  been  clothed,  armed,  and  mounted,  he  said,  in  a  manner 
delightful  to  contemplate,  and  those  soldiers  at  least  might 
be  trusted — if  they  could  only  efiect  their  passage — to  do 
good  service,  and  make  matters  quite  secure.^ 

But  craftily  as  the  King  and  Duke  had  been  dealing,  it 
had  been  found  impossible  to  keep  such  vast  preparations 
entirely  secret.  Walsingham  was  in  full  possession  of  their 
plans  down  to  the  most  minute  details.  The  misfortune  was 
that  he  was  unable  to  persuade  his  sovereign.  Lord  Burghley, 
and  others  of  the  peace-party,  as  to  the  accuracy  of  his  in- 
formation. Not  only  was  he  thoroughly  instructed  in  regard 
to  the  number  of  men,  vessels,  horses,  mules,  saddles,  spurs, 
lances,  barrels  of  beer  and  tons  of  biscuit,  and  other  par- 
ticulars of  the  contemplated  invasion,  but  he  had  even  received 


'  Parma  to  Philip,  Dec.  21,  1587. 
(Arch,  de  Simanaxs,  MS.) 

»  Ibid.     (MS.  last  cited.) 

'  "  Se  han  vestido,  armado,  y  enca- 
bal^ado,  que  es  placer  de  verlas,  y  la 


soldadesca  de  ellas  es  tal  que,  si  pue- 
den  pasar,  harau  a  V.  M.  buen  aervizio 
y  ase^urararan  mucho  el  servizio." 
MS.  Letter  last  cited. 


1587. 


WALSINGUAM  AWARE  OF  THE  SPANISH  PLOT. 


323 


curious  intelligence  as  to  the  gorgeous  equipment  of  those 
very  troops,  with  which  the  Duke  was  just  secretly  an- 
nouncing to  the  King  his  intention  of  making  his  triumphal 
entrance  into  the  English  capital.  Sir  Francis  knew  how 
many  thousand  yards  of  cramoisy  velvet,  how  many  hundred- 
weight of  gold  and  silver  embroidery,  how  much  satin  and 
feathers,  and  what  quantity  of  pearls  and  diamonds,  Farnese 
had  been  providing  himself  withal.  He  knew  the  tailors, 
jewellers,  silversmiths,  and  haberdashers,  with  whom  the 
great  Alexander — as  he  now  began  to  be  called — had  been 
dealing ;     but  when  he  spoke  at  the  council-board,  it  was  to 


*  "There  is  provided  for  lights  a 
great  number  of  torches,  and  so  tem- 
pered that  no  water  can  put  them  out. 
A  great  number  of  little  mills  for 
grinding  corn,  great  store  of  biscuit 
baked  and  oxen  salted,  great  number 
of  saddles  and  boots,  also  there  is  made 
500  pair  of  velvet  shoes — red,  crimson 
velvet,  and  in  every  cloister  through- 
out the  country  great  quantity  of  roses 
made  of  silk,  white  and  red,  which  are 
to  be  badges  for  divers  of  his  gentle- 
men. By  reason  of  these  roses  it  is 
expected  he  is  going  for  England. 
There  is  sold  to  the  Prince  by  John 
Angel,  pergaman,  ten  hundred-weight 
of  velvet,  gold  and  silver  to  embroider 
his  apparel  withal.  The  covering  to 
his  mules  is  most  gorgeously  embroi- 
dered with  gold  and  silver,  which 
carry  his  baggage.  There  is  also  sold 
to  him  by  the  Italian  merchants  at 
least  670  pieces  of  velvet  to  apparel 
him  and  his  train.  Every  captain  has 
received  a  gift  from  the  Prince  to 
make  himself  brave,  and  for  Captain 
Corralini,  an  Italian,  who  hath  one 
cornet  of  horse,  I-  have  seen  witii  my 
eyes  a  saddle  with  the  trappings  of  his 
horse,  his  coat  and  rapier  and  dagger, 
which  cost  3,500  French  crowns.  (.'.') 
All  their  lances  are  painted  of  divers 
colours,  blue  and  white,  green  and 
white,  and  most  part  blood-red — so 
there  is  as  great  preparation  for  a 
triumph  as  for  war.  A  great  number 
of  English  priests  come  to  Antwerp 
from  all  places.  The  commandment 
is  given  to  all  the  churches  to  read 
the  Litany  daily  for  the  prosperity  of 
the   Prince    in   his  enterprise."     John 


Giles  to  Walsingham,  4  Dec.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

The  same  letter  conveyed  also  very 
detailed  information  concerning  the 
naval  preparations  by  the  Duke,  be- 
sides accurate  intelligence  in  regard 
to  the  progress  of  tiie  armada  in  Cadiz 
and  Lisbon. 

Sir  William  Russel  wrote  also  from 
Flushing  concerning  these  prepara- 
tions in  much  the  same  strain ;  but  it 
is  worthy  of  note  that  he  considered 
Farnese  to  be  rather  intending  a  move- 
ment against  France. 

"The  Prince  of  Parma,"  he  said, 
"  is  making  great  preparations  for  war, 
and  with  ah  expedition  means  to  march 
a  great  army,  and  for  a  triumph,  the 
coats  and  costly  apparel  for  his  own 
body  doth  exceed  for  embroidery,  and 
beset  with  jewels ;  for  all  the  embroi- 
derers and  diamond-cutters  work  both 
night  and  day,  such  haste  is  made. 
Five  hundred  velvet  coats  of  one  sort 
for  lances,  and  a  great  number  of 
brave  new  coats  made  for  horsemen  ; 
30,000  men  are  ready,  and  gather  in 
Brabant  and  Flanders.  It  is  said  that 
there  shall  be  in  two  days  10,000  to 
do  some  great  exploit  in  these  parts, 
and  20,000  to  inarch  with  tlie  Prince  into 
France,  and  for  certain  it  is  not  known 
what  way  or  how  they  shall  march, 
but  all  are  ready  at  an  hour's  warning 
— 4,000  saddles,  4,000  lances,  6,000 
pairs  of  boots,  2,000  barrels  of  beer, 
biscuit  sufBcient  for  a  camp  of  20,000 
men,  &c.  The  Prince  hath  received 
a  marvellous  costly  garland  or  crown 
from  the  Pope,  and  is  chosen  chief  of 
the  holy  league,  and  now  puts  in  hia 


324 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XV LI. 


ears  wilfully  deaf.  Nor  was  much  concealed  from  the  Argus- 
eyed  2)oliticians  iu  the  republic.  The  States  were  moi-e  and 
more  intractable.  They  knew  nearly  all  the  truth  with  regard 
to  the  intercourse  between  the  Queen's  government  and 
Farnese,  and  they  suspected  more  than  the  truth.  The  list 
of  English  commissioners  privately  agreed  upon  between 
Burghley  and  De  Loo  was  known  to  Barneveld,  Maurice, 
and  Hohenlo,  before  it  came  to  the  ears  of  Leicester.  In 
June,  Buckhurst  had  been  censured  by  Elizabeth  for  opening 
the  peace  matter  to  members  of  the  States,  according  to  her 
bidding,  and  in  July  Leicester  was  rebuked  for  exactly  the 
opposite  delinquency.  She  was  very  angry  that  he  had 
delayed  the  communication  of  her  policy  so  long,  but  she  ex- 
pressed her  anger  only  when  that  policy  had  proved  so  trans- 
parent as  to  make  concealment  hopeless.  Leicester,  as  well 
as  Buckhurst,  knew  that  it  was  idle  to  talk  to  the  Nether- 
landers  of  peace,  because  of  their  profound  distrust  in  every 
word  that  came  from  Spanish  or  Italian  lips  ;  but  Leicester, 
less  frank  than  Buckhurst,  preferred  to  flatter  his  sovereign, 
rather  than  to  tell  her  unwelcome  truths.  More  fortunate 
than  Buckhurst,  he  was  rewarded  for  his  flattery  by  boundless 
affection,  and  promotion  to  the  very  highest  post  in  England 
when  the  hour  of  England's  greatest  peril  had  arrived,  while 
the  truth-telling  counsellor  was  consigned  to  imprisonment 
and  disgrace.  When  the  Queen  complained  sharply  that  the 
States  were  mocking  her,  and  that  she  was  touched  in  honour 
at  the  prospect  of  not  keeping  her  plighted  word  to  Farnese, 
the  Earl  assured  her  that  the  Netherlanders  were  fast  changing 
their  views  ;  that  although  the  very  name  of  peace  had  till 
then  been  odious  and  loathsome,'  yet  now,  as  coming  from 
her   Majesty,    they   would   accept   it   with   thankful   hearts. 


arms  two  cross  keys.  The  King  of 
France  hath  written  for  the  Prince 
with  expedition,  and  'tis  said  he 
marches  thither,  and  on  the  way  will 
besiege  Cambray,"  &c.  Occurrences, 
from  the  Grovernor  of  Flushing,  Nov.  9, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

Thus    Sir   '\Villiam    seems    to    have 
been    less   accurately  acquainted  with 


the  movements  of  Farnese  than  was 
John  Giles,  and  the  mysterious  precau- 
tions of  the  King  and  his  general  had 
been  far  from  fruitless. 

'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  9  Oct 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

-  Same  to  same,  1  Oct.  1587.  (S 
P.  Office  MS) 


1587. 


WHICH  THE  STATES  WELL  UNDERSTAND. 


325 


The  States,  or  the  leading  members  of  that  assembly,  factious 
fellows,  pestilent  and  seditious  knaves,^  were  doing  their 
Utmost,  and  were  singing  sirens'  songs  ^  to  enchant  and  delude 
the  people,  but  they  were  fast  losing  their  influence — so 
warmly  did  the  country  desire  to  conform  to  lier  Majesty's 
pleasure.  He  expatiated,  however,  upon  the  difficulties  in  liis 
path.  The  knowledge  possessed  by  the  pestilent  fellows  as  to 
the  actual  position  of  afiairs,  was  very  mischievous.  It  was 
honey  to  Maurice  and  Hohenlo,^  he  said,  that  the  Queen's 
secret  practices  with  Farnese  had  thus  been  discovered. 
Nothing  could  be  more  marked  than  the  jollity  with  which 
the  ringleaders  hailed  these  preparations  for  peace- making,* 
for  they  now  felt  certain  that  the  government  of  their  country 
had  been  fixed  securely  in  their  own  hands.  They  were 
canonized,  said  the  Earl,  for  their  hostility  to  peace,^ 

Should  not  this  conviction,  on  the  part  of  men  who  had  so 
many  means  of  feeling  the  popular  pulse,  have  given  the 
Queen's  government  pause  ?  To  serve  his  sovereign  in  truth, 
Leicester  might  have  admitted  a  possibility  at  least  of  honesty 
on  the  part  of  men  who  were  so  ready  to  offer  up  their  lives 
for  their  country.  For  in  a  very  few  weeks  he  was  obliged 
to  confess  that  the  people  were  no  longer  so  well  disposed  to 
acquiesce  in  her  Majesty's  policy.  The  great  majority,  both 
of  the  States  and  the  people,  were  in  favour,  he  agreed,  of 
continuing  the  war.  The  inhabitants  of  the  little  Province  of 
Holland  alone,  he  said,  had  avowed  their  determination  to 
maintain  their  rights — even  if  obliged  to  fight  single-handed — 
and  to  shed  the  last  drop  in  their  veins,  rather  than  to  submit 
again  to  Spanish  tyranny,'"'  This  seemed  a  heroic  resolution, 
worthy  the  sympathy  of  a  brave  Englishman,  but  the  Earl's 
only  comment  upon  it  was,  that  it  proved  the  ringleaders 
"either  to  be  traitors  or  else  the  most  blindest  asses  in  the 


'  Same  to  same,  5  Nov,  1587.  (S. 
P.  Office  MS.) 

2  Same  to  Burghley,  30  Oct,  1587. 
(Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  II.  p.  57.    MS.) 

5  Leicester  to  Burghley,  17  Aug, 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MR.) 

*  Same  to  same,  30  Oct,  1587,    (Brit 


Mus.  Cralba,  D.  II.  p.  57.     MS.) 
■*  Leicester    to    Walsingham,   9    Oct 

1587,     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

»  Leicester    to    Burghley,    30    Oct, 

1587.    (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  IL  57.  MS.) 

Sam(^  to  the  Queen,  11  Oct.  1587.     (S 

P.  Office  MS.) 


326 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Ciup.  XVIL 


ivorld."^  He  never  scrupled,  on  repeated  occasions,  to  in- 
sinuate that  Barneveld,  Hohenlo,  Buys,  Roorda,  Sainte  Al- 
degonde,  and  the  Nassaus,  had  organized  a  plot  to  sell  their 
country  to  Spain.^  Of  this  there  was  not  the  faintest  evidence, 
but  it  was  the  only  way  in  which  he  chose  to  account  for  their 
persistent  opposition  to  the  peace-negotiations,  and  to  their 
reluctance  to  confer  absolute  power  on  himself  "'Tis  a 
crabbed,  sullen,  proud  kind  of  people,"  said  he,  "  and  bent  on 
establishing  a  popular  government,"^ — a  purpose  which  seemed 
somewhat  inconsistent  with  the  plot  for  selling  their  country 
to  Spain,  which  he  charged  in  the  same  breath  on  the  same 
persons. 

Early  in  August,  by  the  Queen's  command,  he  had  sent  a 
formal  communication  respecting  the  private  negotiations  to 
the  States,  but  he  could  tell  them  no  secret.  The  names  of 
the  commissioners,  and  even  the  supposed  articles  of  a  treaty 
already  concluded,  were  flying  from  town  to  town,  from  mouth 
to  mouth,  so  that  the  Earl  pronounced  it  impossible  for  one^ 
not  on  the  spot,  to  imagine  the  excitement  which  existed. 

He  had  sent  a  state-counsellor,  one  Bardesius,  to  the  Hague, 
to  open  the  matter  ;  but  that  personage  had  only  ventured 
to  whisper  a  word  to  one  or  two  members  of  the  States,  and 
was  assured  that  the  proposition,  if  made,  would  raise  such  a 
tumult  of  fury,  that  he  might  fear  for  his  life.  So  poor  Bar- 
desius came  back  to  Leicester,  fell  on  his  knees,  and  implored 
him,  at  least  to  pause  in  these  fatal  proceedings.*  After  an 
interval,  he  sent  two  eminent  statesmen,  Valk  and  Menin,  to 
lay  the  subject  before  the  assembly.  They  did  so,  and  it  was 
met  by  fierce  denunciation.  On  their  return,  the  Earl,  finding 
that  so  much  violence  had  been  excited,  pretended  that  they 
had  misunderstood  his  meaning,  and  that  he  had  never  meant 
to  propose  peace-negotiations.     But  Valk  and  Menin  were  too 


'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  17  Not. 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  5  Nov. 
1587.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Same  to 
Burghley,  6  Nov.  1587.  (Brit.  Mus. 
Galba,  D.  II.  p.  176.     MS.) 


»  Same  to  same,  11  Oct.  1587.  (S. 
P.  Office  MS.) 

*  Leicester  to  Burghley,  30  Sept. 
1587.     (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  II.  p.  34 

MS.) 


1587. 


LEICESTER'S  GREAT  UNPOPULARITY. 


327 


old  politiciaus  to  be  caught  in  such  a  trap,  and  they  produced 
a  brief,  drawn  up  in  Italian — the  foreign  language  best  un- 
derstood by  the  Earl — with  his  own  corrections  and  inter- 
lineations, so  that  he  was  forced  to  admit  that  there  had  been 
no  misconception.^ 

Leicester  at  last  could  no  longer  doubt  that  he  was  uni- 
versally odious  in  the  Provinces.  Hohenlo,  Bameveld,  and 
the  rest,  who  had  "championed  the  country  against  the 
peace/'  were  carrying  all  before  them.  They  had  persuaded 
the  people^  that  the  "  Queen  was  but  a  ticklq  stay  for  them," 
and  had  inflated  young  Maurice  with  vast  ideas  of  his  im- 
portance, telling  him  that  he  was  "a.  natural  patriot,  the 
image  of  his  noble  father,  whose  memory  was  yet  great  among 
them,  as  good  reason,  dying  in  their  cause,  as  he  had  done."- 
The  country  was  bent  on  a  popular  government,  and  on 
maintaining  the  war.  There  was  no  possibility,  he  confessed, 
that  they  would  ever  confer  the  authority  on  him  which  they 
had  formerly  bestowed."*  The  Queen  had  promised,  when  he 
left  England  the  second  time,  that  his  absence  should  be  for 
but  three  months,^  and  he  now  most  anxiously  claimed  per- 
mission to  depart.  Above  all  things,  he  deprecated  being 
employed  as  a  peace-commissioner.  He  was,  of  all  men,  the 
most  unfit  for  such  a  post.  At  the  same  time  he  implored 
the  statesmen  at  home  to  be  wary  in  selecting  the  wisest 
persons  for  that  arduous  duty,  in  order  that  the  peace  might 
be  made  for  Queen  Elizabeth,  as  well  as  for  King  Philip. 
He  strongly  recommended,  for  that  duty,  Beale,  the  councillor, 
who  with  Killigrew  had  replaced  the  hated  Wilkes  and  the 
pacific  Bartholomew  Clerk.  "Mr.  Beale,  brother-in-law  to 
Walsingham,  is  in  my  books  a  prince/'  said  the  Earl.     "  He 


»  Bor,  m.  xxiii.  34.  Hoofd,  'Ver- 
volgh,'  276.  Wagenaar,  viii.  236. 
Meteren,  xiv.  260.  Compare  Reyd,  vi. 
109,  who  says  however  that  Valk  and 
Menin  could  produce  no  written  in- 
structions from  Leicester,  but  that  the 
characters  of  such  well-known  states- 
men carried  conviction  of  the  truth  of 


their  statements. 

^  Leicester  to  the  Lords,  21  Nov. 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

^  Leicester  to  Walsnigham,  13  Oct 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  Leicester  to  Burghley,  30  Sept 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


328 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVH 


was  droivned  in  England,  but  most  useful  in  the  Netherlands. 
Without  him  I  am  naked."  ^ 

And  at  last  the  governor  told  the  Queen  what  Buckhurst 
and  Walsingham  had  been  perpetually  telling  her,  that  the 
Duke  of  Parma  meant  mischief;  and  he  sent  the  same 
information  as  to  hundreds  of  boats  preparing,  with  six 
thousand  shirts  for  camisados,  7000  pairs  of  wading  boots, 
and  saddles,  stirrups,  and  spurs,  enough  for  a  choice  band  of 
3000  men."  A  shrewd  troop,  said  the  Earl,  of  the  first 
soldiers  in  Christendom,  to  be  landed  some  fine  morning  in 
England.  And  he  too  had  heard  of  the  jewelled  suits  of 
cramoisy  velvet,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  finery  with  which  the 
triumphant  Alexander  was  intending  to  astonish  London. 
"  Get  horses  enough,  and  muskets  enough  in  England,"  ex- 
claimed Leicester,  "  and  then  our  people  will  not  be  beaten, 
I  warrant  you,  if  well  led."^ 

And  now,  the  governor — who,  in  order  to  soothe  his 
sovereign  and  comply  with  her  vehement  wishes,  had  so  long 
misrepresented  the  state  of  public  feeling — not  only  confessed 
that  Papists  and  Protestants,  gentle  and  simple,  the  States 
and  the  people,  throughout  the  republic,  were  all  opposed  to 
any  negotiation  with  the  enemy,  but  lifted  up  his  own  voice, 
and  in  earnest  language  expressed  his  opinioD  of  the  Queen's 
infatuation. 

"  Oh,  my  Lord,  what  a  treaty  is  this  for  peace,"  said  he  to 
Burghley,  "that  we  must  treat,  altogether  disarmed  and 
weakened,  and  the  King  having  made  his  forces  stronger  than 
ever  he  had  known  in  these  parts,  besides  what  is  coming  out 
of  Spain,  and  yet  we  will  presume  of  good  conditions.  It 
grieveth  me  to  the  heart.  But  I  fear  you  will  all  smart  for 
it,  and  I  pray  God  her  Majesty  feel  it  not,  if  it  be  His  blessed 
will.  She  meaneth  well  and  sincerely  to  have  peace,  but  God 
knows  that  this  is  not  the  way.     Well,  God  Almighty  defend 


'  Leicester  to  "Walsingham,  4  Aug. 
1587.  Same  to  same,  16  Sept.  1587. 
CS.  P.  Office  MSS.) 


'  Leicester  to  Burghley,  5  Nov.  1587 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
3  IbiU. 


1587. 


THE  QUEEN  WARNED  AGAINST  TREATING. 


329 


us  and  the  realm,  and  especially  her  Majesty.  But  look  for  a 
sharp  war,  or  a  miserable  peace,  to  undo  others  and  ourselves 
after."  ^ 

Walsingham,  too,  was  determined  not  to  act  as  a  com- 
missioner. If  his  failing  health  did  not  serve  as  an  excuse, 
he  should  be  obliged  to  refuse,  he  said,  and  so  forfeit  her 
Majesty's  favour,  rather  than  be  instrumental  in  bringing 
about  her  ruin,  and  that  of  his  country.  Never  for  an  instant 
had  the  Secretary  of  State  faltered  in  his  opposition  to  the 
timid  policy  of  Burghley.  Again  and  again  he  had  detected 
the  intrigues  of  the  Lord-Treasurer  and  Sir  James  Croft,  and 
ridiculed  the  "comptroller's  peace." ^ 

And  especially  did  Walsingham  bewail  the  implicit  con- 
fidence which  the  Queen  placed  in  the  sugary  words  of 
Alexander,  and  the  fatal  parsimony  which  caused  her  to 
neglect  defending  herself  against  Scotland  ;  ^  for  he  was  as 
well  informed  as  was  Farnese  himself  of  Philip's  arrangements 
with  the  Scotch  lords,  and  of  the  subsidies  in  men  and  money 
by  which  their  invasion  of  England  was  to  be  made  part  of 
the  great  scheme.  "No  one  thing,"  sighed  Walsingham, 
"  doth  more  prognosticate  an  alteration  of  this  estate,  than 
that  a  prince  of  her  Majesty's  judgment  should  neglect,  in 


'  Leicester  to  Burghley,  7  Nov. 
1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

And  to  Walsingham  he  wrote  most 
earuestly  iu  the  same  vein.  "Our 
enemies  have  dealt  more  like  politic 
men  than  we  have,"  he  said,  "for  it 
was  always  agreed  heretofore  among 
us  that  there  was  no  way  to  make  a 
good  peace  but  by  a  strong  war.  .  .  . 
Now  is  the  ditferenco  put  in  experience, 
lor  we  see  the  Prince  of  Parma  did  not 
weaken  himself  to  trust  upon  peace, 
but  hath  increased  his  forces  in  the 
highest  degree,  whilst  we  talked  of 
peace;  that  if  we  break  off,  he  might 
either  compel  us  to  his  peace  or  be 
befbroliand  with  us  by  the  readiness 
of  his  forces.  This  was  told  and  fore- 
told, but  yet  no  ear  given  nor  caro 
taken.  .  .  .  Surely  you  shall  find  the 
Prince  meaneth  no  peace.  I  see  money 
doth  undo  all — the  care  to  keep  it,  and 
not  upon  just  cause  to  spend  it.     Her 


Majesty  doth  still  blame  me  for  the 
expense  of  her  treasure  here,  which 
doth  make  me  weary  of  my  life;  but 
her  Majesty  will  rue  tlie  sparing  counsel 
at  such  times. 

He  then  sent  information  as  to 
Parma's  intentions,  derived  from  an 
intercepted  letter  of  a  man  in  Sir  Wil- 
ham  Stanley's  regiment  to  a  jjriest  iu 
England,  "  bidding  his  friend  be  sure 
they  are  shortly  to  be  in  England." 
.  .  .  "It  were  better  to  her  Majesty," 
added  Leicester,  "than  a  million 
pounds  sterling,  that  she  had  done  as 
the  Duke  of  Parma  hath  done."  Lei- 
cester to  Walsingham,  7  Nov.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  Walsinuham  to  Leicester,  21  Sept. 
1587.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  II.  p.  78. 
MS.) 

^  Walsingham  to  Leicester,  12  Nov. 
1587.  (Brit.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  II.  p.  178 
MS.) 


330 


THE  UNITED   NKTEIERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVII. 


respect  of  a  little  charges,  the  stopping  of  so  dangerous  a 

gap The  manner  of  our  cold  and  careless  proceeding 

here,  in  this  time  of  peril,  maketh  me  to  take  no  comfort  of 
my  recovery  of  health,  for  that  I  see,  unless  it  shall  please 
Grod  in  mercy  and  miraculously  to  preserve  us,  we  cannot  long 
stand."  ^ 

Leicester,  finding  himself  unable  to  counteract  the  policy 
of  Barneveld  and  his  party,  by  expostulation  or  argument, 
conceived  a  very  dangerous  and  criminal  project  before  he 
left  the  country.  The  facts  are  somewhat  veiled  in  mystery  ; 
but  he  was  suspected,  on  weighty  evidence,  of  a  design  to 
kidnap  both  Maurice  and  Barneveld,  and  carry  them  off  to 
England.  Of  this  intention,  which  was  foiled  at  any  rate, 
before  it  could  be  carried  into  execution,  there  is  perhaps 
not  conclusive  proof,  but  it  has  already  been  shown,  from  a 
deciphered  letter,  that  the  Queen  had  once  given  Buckhurst 
and  Wilkes  peremptory  orders  to  seize  the  person  of  Hohenlo, 
and  it  is  quite  possible  that  similar  orders  may  have  been 
received  at  a  later  moment  with  regard  to  the  young  Count 
and  the  Advocate.  At  any  rate,  it  is  certain  that  late  in  the 
autumn,  some  friends  of  Barneveld  entered  his  bedroom,  at 
the  Hague,  in  the  dead  of  night,  and  informed  him  that  a  plot 
was  on  foot  to  lay  violent  hands  upon  him,  and  that  an  armed 
force  was  already  on  its  way  to  execute  this  purpose  of  Lei- 
cester, before  the  dawn  of  day.  The  Advocate,  without  loss  of 
time,  took  his  departure  for  Delft,  a  step  which  was  followed, 
shortly  afterwards,  by  Maurice.^ 

Nor  was  this  the  only  daring  stroke  which  the  Earl  had 
meditated.  During  the  progress  of  the  secret  negotiations  with 
Parma,  he  had  not  neglected  those  still  more  secret  schemes 
to  which  he  had  occasionally  made  allusion.     He  had  deter- 


'  "  A  letter  from  the  Duke  of  Parma," 
says  the  Secretary,  "  bied  in  her  Ma- 
jesty such  a  dangerous  security,  as  all 
advertisements  of  danger  are  neglected, 
and  great  expedition  used  in  despatch- 
in<r  of  the  commissioners.  I  was  fully 
resolved  in  no  sort  1o  have  accepted 
the  charge,  had  not  my  sickness  pre- 
veuted.  for  that  I  would  be  loth  to  be 


engaged  in  a  service  that  all  men  of 
judgment  may  see  cannot  but  work  her 
Majesty's  ruin.  I  pray  God  I  and 
others  of  my  opinion  prove  in  this  false 
prophets."     (Ibid.) 

'  Bor,  III.  xxiii.  51.  Hoofd,  '  Vcr- 
volgh,' 287.  Wagenaar,  viii.  240.  Van 
Wyn  op  Wagenaar,  viii.  68,  69.  < 


1587.  LEICESTER'S   SCHEMES   AGAINST   BARNEVELD.  33I 

mined,  if  possible,  to  obtain  possession  of  the  most  important 
cities  in  Holland  and  Zeeland.  It  was  very  plain  to  him 
that  he  could  no  longer  hope,  by  fair  means,  for  the  great 
authority  once  conferred  upon  him  by  the  free  will  of  the 
States.  It  was  his  purpose,  therefore,  by  force  and  stratagem 
to  recover  his  lost  power.  We  have  heard  the  violent  terms 
in  which  both  the  Queen  and  the  Earl  denounced  the  men 
who  accused  the  English  government  of  any  such  intention.  It 
had  been  formally  denied  by  the  States-General  that  Bar- 
neveld  had  ever  used  the  language  in  that  assembly  with 
which  he  had  been  charged.  He  had  only  revealed  to  them 
the  exact  purport  of  the  letter  to  Junius,  and  of  the  Queen's 
secret  instructions  to  Leicester.'  Whatever  he  may  have 
said  in  private  conversation,  and  whatever  deductions  he  may 
have  made  among  his  intimate  friends,  from  the  admitted 
facts  in  the  case,  could  hardly  be  made  matters  of  record.  It 
does  not  appear  that  he,  or  the  statesmen  who  acted  with 
him,  considered  the  Earl  capable  of  a  deliberate  design  to  sell 
the  cities,  thus  to  be  acquired,  to  Spain,  as  the  price  of  peace 
for  England.  Certainly  Elizabeth  would  have  scorned  such  a 
crime,  and  was  justly  indignant  at  rumours  prevalent  to  that 
effect  ;  but  the  wrath  of  the  Queen  and  of  her  favourite  were, 
perhaps,  somewhat  simulated,  in  order  to  cover  their  real 
mortification  at  the  discovery  of  designs  on  the  part  of  the 
Earl  which  could  not  be  denied.  Not  only  had  they  been  at 
last  compelled  to  confess  these  negotiations,  which  for  several 
months  had  been  concealed  and  stubbornly  denied,  but  the 
still  graver  plots  of  the  Earl  to  regain  his  much-coveted 
authority  had  been,  in  a  startling  manner,  revealed.  The 
leaders  of  the  States-General  had  a  right  to  suspect  the 
English  Earl  of  a  design  to  reenact  the  part  of  the  Duke  of 
Anjou,  and  were  justified  in  taking  stringent  measures  to 
prevent  a  calamity,  which,  as  they  believed,  was  impending 
over  their  little  commonwealth.  The  hio;h-handed  dealinjrs 
of  Leicester   in  the  city  of  Utrecht  have  been  already  de- 

■^  Resol.  Holl.    15,   IG,    18  Sept.   X587,  bL   253,   254,   258,  cited  ia  Van  Wjnj, 
iibi  sup. 


832 


TTIE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVII. 


scribed.  The  most  respectable  and  influential  burghers  of  the 
place  had  been  imprisoned  and  banished,  the  municipal  go- 
vernment wrested  from  the  hands  to  which  it  legitimately 
belonged,  and  confided  to  adventurers,  who  wore  the  cloak  of 
Calvinism  to  conceal  their  designs,  and  a  successful  eifort  had 
been  made,  in  the  name  of  democracy,  to  eradicate  from  one 
ancient  province  the  liberty  on  which  it  prided  itself. 

In  the  course  of  the  autumn,  an  attempt  was  made  to  play 
the  same  game  at  Amsterdam.  A  plot  was  discovered,  before 
it  was  fairly  matured,  to  seize  the  magistrates  of  that  im- 
portant city,  to  gain  possession  of  the  arsenals,  and  to  place 
the  government  in  the  hands  of  well-known  Leicestrians.  A 
list  of  fourteen  influential  citizens,  drawn  up  in  the  writing 
of  Burgrave,  the  Earl's  confidential  secretary,  was  found,  all 
of  whom,  it  was  asserted,  had  been  doomed  to  the  scaifold.^ 

The  plot  to  secure  Amsterdam  had  failed,  but,  in  North 
Holland,  Medenblik  was  held  firmly  for  Leicester,  by  Diedrich 
Sonoy,  in  the  very  teeth  of  the  States.^  The  important  city 
of  Enkhuyzen,  too,  was  very  near  being  secured  for  the  Earl, 
but  a  still  more  significant  movement  was  made  at  Leyden. 
That  heroic  city,  ever  since  the  famous  siege  of  1574,  in  which 
the  Spaniard  had  been  so  signally  foiled,  had  distinguished 
itself  by  gi-eat  liberality  of  sentiment  in  religious  matters. 
The  burghers  were  inspired  by  a  love  of  country,  and  a  hatred 
of  oppression,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical ;  and  Papists  and 
Protestants,  who  had  fought  side  by  side  against  the  common 
foe,  were  not  disposed  to  tear  each  other  to  pieces,  now  that 
he  had  been  excluded  from  their  gates.  Meanwhile,  however, 
refugee  Elemings  and  Brabantines  had  sought  an  asylum  in 
the  city,  and   being,   as   usual,   of  the  strictest  sect  of  the 


'  Hoofd,  xxvi.  1199,  1200.  Wage- 
naar,  viii.  243-246. 

Among  them  was  the  name  of  bur- 
gomaster Hoofd,  father  of  the  illus- 
trious historian  of  the  Netherlands. 
Much  caution  should  be  observed, 
however,  in  accepting,  to  their  full 
extent,  charges  made  in  times  of  such 
violent  party  spirit.  Leicefiter  would 
have  hardly  ventured  to  hang  fourteen 


such  men  as  Hoofd  and  his  compeers, 
although  he  would  wilUngly  have 
brought  Barneveld  and  Buys  to  the 
gibbet.  He  would  have  imprisoned 
and  banished,  no  doubt,  as  many 
Amsterdam  burghers  of  the  States- 
party  as  he  could  lay  hands  on. 

"  Bor,  III.  xxiii.  7,  xxiv.  179-204, 
208-233,  279-290.  Reyd,  vl.  101.  Wage- 
iiaar,  209,  210,  270-278. 


)587.  LEICESTRIA.N   CONSPIRACY   AT   LEYDKN.  333 

Calvinists  were  shocked  at  the  latitudinarianism  which  pre- 
vailed. To  the  honour  of  the  city — as  it  seems  to  us  nov/ — 
but,  to  their  horror,  it  was  even  found  that  one  or  two  Papists 
had  seats  in  the  magistracy.^  More  than  all  this,  there  was 
a  school  in  the  town  kept  by  a  Catholic,  and  Adrian  van  dci 
Werif  himself — the  renowned  burgomaster,  who  had  sustained 
the  city  during  the  dreadful  leaguer  of  1574,  and  who  had 
told  the  famishing  burghers  that  they  might  eat  him  if  they 
liked,  but  that  they  should  never  siu'render  to  the  Spaniarda 
while  he  remained  alive — even  Adrian  van  der  Werff  had  sent 
his  son  to  this  very  school.^  To  the  clamour  made  by  the 
refugees  agamst  this  spirit  of  toleration,  one  of  the  favourite 
preachers  in  the  town,  of  Arminian  tendencies,  had  declared 
in  the  pulpit,  that  he  would  as  lieve  see  the  Spanish  as  thft 
Calvinistic  inquisition  established  over  his  country  ;  using  an 
expression,  in  regard  to  the  church  of  Geneva,  more  energetic 
than  decorous.^ 

It  was  from  Leyden  that  the  chief  opposition  came  to  a 
synod,  by  which  a  great  attempt  was  to  be  made  towards  sub^ 
jecting  the  new  commonwealth  to  a  masked  theocracy  ;  a 
scheme  which  the  States  of  Holland  had  resisted  with  might 
and  main.  The  Calvinistic  party,  waxing  stronger  in  Leyden, 
although  still  in  a  minority,  at  last  resolved  upon  a  strong 
effort  to  place  the  city  in  the  hands  of  that  great  represen- 
tative of  Calvinism,  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  Jacques  Volmar, 
a  deacon  of  the  church,  Cosmo  de  Pescarengis,  a  Genoese 
captain  of  much  experience  in  the  service  of  the  republic, 
Adolphus  de  Meetkerke,  former  president  of  Flanders,  who 
had  been,  by  the  States,  deprived  of  the  seat  in  the  great 
council  to  which  the  Earl  had  appointed  him  ;  Doctor  Saravia, 
professor  of  theology  in  the  university,  with  other  deacons, 
preachers,  and  captains,  went  at  different  times  from  Leyden 
to  Utrecht,  and  had  secret  interviews  with  Leicester. 

A  plan  was  at  last  agreed  upon,  according  to  which,  about 
the  middle   of  October,  a  revolution   should  be   effected  in 

'  Bor,  xxiii.  93-105.  "Ibid,    j    sitie   dan    do   Oeneefso   discipline,    die 

*  Ibid.     "Liever  de  Spaense  Inqui-    |   poclfigo  hoce,"  p.  98. 


334  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVII 

Ley  den.  Captain  Nicholas  de  Maulde,  who  had  recently  so 
much  distinguished  himself  in  the  defence  of  Sluys,  was  sta- 
tioned with  two  companies  of  States'  troops  in  the  city.  He 
had  been  much  disgusted — not  without  reason — at  the  culp- 
able negligence  through  which  the  courageous  efforts  of  the 
Sluys  garrison  had  been  set  at  nought,  and  the  place  sacri- 
ficed, when  it  might  so  easily  have  been  relieved  ;  and  he 
ascribed  the  whole  of  the  guilt  to  Maurice,  Hohenlo,  and  the 
States,  although  it  could  hardly  be  denied  that  at  least  an 
equal  portion  belonged  to  Leicester  and  his  party.  The  young 
captain  listened,  therefore,  to  a  scheme  propounded  to  him  by 
Colonel  Cosmo  and  Deacon  Volmar,  in  the  name  of  Leicester. 
He  agreed,  on  a  certain  day,  to  muster  his  company,  to  leave 
the  city  by  the  Delft  gate — as  if  by  command  of  superior 
authority — to  effect  a  junction  with  Captain  Hcraugiere, 
another  of  the  distinguished  malcontent  defenders  of  Sluys,  who 
was  stationed,  with  his  command,  at  Delft,  and  then  to  re-enter 
Leyden,  take  possession  of  the  town-hall,  arrest  all  the  magis- 
trates, together  with  Adrian  van  der  Werff,  ex-burgomaster, 
and  proclaim  Lord  Leicester,  in  the  name  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
legitimate  master  of  the  city.^  A  list  of  burghers,  who  were 
•  to  be  executed,  was  likewise  agreed  upon,  at  a  final  meeting 
of  the  conspirators  in  a  hostelry,  which  bore  the  ominous 
name  of  ^  The  Thunderbolt.'  A  desire  had  been  signified  by 
Leicester,  in  the  preliminary  interviews  at  Utrecht,  that  all 
bloodshed,  if  possible,  should  be  spared,^  but  it  was  certainly 
an  extravagant  expectation,  considering  the  temper,  the  poli- 
tical convictions,  and  the  known  courage  of  the  Leyden 
burghers,  that  the  city  would  submit,  without  a  struggle,  to 
this  invasion  of  all  their  rights.  It  could  hardly  be  doubted 
that  the  streets  would  run  red  with  blood,  as  those  of  Antwerp 
had  done,  when  a  similar  attempt,  on  the  part  of  Anjou,  had 
been  foiled. 

Unfortunately  for   the   scheme,   a  day  or  two   before   the 
great  stroke  was  to  be  hazarded,  Cosmo  de  Pescarengis  had 

1  Bor,  ubisup.     Reyd,  vii.  133,  134.     Meteren,  xiv.  261. 
*  Bor.  Reyd,  Meteren,  vli  sup. 


1687. 


THE  PLOT  TO  SEIZE  THE  CITY  DISCOVERED. 


335 


been  accidentally  arrested  for  debt.^  A  subordinate  accom- 
plice, taking  alarm,  had  then  gone  before  the  magistrate  and 
revealed  the  plot.  Volmar  and  de  Maulde  fled  at  once,  but 
were  soon  arrested  in  the  neighbourhood.  President  de  Meet- 
kerke.  Professor  Saravia,  the  preacher  Van  der  Wouw,  and 
others  most  compromised,  eifected  their  escape.-  The  matter 
was  instantly  laid  before  the  States  of  Holland  by  the  ma- 
gistracy of  Leyden,  and  seemed  of  the  gravest  moment.  In 
the  beginning  of  the  year,  the  fatal  treason  of  York  and 
Stanley  had  implanted  a  deep  suspicion  of  Leicester  in  the 
hearts  of  almost  all  the  Netherlanders,  which  could  not  be 
eradicated.  The  painful  rumours  concerning  the  secret  ne- 
gotiations with  Spain,  and  the  design  falsely  attributed  to  the 
EngUsh  Queen,  of  selling  the  chief  cities  of  the  republic  to 
Philip  as  the  price  of  jjcace,  and  of  reimbursement  for  ex- 
penses incurred  by  her,  increased  the  general  excitement  to 
fever.  It  was  felt  by  the  leaders  of  the  States  that  as  mortal 
a  combat  lay  before  them  with  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  as  with 
the  King  of  Spain,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  strike  a  severe 
blow,  in  order  to  vindicate  their  imperilled  authority. 

A  commission  was  appointed  by  the  high  court  of  Holland, 
acting  in  conjunction  with  the  States  of  the  Provinces,  to  try 
the  offenders.  Among  the  commissioners  were  Adrian  van  der 
Werff,  John  van  der  Does,  who  had  been  military  commandant 
of  Leyden  during  the  siege,  Barneveld,  and  other  distin- 
guished personages,  over  whom  Count  Maurice  presided.^  The 
accused  were  subjected  to  an  impartial  trial.  Without  torture, 
they  confessed  their  guilt.^  It  is.  true,  however,  that  Cosmo 
was  placed  within  sight  of  the  rack.  He  avowed  that  his 
object  had  been  to  place  the  city  under  the  authority  of  Lei- 
cester, and  to  effect  this  purpose,  if  possible,  without  blood- 
shed. He  declared  that  the  attempt  was  to  be  made  with  the 
full  knowledge  and  approbation  of  the  Earl,  who  had  pro- 
mised him  the  command  of  a  regiment  of  twelve  companies,  as 


'  Bor,  Reyd,  Meteren,  uii  sup. 

»  Ibid.  »  Ibid. 

*  So    say    Bor    aod     Meteren ;     but 


Reyd  says  that  they  were  put  to  the 
torture,  p.  153.  "Nae  pijnlijke 
ondervraeginge." 


336  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVII. 

a  recompense  for  his  services,  if  they  proved  successful.  Lei- 
cester, said  Cosmo,  had  also  pledged  himself,  in  case  the  men, 
thus  executing  his  plans,  should  be  discovered  and  endangered, 
to  protect  and  rescue  them,  even  at  the  sacrifice  of  all  his 
fortune,  and  of  the  office  he  held.  When  asked  if  he  had  any 
written  statement  from  his  Excellency  to  that  effect,  Cosmo 
replied,  no,  nothing  but  his  princely  word  which  he  had  volun- 
tarily given.^ 

Volmar  made  a  similar  confession.  He,  too,  declared  that 
he  had  acted  throughout  the  affair  by  express  command  of  the 
Earl  of  Leicester.  Being  asked  if  he  had  any  written  evidence 
of  the  fact,  he,  likewise,  replied  in  the  negative.  "  Then  his 
Excellency  will  unquestionably  deny  your  assertion,"  said  the 
judges.  "  Alas,  then  am  I  a  dead  man,"  replied  Volmar,  and 
the  unfortunate  deacon  never  spoke  truer  words.  Captain  de 
Maulde  also  confessed  his  crime.  He  did  not  pretend,  how- 
ever, to  have  had  any  personal  communication  with  Leicester, 
but  said  that  the  affair  had  been  confided  to  him  by  Colonel 
Cosmo,  on  the  express  authority  of  the  Earl,  and  that  he  had 
believed  himself  to  be  acting  in  obedience  to  his  Excellency's 
commands.^ 

On  the  26th  October,  after  a  thorough  investigation,  fol- 
lowed by  a  full  confession  on  the  part  of  the  culprits,  the  three 
were  sentenced  to  death.^  The  decree  was  surely  a  most 
severe  one.  They  had  been  guilty  of  no  actual  crime,  and 
only  in  case  of  high  treason  could  an  intention  to  commit  a 
crime  be  considered,  by  the  laws  of  the  state,  an  offence 
punishable  with  death.  But  it  was  exactly  because  it  was  im- 
portant to  make  the  crime  high  treason  that  the  prisoners, 
were  condemned.  The  offence  was  considered  as  a  crime  nob 
against  Leyden,  but  as  an  attempt  to  levy  war  upon  a  city 

*  Bor,    Meteren,   uhi  sup.     Reyd  de-  I  Earl,     who     was    then     at    Alkmar, 

dares      that      Killigrew     (who     with  denied   all     complicity    in     the   affair. 

Beale,     was    member     of    the    state-  Cosmo,    according  to   the  same  autho- 

council      as      representative      of    the  rity,  called  out,  when   upon  the   rack, 

Queen)      notified     the      commissioners  "  Oh,     Excellence,   a    quoi     employez 

that  the  attempt    had  been  made  with  vous  lesgensl  "     P.  134. 

the   knowledge    and    consent    of  Lei-  i       ^  Bor,  Meteren,  Reyd,  ubi  sup. 

cester,   and   warned    them    not   to   be  '  Ibid.     The  sentences  are  given  in 

precipitate  ia  the  triai ;   but  that  the  '  Ml  bj  Bor. 


?587  THREE  RINGLEADERS   SENTENCED   TO  DEATH.  337 

which  WHS  a  member  of  the  States  of  Holland  and  of  the 
United  States.  If  the  States  were  sovereign,  then  this  was  a 
lesion  of  their  sovereignty.  Moreover,  the  offence  had  been 
aggravated  by  the  employment  of  United  States'  troops 
against  the  commonwealth  of  the  United  States  itself.  To  cut 
off  the  heads  of  these  prisoners  was  a  sharp  practical  answer 
to  the  claims  of  sovereignty  by  Leicester,  as  representing 
the  people,  and  a  terrible  warning  to  all  who  might,  in  future, 
be  disposed  to  revive  the  theories  of  Deventer  and  Burgrave. 

In  the  case  of  De  Maulde  the  punishment  seemed  especially 
severe.  His  fate  excited  universal  sympathy,  and  great 
efforts  were  made  to  obtain  his  pardon.  He  was  a  universal 
favourite ,  he  was  young ;  he  was  very  handsome ;  his 
manners  were  attractive  ;  he  belonged  to  an  ancient  and 
honourable  race.  His  father,  the  Seigneur  de  Mansart,  had 
done  great  services  in  the  war  of  independence,  had  been  an 
iritimate  friend  of  the  great  Prince  of  Orange,  and  had  even 
advanced  large  sums  of  money  to  assist  his  noble  eiforts 
to  liberate  the  country.  Two  brothers  of  the  young  captain 
had  fallen  in  the  service  of  the  republic.  He,  too,  had  dis- 
tinguished liimself  at  Ostend,  and  his  gallantry  during  the 
recent  siege  of  Sluys  had  been  in  every  mouth,  and  had 
excited  the  warm  applause  of  so  good  a  judge  of  soldiership 
as  the  veteran  Roger  Williams.  The  scai's  of  the  wounds 
received  in  the  desperate  conflicts  of  that  siege  were  fresh 
upon  his  breast.  He  had  not  intended  to  commit  treason, 
but,  convinced  by  the  sophistry  of  older  soldiers  than  himself, 
as  well  as  by  learned  deacons  and  theologians,  he  had  imagined 
.himself  doing  his  duty,  while  obeying  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  If 
there  were  ever  a  time  for  mercy,  this  seemed  one,  and  young 
Maurice  of  Nassau  might  have  remembered,  that  even  in  the 
case  of  the  assassins  who  had  attempted  the  life  of  his  father, 
that  great-hearted  man  had  lifted  up  his  voice — which  seemed 
his  dying  one — in  favour  of  those  who  had  sought  his  life. 

But  the  authorities  were  inexorable.  There  was  no  hope  of 
a  mitigation  of  punishiient,  but  a  l"^t  rflfn-t  was  made,  under 
favour  of  a  singular  ancient  custom,  to  save  the  life  of  De 
VOL.  n. — Z 


338 


THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVlI. 


Maulde.  A  young  lady  of  noble  family  in  Leyden — Uyten- 
broek  by  name — claimed  the  right  of  rescuing  the  condemned 
malefactor  from  the  axe,  by  appearing  upon  the  scaffold,  and 
offering  to  take  him  for  her  husband.^ 

Intelligence  was  brought  to  the  prisoner  in  his  dungeon, 
that  the  young  lady  had  made  the  proposition,  and  he  was 
told  to  be  of  good  cheer.  But  he  refused  to  be  comforted. 
He  was  slightly  acquainted  with  the  gentlewoman,  he  ob- 
served, and  doubted  much  whether  her  request  would  be 
granted.  Moreover — if  contemporary  chronicle  can  be  trusted 
— he  even  expressed  a  preference  for  the  scaffold,  as  the 
milder  fate  of  the  two.^  The  lady,  however,  not  being  aware 
of  those  uncomplimentary  sentiments,  made  her  proposal  to 
the  magistrates,  but  was  dismissed  with  harsh  rebukes.  She 
had  need  be  ashamed,  they  said,  of  her  willingness  to  take  a 
condemned  traitor  for  her  husband.  It  was  urged,  in  her  be- 
half, that  even  in  the  cruel  Alva's  time,  the  ancient  custom 
had  been  respected,  and  that  victims  had  been  saved  from  the 
executioners,  on  a  demand  in  marriage  made  even  by  women 
of  abandoned  character.''     But  all  was  of  no  avail.     The  pri- 

Oct.  26,   soners  were  executed  on  the  26th  October,  the  same 

1587.  (Jay  on  which  the  sentence  had  been  pronounced. 
The  heads  of  Volmar  and  Cosmo  were  exposed  on  one  of  the 
turrets  of  the  city.     That  of  Maulde  was  interred  with  his  body.' 

The  Earl  was  indignant  when  he  heard  of  the  event.  As 
there  had  been  no  written  proof  of  his  complicity  in  the  con- 
spiracy, the  judges  had  thought  it  improper  to  mention  his 
name  in  the  sentences.  He,  of  course,  denied  any  knowledge 
of  the  plot,  and  its  proof  rested  therefore  only  on  the  asser- 
tion of  the  prisoners  themselves,  which,  however,  was  circum- 
stantial, voluntary,  and  generally  believed.^ 


>  Bor,  91.  Van  "Wyn  op  "Wagen, 
viii.  72. 

'  "  Maer  hy  hoerende  de  selve  noe- 
mon,  en  in  haer  geselschap  wel  ge- 
weest  zijndc,  hadde  weynig  moeds  dat 
hy  door  verlost  wordrn  zoiide,  of  ook 
de  selve  ten  huwelijke  niet  bcgeerevde, 
koude  hem   niet  te  vreden  stellen,"  &c. 


Bor,  xxiii.  (III.)  97, 

'  Bor,  uhi  sup. 

*  Bor,  Meteren,  Revd,  uhi  sup.  L« 
Petit,  II.  xiv.  651. 

'  Ibid. 

The  only  passage  bearing  on  the 
subject  which  1  have  found  in  Lei- 
cester's secret  correspondence,   is  tliia 


1587. 


CIVIL  WAR  IN    FRANCE. 


339 


France,  during  the  whole  of  this  year  of  expectation,  was 
ploughed  throughout  its  whole  surface  by  perpetual  civil  war. 
The  fatal  edict  of  June,  1585,  had  drowned  the  unhappy  land 
in  blood.  Foreign  armies,  called  in  by  the  various  contending 
factions,  ravaged  its  fair  territory,  butchered  its  peasantry,  and 
changed  its  fertile  plains  to  a  wilderness.  The  unhappy 
creature  who  wore  the  crown  of  Charlemagne  and  of  Hugh 
Capet,  was  but  the  tool  in  the  hands  of  the  most  profligate 
and  designing  of  his  own  subjects,  and  of  foreigners.  Slowly 
and  surely  the  net,  spread  by  the  hands  of  his  own  mother,  of 
his  own  prime  minister,^  of  the  Duke  of  Guise,  all  obeying 
the  command  and  receiving  the  stipend  of  Philip,  seemed 
closing  over  him.  He  was  without  friends,  without  power  to 
know  his  friends,  if  he  had  them.  In  his  hatred  to  the  Re- 
formation, he  had  allowed  himself  to  be  made  the  enemy  of 
the  only  man  who  could  be  his  friend,  or  the  friend  of  France. 
Allied  with  his  mortal  foe,  whose  armies  were  strengthened 


extract  from  a  letter  to  the  Queen  : — 
"  The  States  have  used  great  cruelty 
of  late  in  Leyden,  against  three  per- 
sons that  favoured  your  Majesty, 
whom  they  put  to  death,  and  banished 
twenty  others,  whereof  their  devoted 
head  was  one,  old  Count  Meetkerke 
another.  This  gentleman  can  inform 
you  of  it,  and  I  will  send  it,  shortly, 
at  more  length."  Leicester  to  the 
Queen,  27  Oct.  1587.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 

This  very  meagre  llusion  to  so  im- 
portant an  event  is  almost  suspicious 
in  itself,  when  coupled  with  the  fact 
that  the  details  were  entrusted  to  a 
special  messenger  to  communicate  by 
word  of  mouth.  The  Earl  knew  very 
well  that  his  most  secret  despatches 
were  read  by  his  antagonists,  and  he 
might  not  be  unwilling  to  deceive 
them  by  the  slighting  tone  of  these 
allusions  in  his  private  letters. 

Of  course,  it  is  unfair  to  place  im- 
plicit reliance  on  the  confessions  of 
prisoners,  anxious  to  save  their  lives 
by  implicating  the  powerful  governor. 
Yet  it  is  difficult  to  know  why  they 
should  expect  his  intercession  if  they 
knew  themselves  to  be  blasting  his 
character  by  an   impudent   falsehood. 

VOL.      I.  — n» 


Moreover,  an  elaborate  pamphlet, 
published  in  defence  of  those  persons 
who  had  effected  their  escape,  was 
dedicated  to  the  Earl  himself,  and 
contained  a  statement  of  the  interview 
of  the  ringleaders  with  the  Earl, 
although  a  strong  attempt  was  made 
by  the  writer  to  deprive  the  plot  of 
any  criminal  character.  (Bor,  III. 
xxiii.  95,  seq.  gives  the  document.) 
But  the  pamphlet  was  denounced  and 
prohibited  in  Leyden,  as  an  infamous 
libel  and  a  tissue  of  falsehoods,  and  it 
is  hardly  just,  therefore,  to  put  it  in 
as  good  evidence  either  for  or  against 
the  Earl. 

The  secret  intention  of  Leicester 
to  obtain  possession  of  certain  cities, 
in  order  to  bridle  the  States,  and  to 
make  a  good  bargain  for  the  Queen, 
should  the  worst  come  to  the  worst, 
has  been  already  shown  from  his 
private  letters. 

'  In  October  of  this  year,  1587, 
Epernon  called  Villeroy,  in  the  king's 
presence,  "  un  petit  coquin,"  accused 
him  of  being  a  stipendiary  of  Philip 
II.  and  the  League,  and  threatened  to 
spur  him  as  he  would  an  obstinate 
horse.  ('L'Estoile,  Registre  Journal 
de  Henry  IIL'  ed.  1587,  p.  32.) 


340  '''HB  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVII. 

by  contingents  from  Parma's  forces,  and  paid  for  by  Spanish 
gold,  be  was  forced  to  a  mock  triumph  over  the  foreign  mer- 
cenaries who  came  to  save  his  crown,  and  to  submit  to  the 
defeat  of  the  flower  of  his  chivalry,  by  the  only  man  who 
could  rescue  France  from  ruin,  and  whom  France  could  look 
up  to  with  respect. 

For,  on  the  20th  October,  Henry  of  Navarre  had  at  last 
gained  a  victory.  After  twenty-seven  years  of  perpetual 
defeat,  during  which  they  had  been  growing  stronger  and 
stronger,  the  Protestants  had  met  the  picked  troops  of  Henry 
III.,  under  the  Due  de  Joyeuse,  near  the  burgh  of  Coutras. 
His  cousins  Conde  and  Soissons  each  commanded  a  wing  in 
the  army  of  the  Bearnese.  "  You  are  both  of  my  family," 
said  Henry,  before  the  engagement,  "and  the  Lord  so  help 
me,  but  I  will  show  you  that  I  am  the  eldest  born."  ^  And 
during  that  bloody  day  the  white  plume  was  ever  tossing 
where  the  battle  was  fiercest.  "  I  choose  to  show  myself. 
They  shall  see  the  Bearnese,"  was  his  reply  to  those  who  im- 
plored him  to  have  a  care  for  his  personal  safety.  And  at  last, 
when  the  day  was  done,  the  victory  gained,  and  more  French 
nobles  lay  dead  on  the  field,  as  Catharine  de'  Medici  bitterly 
declared,  than  had  fallen  in  a  battle  for  twenty  years  ;  when 
two  thousand  of  the  King's  best  troops  had  been  slain,  and 
when  the  bodies  of  Joyeuse  and  his  brother  had  been  laid  out 
in  the  very  room  where  the  conqueror's  supper,  after  the 
battle,  was  served,  but  where  he  refused,  with  a  shudder,  to 
eat,  he  was  still  as  eager  as  before — had  the  wretched  Valois 
been  j^ossessed  of  a  spark  of  manhood,  or  of  intelligence — to 
shield  him  and  his  kingdom  from  the  common  enemy.^ 

For  it  could  hardly  be  doubtful,  even  to  Henry  III.,  at  thafc 
moment,  that  Philip  II.  and  his  jackal,  the  Duke  of  Guise, 
were  pursuing  him  to  the  death,  and  that,  in  his  breathless 
doublings  to  escape,  he  had  been  forced  to  turn  upon  his 
natural  protector.  And  now  Joyeuse  was  defeated  and  slain. 
"  Had  it  been  my  brother's   son,"   exclaimed   Cardinal  de 

»  Perefixe,  73. 
»  De  Thou.  X.  L.  Ixxxvii.     Perefixe,  76-78.     'L'Eatoile,'  232. 


1587.       VICTORY  GAINED  BY  NAVARRE,  AND  ONE  BY  GUISE.       341 

Bourbon,  weeping  and  wailing,  "  how  much  better  it  would 
have  been."  It  was  not  easy  to  slay  the  champion  of  French 
Protestantism  ;  yet,  to  one  less  buoyant,  the  game,  even  after 
the  brilliant  but  fruitless  victory  of  Coutras^  might  have 
seemed  desperate.  Beggared  and  outcast,  with  literally 
scarce  a  shirt  to  his  back,  without  money  to  pay  a  corporal's 
guard,  how  was  he  to  maintain  an  army  ? 

But  '  Mucio '  was  more  successful  than  Joyeuse  had  been, 
and  the  German  and  Swiss  mercenaries  who  had  come  across 
the  border  to  assist  the  Bearnese,  were  adroitly  handled  by 
Philip's  great  stipendiary.  Henry  of  Valois,  whose  troops 
had  just  been  defeated  at  Coutras,  was  now  compelled  to 
participate  in  a  more  fatal  series  of  triumjjhs.  For  alas,  the 
victim  had  tied  himself  to  the  apron-string  of  "Madam 
League,"  and  was  paraded  by  her,  in  triumph,  before  the 
eyes  of  his  own  subjects  and  of  the  world.  The  passage  of 
the  Loire  by  the  auxiliaries  was  resisted,  a  series  of  petty 
victories  was  gained  by  Guise,  and,  at  last,  after  it  was  obvious 
that  the  leaders  of  the  legions  had  been  corrupted  with  Spanish 
ducats,  Henry  allowed  them  to  depart,  rather  than  give  the 
Balafr6  opportunity  for  still  farther  successes.^ 

Then  came  the  triumph  in  Paris — hosannahs  in  the 
churches,  huzzas  in  the  public  places — not  for  the  King,  but 
for  Guise.  Paris,  more  madly  in  love  with  her  champion 
than  ever,  prostrated  herself  at  his  feet.  For  him  pasans  as 
to  a  deliverer.  Without  him  the  ark  would  have  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  Philistines.  For  the  Valois,  shouts  of  scorn 
from  the  populace,  thunders  from  the  pulpit,  anathemas  from 
monk  and  priest,  elaborate  invectives  from  all  the  pedants  of 
the  Sorbonne,  distant  mutterings  of  excommunication  from 
Rome — not  the  toothless  beldame  of  modern  days,  but  the 
avenging  divinity  of  priest-rid  monarchs.  Such  were  the 
results  of  the  edicts  of  June.  Spain  and  the  Pope  had 
trampled  upon  France,  and  the  populace  in  her  capital 
clapped  their  hands  and  jumped  for  joy.  "  Miserable  country, 
miserable  King,"  sighed  an  illustrious  patriot,  "  whom  his  own 

I  Pe  Tbou,  uii  sxip.    '  L'EstoUe,'  232,  234. 


342  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVII. 

cotintrymen  wish  rather  to  survive,  than  to  die  to  defend 
liim  !  Let  the  name  of  Huguenot  and  of  Papist  be  never 
heard  of  more.  Let  us  think  only  of  the  counter-league.  Is 
France  to  be  saved  by  opening  all  its  gates  to  Spain  ?  Is 
France  to  be  turned  out  of  France,  to  make  a  lodging  for  the 
Lorrainer  and  the  Spaniard  ?"  Pregnant  questions,  which 
could  not  yet  be  answered,  for  the  end  was  not  yet.  France 
was  to  become  still  more  and  more  a  wilderness.  And  well 
did  that  same  brave  and  thoughtful  lover  of  his  country 
declare,  that  he  who  should  suddenly  awake  from  a  sleep 
of  twenty-five  years,  and  revisit  that  once  beautiful  land, 
would  deem  himself  transplanted  to  a  barbarous  island  of 
cannibals.' 

It  had  now  become  quite  obvious  that  the  game  of  Leicester 
was  played  out.  His  career — as  it  has  now  been  fully  ex- 
hibited— could  have  but  one  termination.  He  had  made 
himself  thoroughly  odious  to  the  nation  whom  he  came  to 
govern.  He  had  lost  for  ever  the  authority  once  spontaneously 
bestowed,  and  he  had  attempted  in  vain,  both  by  fair  means 
and  foul,  to  recover  that  power.  There  was  nothing  left  him 
but  retreat.  Of  this  he  was  thoroughly  convinced.^  He  was 
anxious  to  be  gone,  the  republic  most  desirous  to  be  rid  of 
him,  her  Majesty  impatient  to  have  her  favourite  back  again. 
The  indulgent  Queen,  seeing  nothing  to  blame  in  his  conduct, 
while  her  indignation  at  the  attitude  maintained  by  the  Pro- 
vinces was  boundless,  permitted  him,  accordingly,  to  return  ; 
and  in  her  letter  to  the  States,  announcing  this  decision,  she 
took  a  fresh  opportunity  of  emptying  her  wrath  upon  their 
heads. 

She  told  them,  that,  notwithstanding  her  frequent  messages 
to  them,  signifying  her  evil  contentment  with  their  unthankful- 
ness  for  her  exceeding  great  benefits,  and  with  their  gross 
violations  of  their  contract  with  herself  and  with  Leicester, 
whom  they  had,  of  their  own  accord,  made  absolute  governor 

'  Duplessis     Momaj,      '  Mem.'     iv.  I  guardi  la   mia   testa,"  he   is   said   to 

1-.34.  I  have    exclaimed    when    the    Leyden 

^  '"Tis   time    for   me    now   to    look  I  plot  was  discovered.     (Reyd,  viL  134.) 

after  my  own  head — sta  tempo  ch'  io  I 


1587.  QUEEN   RECALLS   LEICESTER.  343 

without  her  instigation ;  she  had  never  received  any  good 
answer  to  move  her  to  commit  their  sins  to  oblivion,  nor  had 
she  remarked  any  amendment  in  their  conduct  On  the  con- 
trary, she  complained  that  they  daily  increased  their  offences, 
most  notoriously  in  the  sight  of  the  world,  and  in  so  many 
points  that  she  lacked  words  to  express  them  in  one  letter. 
She  however  thought  it  worth  while  to  allude  to  some  of  their 
transgressions.  She  declared  that  their  sinister  or  rather 
barbarous  interpretation  of  her  conduct  had  been  notorious  in 
perverting  and  falsifying  her  princely  and  Christian  intentions, 
when  she  imparted  to  them  the  overtures  that  had  been  made 
to  her  for  a  treaty  of  peace  for  herself  and  for  them  with  the 
King  of  Spain.  Yet  although  she  had  required  their  allow- 
ance, before  she  would  give  her  assent,  she  had  been  grieved 
that  the  world  should  see  what  impudent  untruths  had  been 
forged  upon  her,  not  only  by  their  sufferance,  but  by  their 
special  permission  for  her  Christian  good  meaning  towards 
them.  She  denounced  the  statements  as  to  her  having  con- 
cluded a  treaty,  not  only  without  their  knowledge,  but  with 
the  sacrifice  of  their  liberty  and  religion,  as  utterly  false,  either 
for  anything  done  in  act,  or  intended  in  thought,  by  her. 
She  complained  that  upon  this  most  false  ground  had  been 
heaped  a  number  of  like  untruths  and  malicious  slanders 
against  her  cousin  Leicester,  who  had  hazarded  his  life,  spent 
his  substance,  left  his  native  country,  absented  himself  from 
her,  and  lost  his  time,  only  for  their  service.  It  had  been 
falsely  stated  among  them,  she  said,  that  the  Earl  had  come 
over  the  last  time,  knowing  that  peace  had  been  secretly 
concluded.  It  was  false  that  he  had  intended  to  surprise 
divers  of  their  towns,  and  deliver  them  to  the  King  of  Spain. 
All  such  untruths  contained  matter  so  improbable,  that  it  was 
most  strange  that  any  person,  having  any  sense,  could  imagine 
them  correct.  Having  thus  slightly  animadverted  upon  their 
wilfulness,  unthankfulness,  and  bad  government,  and  having, 
in  very  plain  English,  given  them  the  lie,  eight  distinct  and 
separate  times  upon  a  single  page,  she  proceeded  to  inform 
them  that  she  had  recalled  her  cousin  Leicester,  having  great 


344  THE   UNITED  NETIIEULANDS.  Chap.  XVIL 

CHUse  to  use  his  services  in  England,  and  not  seeing  how,  by 
his  tarrying  there,  he  could  either  profit  them  or  herself. 
Nevertheless  she  protested  herself  not  void  of  compassion  for 
their  estate,  and  for  the  pitiful  condition  of  the  gi'cat  multi- 
tude of  kind  and  godly  people,  subject  to  the  miseries  which, 
by  the  States'  government,  were  like  to  fall  upon  them,  unless 
God  should  specially  interpose  ;  and  she  had  therefore  de- 
termined, for  the  time,  to  continue  her  subsidies,  according 
to  the  covenant  between  them.  If,  meantime,  she  should 
conclude  a  peace  with  Spain,  she  promised  to  them  the  same 
care  for  their  country  as  for  her  own.^ 

Accordingly  the  Earl,  after  despatching  an  equally  ill- 
tempered  letter  to  the  States,  in  which  he  alluded,  at  un- 
merciful length,  to  all  the  old  grievances,  blumed  them  for  the 
loss  of  Sluys,  for  which  place  he  protested  that  they  had  mani- 
fested no  more  interest  than  if  it  had  been  San  Domingo  in 
Hispaniola,  took  his  departure  for  Flushiug.^  After  remaining 
there,  in  a  very  moody  frame  of  mind,  for  several  days,  ex- 
jiecting  that  the  States  would,  at  least,  send  a  committee  to 
wait  upon  him  and  receive  his  farewells,  he  took  leave  of  them 
by  letter.  "  God  send  me  shortly  a  wind  to  blow  me  from 
them  all,"  ^  he  exclaimed — a  prayer  which  was  soon  granted — 
and  before  the  end  of  the  year  he  was  safely  landed  in  Eng- 
land. "  These  legs  of  mine,"  said  he,  clapping  his  hands  upon 
them  as  he  sat  in  his  chamber  at  Margate,  "  shall  never  go 
again  into  Holland.  Let  the  States  get  others  to  serve  their 
mercenary  turn,  for  me  they  shall  not  have."^  Upon  giving- 
up  the  government,  he  caused  a  medal  to  be  struck  in  his  own 
lionour.  The  device  was  a  flock  of  sheep  watched  by  an 
English  mastiff.  Two  mottoes — "  non  gregem  sed  ingratos," 
and  "  invitus  desero  " — expressed  his  opinion  of  Dutch  ingra- 
titude and  his  own  fidelity.  The  Hollanders,  on  their  part, 
struck  several  medals  to  commemorate  the  same  event,  some 
of  which  were  not  destitute  of  invention.     Upon  one  of  them, 


'  Queen  to  the  States,  8  Nov.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Bor,  ILL  xxiii.  141.  Meteren, 
xiv.  262. 


'  Leicester  to  Atye,   4   Dec.    1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  Stowe,  'Chronicle,' 713. 


1587. 


WHO  RETIRES,  ON  ILL  TERMS  WITH  THE  STATES. 


345 


for  instance,  was  represented  an  ape  smothering  her  young 
ones  to  death  in  her  embrace,  with  the  device,  "  Liber tas  ne 
ita  chara  ut  simiae  catuli  ;"  while  upon  the  reverse  was  a  man 
avoiding  smoke  and  falling  into  the  fire,  with  the  inscription, 
"  Fugiens  fumum,  incidit  in  ignem."^ 

Leicester  found  the  usual  sunshine  at  Greenwich.  All  the 
efforts  of  Norris,  Wilkes,  and  Buckhurst,  had  been  insufficient 
to  raise  even  a  doubt  in  Elizabeth's  mind  as  to  the  wisdom 
and  integrity  by  which  his  administration  of  the  Provinces 
had  been  characterised  from  beginning  to  end.  Those  who 
had  appealed  from  his  hatred  to  the  justice  of  their  sovereign, 
had  met  with  disgrace  and  chastisement.  But  for  the  great 
Earl,  the  Queen's  favour  was  a  rock  of  adamant.  At  a  private 
interview  he  threw  himself  at  her  feet,  and  with  tears  and 
sobs  implored  her  not  to  receive  him  in  disgrace  whom  she 
had  sent  forth  in  honour.  His  blandishments  prevailed,  as 
they  had  always  done.  Instead,  therefore,  of  appearing  before 
the  council,  kneeling,  to  answer  such  inquiries  as  ought  surely 
to  have  been  instituted,  he  took  bis  seat  boldly  among  his 
colleagues,  replying  haughtily  to  all  murmurs  by  a  reference 
to  her  Majesty's  secret  instructions.^ 

The  unhappy  English  soldiers,  who  had  gone  forth  under 
his  banner  in  midsummer,  had  been  returning,  as  they  best 
might,  in  winter,  starving,  half-naked  wretches,  to  beg  a  morsel 
of  bread  at  the  gates  of  Greenwich  palace,  and  to  be  driven 
away  as  vagabonds,  with  threats  of  the  stocks.^  This  was  not 
the  fault  of  the  Earl,  for  he  had  fed  them  with  his  own  generous 
hand  in  the  Netherlands,  week  after  week,  when  no  money 
for  their  necessities  could  be  obtained  from  the  paymasters. 
Two  thousand  pounds  had  been  sent  by  Elizabeth  to  her 
soldiers  when  sixty-four  thousand  pounds  arrearage  were  due,* 


'  Bor,  in.  xxiii.  153.  Hoofd,  '  Ver- 
volgh,'  210.     Meteren,  xiii.  238. 

'    Camden,  III.  ^00.     Baker,  375. 

3  Memorial,  in  Burghley's  own 
hand,  Nov.  1587.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  "  She  would  by  no  means  yield  to 
send  over  any  greater  sum  than  2000?., 
though  the  Lord  Treasurer,  Sir  Thomas 


Shirley,  and  myself,  did  let  her  under- 
stand that  there  was  due  unto  the 
soldiers  serving  there  the  first  of  July 
last  44,000Z.,  and  before  it  could  arrive 
there,  at  the  least  64,000/."  Walsing- 
ham  to  Leicester,  14  Aug.  1587.  (Be 
Mus.  Galba,  D.  L  p.  253,  MS.) 


?Ae 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Ohap.  XVII. 


and  no  language  could  exaggerate  the  misery  to  which  these 
outcasts,  according  to  eye-witnesses  of  their  own  nation,  were 
reduced. 

Lord  Willoughby  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  what 
remained  of  these  unfortunate  troops,  upon  the  Earl's  de- 
parture. The  sovereighty  of  the  Netherlands  remained  undis- 
puted with  the  States.  Leicester  resigned  his  commission  by 
an   instrument    dated    -    December,    which,    however,    never 

reached  the  Netherlands  till  April  of  the  following  year.* 
From  that  time  forth  the  government  of  the  republic  main- 
tained the  same  forms  which  the  assembly  had  claimed  for  it 
in  the  long  controversy  with  the  governor-general,  and  which 
have  been  sufficiently  described. 

Meantime  the  negotiations  for  a  treaty,  no  longer  secret, 
continued.  The  Queen,  infatuated  as  ever,  still  believed  in 
the  sincerity  of  Farnese,  while  that  astute  personage  and  his 
master  were  steadily  maturing  their  schemes.  A  matrimonial 
alliance  was  secretly  projected  between  the  King  of  Scots  and 
Philip's  daughter,  the  Infanta  Isabella,  with  the  consent  of 
the  Pope  and  the  whole  college  of  cardinals  ;  and  James,  by 
the  whole  force  of  the  Holy  League,  was  to  be  placed  upon  the 
throne  of  Elizabeth.  In  the  case  of  his  death,  without  issue, 
Philip  was  to  succeed  quietly  to  the  crowns  of  England,  Scot- 
land, and  Ireland.^  Nothing  could  be  simpler  or  more  rational, 
and  accordingly  these  arrangements  were  the  table-talk  at 
Rome,  and  met  with  general  approbation. 

Communications  to  this  effect,  coming  straight  from  the 
Colonna  palace,  were  thought  sufficiently  circumstantial  to 
be  transmitted  to  the  English  government.  Maurice  of  Nassau 
wrote  with  his  own  hand  to  Walsingham,  professing  a  warm 
attachment  to  the  cause  in  which  Holland  and  England  were 
united,  and  perfect  personal  devotion  to  the  English  Queen.* 


'  Bor,  III.  xxiii.  143,  seq.  Meteren, 
xiv.  262.     Reyd,  vii.  137,  138. 

2  Le  Sieur  to  Walsingham,  3  Dec. 
1587.  Maurice  de  Nassau,  to  same, 
9  Dec.  1587.     (S.  P.  Office,  MSS.) 

3  "  Je  ne  vou3  escrirai  rien  sur  le.s 


propos  d'Odo  Colonna,"  wrote  Mau- 
rice, "  car  vous  les  entendrez  bien  par 
la  lecture  du  sommaire  que  je  voua 
envoie,  mais  bien  je  vous  assure  qu'il 
est  un  jeune  homme  d'esprit  vif  et 
prompt,  qui  parle   bien  et  a  ete   bien 


1587. 


QUEEN  WARNED  AS  TO  SPANISH  DESIGNS. 


347 


His  language  was  not  that  of  a  youth,  who,  according  to 
Leicester's  repeated  insinuations,  was  leagued  with  the  most 
distinguished  soldiers  and  statesmen  of  the  Netherlands  to 
sell  their  country  to  Spain. 

But  Elizabeth  was  not  to  be  convinced.  She  thought  it 
extremely  probable  that  the  Provinces  would  be  invaded,  and 
doubtless  felt  some  anxiety  for  England.  It  was  unfortunate 
that  the  possession  of  Sluys  had  given  Alexander  such  a  point 
of  vantage,  and  there  was  moreover  a  fear  that  he  might  take 
possession  of  Ostend.  She  had,  therefore,  already  recom- 
mended that  her  own  troops  should  be  removed  from  that 
city,  that  its  walls  should  be  razed,  its  marine  bulwarks 
destroyed,  and  that  the  ocean  should  be  let  in  to  swallow  the 
devoted  city  forever — the  inhabitants  having  been  previously 
allowed  to  take  their  departure.  For  it  was  assumed  by  her 
Majesty  that  to  attempt  resistance  would  be  idle,  and  that 
Ostend  could  never  stand  a  siege.^ 

The  advice  was  not  taken,  and  before  the  end  of  her  reign 
Elizabeth  was  destined  to  see  this  indefensible  city — only  fit, 
in  her  judgment,  to  be  abandoned  to  the  waves — become 
memorable,  throughout  all'  time,  for  the  longest,  and,  in  many 
respects,  the  most  remarkable  siege  which  modern  history  has 
recorded,   the  famous  leaguer,  in   which   the   first   European 


nourri.  Toutefois  moustrant  par  ses 
propos  quil  ne  s<;ait  gueres  de  choses 
liors  la  cour  de  Rome,  do  la  connois- 
saiice  des  bonnes  maisons,  et  a  paru  a 
aulcuus  des  miens  plus  sages  et  experi- 
mentes  que  nioi,  qu'il  y  avoit  fondement 
en  ce  qu'il  disait,  et  que  j'en  devois 
advertir  Sa  M.  tant  pour  la  qualite  de 
son  dire,  que  pour  faire  connaitro  a 
Sa  M.  quaud  I'occasion  se  presentoit 
que  jo  lui  suis  trcs  aflectionno  servi- 
teur,  ce  qu'il  convient  par  ma  qualite 
et  maisoa  de  monstrer  par  efl'et  et  non 
par  parolles.  Et  eu  cctto  intention  je 
me  suis  trouve  en  ceste  armee  assem- 
blee  par  ma  diligence  de  tous  les  en- 
droits  de  mcs  gouvemements,  en  in- 
tention, si  Dieu  m'en  fait  la  grace,  de 
combattre  la  puissance  des  plus  grands 
ennemis  de  Sa  Majeste,  et  de  toute  la 
Chretiente,    ce  sont  le    Roi  d'Espagne 


et  le  Prince  de  Parme,  lequel  de  tout 
mon  oceur,  je  desire  trouver  en  personne 
oil  j'espere  avec  I'aide  de  Dieu  lui  faire 
connaitre  qu'il  n'est  pas  si  bon  soldat 
ou  il  trouve  resistance,  que  quand  les 
hommes  mal  conseilles  lui  mettent  les 
victoires  en  main  de  concevoir  par  leur 
lachete  de  taut  de  prises  de  belles  villcs. 
Je  vous  supplie  me  tenir  en  la  bonne 
grace  de  Sa  M.,  de  me  continuer  I'ami- 
tie  que  vous  avoz  porte  a.  monseigneur 
mon  pere,  car  j'espere  que  Dieu  me 
fait  grace  do  I'ensuivre  promptement 
en  Constance  et  ferme  resolution.  Jus- 
qu'a  je  prierai  Dieu,"  &c.  Maurice  do 
Nassau  to  Walsingham,  9  Dec.  1587. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Queen  to  Leicester,  8  Nov.  1587, 
in  Burghley's  hand.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 


34b 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVII 


ca])tains  of  the  coining  age  were  to  take  their  lessons,  year 
after  year,  in  the  scliool  of  the  great  Dutch  soldier,  who  was 
now  but  a  "  solemn,  sly  youth,"  just  turned  of  twenty. 

The  only  military  achievement  which  characterized  the 
close  of  the  year,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  Provinces 
and  the  annoyance  of  Parma,  was  the  surprise  of  the  city  of 
Bonn.  The  indefatigable  Martin  Schenk — in  fulfilment  of 
his  great  contract  with  the  States-G-eneral,  by  which  the  war 
Dn  the  Rhine  had  been  farmed  out  to  him  on  such  profitable 
terms — had  led  his  mercenaries  against  this  important  town. 
He  had  found  one  of  its  gates  somewhat  insecurely  guarded, 
placed  a  mortar  under  it  at  night,  and  occupied  a  neighbouring 
pig-stye  with  a  number  of  his  men,  who  by  chasing,  maltreat- 
ing, and  slaughtering  the  swine,  had  raised  an  unearthly  din, 
sufficient  to  drown  the  martial  operations  at  the  gate.  In 
brief,  the  place  was  easily  mastered,  and  taken  possession  of 
by  Martin,  in  the  name  of  the  deposed  elector,  G-ebhard 
Truchsess — the  first  stroke  of  good  fortune  which  had  for  a 
long  time  befallen  that  melancholy  prelate.^ 

The  administration  of  Leicester  has  been  so  minutely  pic- 
tured, that  it  would  be  superfluous  to  indulge  in  many  con- 
cluding reflections.  His  acts  and  words  have  been  made  to 
speak  for  themselves.  His  career  in  the  country  has  been 
described  with  much  detail,  because  the  period  was  a  great 
epoch  of  transition.  The  republic  of  the  Netherlands,  during 
those  years,  acquired  consistency  and  permanent  form.  It 
seemed  possible,  on  the  Earl's  first  advent,  that  the  Provinces 
might  become  part  and  parcel  of  the  English  realm.  Whether 
such  a  consummation  would  have  been  desirable  or  not,  is  a 
fruitless  enquiry.  But  it  is  certain  that  the  selection  of  such 
a  man  as  Leicester  made  that  result  impossible.  Doubtless 
there  were  many  errors  committed  by  all  parties.     The  Queen 


'  Bor,  III.  xxii.  143.  Meteren,  xiv. 
262.  Wagenaar,  viii.  266.  Parma  to 
Pliilip  XL  29  Dec.  1587.  (Arch,  de 
Simancas,  MS.) 

"  According  to  this,  Schenck  is  not 
dead    yet,    as    reported,"    (segua    esto 


no  es  muerto  como  habian  dicho), 
was  Philip's  judicious  marginal  obser- 
vation on  the  letter  in  which  Parma 
communicated  this  clever  exploit  of 
Martin. 


1587.  RESULTS  OF  LEICESTER'S  ADMINISTRATION.  349 

was  supposed  by  the  Netherlands  to  be  secretly  desirous  of 
accepting  the  sovereignty  of  the  Provinces,  provided  she  were 
made  sure,  by  the  Earl's  experience,  that  they  were  competent 
to  protect  themselves.     But    this    suspicion    was    unfounded. 
The  result  of  every  investigation  showed  the  country  so  full 
of  resources,  of  wealth,  and  of  military  and  naval  capabilities, 
that,  united  with  England,  it  would  have  been  a  source  of  great 
revenue  and  power,  not  a  burthen  and  an  expense.     Yet,  when 
convinced  of  such  facts,  by  the  statistics  which   were  liberally 
laid  before  her  by  her  confidential  agents,  she  never  mani- 
fested, either  in  public  or  private,  any  intention  of  accepting 
the   sovereignty.      This  being  her  avowed    determination,  it 
was   an   error   on   the   part   of  the    States,   before  becoming 
thoroughly   acquainted  with  the  man's  character,  to   confer 
upon   Leicester   the  almost  boundless  authority   which  they 
granted  on  his  first  arrival.     It  was  a  still  graver  mistake,  on 
the  part  of  Elizabeth,  to  give  way  to  such  explosions  of  fury, 
both  against  the  governor  and  the  States,  when  informed  of 
the  offer  and  acceptance  of  that  authority.     The  Earl,  elevated 
by  the  adulation  of  others,  and  by  his  own  vanity,  into  an 
almost  sovereign  attitude,  saw  himself   chastised   before   the 
world,  like  an  aspiring  lackey,  by  her  in  whose  favour  he  had 
felt  most  secure.     He  found  himself,   in  an  instant,  humbled 
and  ridiculous.     Between  himself  and  the  Queen  it  was  some- 
thing of  a  lovers'  quarrel,  and  he  soon  found  balsam  in  the 
hand  that  smote  him.     But  though  reinstated  in  authority, 
he  was  never  again  the  object  of  reverence  in  the  land  he  was 
attempting  to  rule.     As  he  came  to  know  the  Netherlanders 
better,  he  recognized  the  great  capacity  which  their  statesmen 
concealed  under  a  plain  and    sometimes  a  plebeian  exterior, 
and  the  splendid  grandee  hated,  where  at  first  he  had  only 
despised.     The  Netherlanders,  too,  who  had  been  used  to  look 
up  almost  with  worship  to  a  plain  man  of  kindly  manners,  in 
felt   hat   and  bargeman's  woollen  jacket,  whom  they  called 
"  Father  William,"  did  not  appreciate,  as  they  ought,  the  mag- 
nificence of  the  stranger  who  had  been  sent  to  govern  them. 
The  Earl  was  handsome,  quick-witted,  brave;  but  he  wag 


350  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap,  XVII. 

neither  wise  in  council  nor  capable  in  the  field.  He  was 
intolerably  arrogant,  passionate,  and  revengeful.  He  hated 
easily,  and  he  hated  for  life.  It  was  soon  obvious  that  no 
cordiality  of  feeling  or  of  action  could  exist  between  him 
and  the  plain,  stubborn  Hollanders.  He  had  the  fatal 
characteristic  of  loving  only  the  persons  who  flattered  him. 
With  much  perception  of  character,  sense  of  humour,  and 
appreciation  of  intellect,  he  recognized  the  power  of  the 
leading  men  in  the  nation,  and  sought  to  gain  them.  So  long 
as  he  hoped  success,  he  was  loud  in  their  praises.  They  were 
all  wise,  substantial,  well-languaged,  big  fellows,  such  as  were 
not  to  be  found  in  England  or  anywhere  else.  When  they 
refused  to  be  made  his  tools,  they  became  tinkers,  boors, 
devils,  and  atheists.  He  covered  them  with  curses  and  devoted 
them  to  the  gibbet.  He  began  by  warmly  commending  Buys 
and  Barneveld,  Hohenlo  and  Maurice,  and  endowing  them 
with  every  virtue.  Before  he  left  the  country  he  had  accused 
them  of  every  crime,  and  would  cheerfully,  if  he  could,  have 
taken  the  life  of  every  one  of  them.  And  it  was  quite  the 
same  with  nearly  every  Englishman  who  served  with  or 
under  him.  Wilkes  and  Buckhurst,  however  much  the  objects 
of  his  previous  esteem,  so  soon  as  they  ventured  to  censure  or 
even  to  criticise  his  proceedings,  were  at  once  devoted  to  per- 
dition. Yet,  after  minute  examination  of  the  record,  public 
and  private,  neither  Wilkes  nor  Buckhurst  can  be  found 
guilty  of  treachery  or  animosity  towards  him,  but  are  proved 
to  have  been  governed,  in  all  their  conduct,  by  a  strong  sense 
of  duty  to  their  sovereign,  the  Netherlands,  and  Leicester 
himself. 

To  Sir  John  Norris,  it  must  be  allowed,  that  he  was  never 
fickle,  for  he  had  always  entertained  for  that  distinguished 
general  an  honest,  unswerving,  and  infinite  hatred,  which  was 
not  susceptible  of  increase  or  diminution  by  any  act  or  word. 
Pelham,  too,  whose  days  were  numbered,  and  who  was  dying 
bankrupt  and  broken-hearted,  at  the  close  of  the  Earl's  ad- 
ministration, had  always  been  regarded  by  him  with  tender- 
ness and  afiection.     But  Pelham  had  never  thwarted  him,  had 


1587.  RESULTS   OF  LEICESTER'S   ADMINISTRATION.  351 

exposed  his  life  for  him,  and  was  always  proud  of  being  his 
faithful,  unquestioning,  humble  adherent.  With  perhaps  this 
single  exception,  Leicester  found  himself,  at  the  end  of  his 
second  term  in  the  Provinces,  without  a  single  friend  and  with 
few  respectable  partisans.  Subordinate  mischievous  intriguers 
like  Deventer,  Junius,  and  Otheman,  were  his  chief  advisers 
and  the  instruments  of  his  schemes. 

With  such  qualifications  it  was  hardly  possible — even  if 
the  current  of  affairs  had  been  flowing  smoothly — that  he 
should  prove  a  successful  governor  of  the  new  republic.  But 
when  the  numerous  errors  and  adventitious  circumstances  are 
considered — for  some  of  which  he  was  responsible,  while  of 
others  he  was  the  victim — it  must  be  esteemed  fortunate  that 
no  great  catastrophe  occurred.  His  immoderate  elevation, 
his  sudden  degradation,  his  controversy  in  regard  to  the 
sovereignty,  his  abrupt  departure  for  England,  his  protracted 
absence,  his  mistimed  return,  the  secret  instructions  for  his 
second  administration,  the  obstinate  parsimony  and  per- 
sistent ill- temper  of  the  Queen — who,  from  the  beginning  to 
the  end  of  the  Earl's  government,  never  addressed  a  kindly 
word  to  the  Netherlanders,  but  was  ever  censuring  and  brow- 
beating them  in  public  state-papers  and  private  epistles — the 
treason  of  York  and  Stanley,  above  all,  the  disastrous  and 
concealed  negotiations  with  Parma,  and  the  desperate  attempts 
upon  Amsterdam  and  Leyden — all  placed  him  in  a  most  un- 
fortunate position  from  first  to  last.  But  he  was  not  compe- 
tent for  his  post  under  any  circumstances.  He  was  not  the 
statesman  to  deal  in  policy  with  Buys,  Bameveld,  Ortel, 
Sainte  Aldegonde  ;  nor  the  soldier  to  measure  himself  against 
Alexander  Farnese.  His  administration  was  a  failure  ; 
and  although  he  repeatedly  hazarded  his  life,  and  poured 
out  his  wealth  in  their  behalf  with  an  almost  unequalled 
liberality,  he  could  never  gain  the  hearts  of  the  Nether- 
landers. English  valour,  English  intelligence,  English  truth- 
fulness, English  generosity,  were  endearing  England  more 
and  more  to  Holland.  The  statesmen  of  both  countries  were 
brought  into  closest  union,  and  learned  to  appreciate  and  to 


352  ''^liE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIL 

respect  each  other,  wliile  they  recognized  that  the  fate  of 
their  respective  commonwealths  was  indissolubly  united.  But 
it  was  to  the  efforts  of  Walsingham,  Drake,  Raleigh,  Wilkes, 
Buckburst,  Norris,  Willoughby,  Williams,  Vere,  Russell,  and 
the  brave  men  who  fought  under  their  banners  or  their  coun- 
sels, on  every  battle-field,  and  in  every  beleaguered  town  in 
the  Netherlands,  and  to  the  universal  spirit  and  sagacity  of 
the  English  nation,  in  this  grand  crisis  of  its  fate,  that  these 
fortunate  results  were  owing ;  not  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester, 
nor — during  the  term  of  his  administration — to  Queen  Eliza- 
beth herself. 

In  brief,  the  proper  sphere  of  this  remarkable  personage, 
and  the  one  in  which  he  passed  the  greater  portion  of  his 
existence,  was  that  of  a  magnificent  court  favourite,  the  spoiled 
darling,  from  youth  to  his  death-bed,  of  the  great  English 
Queen  ;  whether  to  the  advantage  or  not  of  his  country  and 
the  true  interests  of  his  sovereign,  there  can  hardly  be  at  this 
iay  any  difierence  of  opinion. 


1688.  PROPHECIES   AS   TO   THE   YEAR,   1588.  353 


CHAPTER     XVIII. 

Prophecies  as  to  the  Year  1588  —  Distracted  Condition  of  the  Dutch  Repubhc 

—  Willoughby  reluctantly  takes  Command — English  Commissioners  come 
to  Ostend  —  Secretary  Ga.-nier  and  Robert  Cecil  —  Cecil  accompanies  Dale 
to  Ghent — And  finds  the  Desolation  complete — Interview  of  Dale  and 
Cecil  with  Parma  —  His  fervent  Expressions  in  favour  of  Peace — Cecil 
makes  a  Tour  in  Flanders  —  And  sees  much  that  is  remarkable  — 
Interviews  of  Dr.  Rogers  with  Parma  —  Wonderful  Harangues  of  the 
Envoy  —  Extraordinary  Amenity  of  Alexander  —  With  which  Rogers  is 
much  touched  —  The  Queen  not  pleased  with  her  Envoy  —  Credulity  of 
the  English  Commissioners  —  Ceremonious  Meeting  of  all  the  Envoys  — 
Consummate  Art   in  wasting    Time  —  Long    Disputes    about    Commissions 

—  The  Spanish  Commissions  meant  to  deceive  —  Disputes  about  Cessa- 
tion of  Arms  —  Spanish  Duplicity  and  Procrastination  —  Pedantry  and 
Credulity  of  Dr.  Dale  —  The  Papal  Bull  and  Dr.  Allen's  Pamphlet  —  Dale 
sent  to  ask  Explanations  —  Parma  denies  all  Knowledge  of  either  —  Croft 
believes  to  the  last  in  Alexander  —  Dangerous  Discord  in  North  Holland 

—  Leicester's  Resignation  arrives  —  Enmity  of  Willoughby  and  Maurice  — 
Willougliby's  dark  Picture  of  Affairs  —  Hatred  between  States  and  Lei- 
cestrians  —  Maurice's  Answer  to  the  Queen's  Charges  —  End  of  Sonoy's 
Rebellion  —  Philip  foments  the  Civil  War  in  France  —  League's  Threats 
and  Plots  against  Henry  —  Mucio  arrives  in  Paris  —  He  is  received  with 
Enthusiasm  —  The  King  flies,  and  Spain  triumphs  in  Paris  —  States 
expostulate  with  the  Queen  —  English  Statesmen  still  deceived  — 
Deputies  from  Netherland  Churches  —  hold  Conference  with  the  Queen 
— And  present  long  Memorials  —  More  Conversations  with  the  Queen  — 
National  Spirit  of  England  and  Holland — Dissatisfaction  with  Queen's 
Course  —  Bitter  Complaints  of  Lord  Howard  —  Want  of  Preparation  in 
Army  and  Navy  —  Sanguine  Statements  of  Leicester  —  Activity  of  Parma 

—  The  painful  Suspense  continues. 

The  year  1588  had  at  last  arrived — that  fatal  year  concern- 
ing which  the  German  astrologers — more  than  a  century 
before  had  j)rognosticated  such  dire  events.^  As  the  epoch 
approached  it  was  firmly  believed  by  many  that  the  end  of 
the  world  was  at  hand,  while  the  least  superstitious  could  not 
doubt  that  great  calamities  were  impending  over  the  nations. 
Portents  observed  during  the  winter  and  in  various  parts  of 
Europe  came  to  increase  the  prevailing  panic.  It  rained 
blood  in  Sweden,  monstrous  births  occurred  in  France,  and  at 
Weimar  it  was  gravely  reported  by  eminent  chroniclers  that 

'  De  Thou,  X.  218.    Camden,  III.  iO'l.    Strada,  II.  ix.  530.    Pasquier,  Oeuvres, 
U.  331. 

VOL.  IL — 2  A 


354  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Crap.  XVIIL 

tlio  sun  had  appeared  at  mid-day  holding  a  drawn  sword  in 
his  mouth — a  warlike  portent  whose  meaning  could  not  be 
mistaken.' 

But,  in  truth,  it  needed  no  miracles  nor  prophecies  to  en- 
force the  conviction  that  a  long  procession  of  disasters  was 
steadily  advancing.  With  France  rent  asunder  by  internal 
convulsions,  with  its  imbecile  king  not  even  capable  of  com- 
manding a  petty  faction  among  his  own  subjects,  with  Spain 
the  dark  cause  of  unnumbered  evils,  holding  Italy  in  its 
granp,  firmly  allied  with  the  Pope,  already  having  reduced 
and  neaily  absorbed  France,  and  now,  after  long  and  patient 
preparation,  about  to  hurl  the  concentrated  vengeance  and 
hatred  of  long  years  upon  the  little  kingdom  of  England,  and 
its  only  ally — tlie  just  organized  commonwealth  of  the  Nether- 
lands— it  would  have  been  strange  indeed  if  the  dullest  in- 
tellect had  not  dreamed  of  tragical  events.  It  was  not 
encouraging  that  there  should  be  distraction  in  the  counsels 
of  the  two  States  so  immediately  threatened  ;  that  the  Queen 
of  England  should  be  at  variance  with  her  wisest  and  most 
faithful  statesmen  as  to  their  course  of  action,  and  that  deadly 
quarrels  should  exist  between  the  leading  men  of  the  Dutch 
republic  and  the  English  governor,  who  had  assumed  the  re- 
sponsibility of  directing  its  energies  against  the  common  enemy. 

The  blackest  night  that  ever  descended  upon  the  Nether- 
lands— more  disappointing  because  succeeding  a  period  of 
comparative  prosperity  and  triumph  —  was  the  winter  of 
1587-8,  when  Leicester  had  terminated  his  career  by  his 
abrupt  departure  for  England,  after  his  second  brief  attempt 
at  administration.  For  it  was  exactly  at  this  moment  of 
anxious  expectation,  when  dangers  were  rolling  up  from  the 
south  till  not  a  ray  of  light  or  hope  could  pierce  the  uni- 
versal darkness,  that  the  little  commonwealth  was  left  without 
a  chief  The  English  Earl  departed,  shaking  the  dust  from 
his  feet  ;  but  he  did  not  resign.  The  supreme  authority — so 
far  as  he  could  claim  it — was  again  transferred,  with  his 
person,  to  England. 

^  Iliid.,  uhi  sup. 


(588.  DISTRACTED  CONDITION  OF  DUTCH  REPUBLIC.  355 

The  consequences  were  immediate  and  disastrous.  All  the 
Leicestrians  refused  to  obey  the  States-General.  Utrecht, 
the  stronghold  of  that  party,  announced  its  unequivocal  inten- 
tion to  annex  itself,  without  any  conditions  whatever,  to  the 
English  crown,  while,  in  Holland,  young  Maurice  was  solemnly 
installed  stadholder,  and  captain-general  of  the  Provinces, 
under  the  guidance  of  Hohenlo  and  Barneveld.  But  his 
authority  was  openly  defied  in  many  important  cities  within 
his  jurisdiction  by  military  chieftains  who  had  taken  the  oaths 
of  allegiance  to  Leicester  as  governor,  and  who  refused  to 
renounce  fidelity  to  the  man  who  had  deserted  their  country, 
but  who  had  not  resigned  his  authority.  Of  these  mutineers 
the  most  eminent  was  Diedrich  Sonoy,  governor  of  North 
Holland,  a  soldier  of  much  experience,  sagacity,  and  courage, 
who  had  rendered  great  services  to  the  cause  of  liberty  and 
Protestantism,  and  had  defaced  it  by  acts  of  barbarity  which 
had  made  his  name  infamous.  Against  this  refractory  chief- 
tain it  was  necessary  for  Hohenlo  and  Maurice  to  lead  an 
armed  force,  and  to  besiege  him  in  his  stronghold — the  im- 
portant city  of  Medenblik — which  he  resolutely  held  for 
Leicester,  although  Leicester  had  definitely  departed,  and 
which  he  closed  against  Maurice,  although  Maurice  was  the 
only  representative  of  order  and  authority  within  the  dis- 
tracted commonwealth.  And  thus  civil  war  had  broken  out 
in  the  little  scarcely-organized  republic,  as  if  there  were  not 
dangers  and  bloodshed  enough  impending  over  it  from  abroad. 
And  the  civil  war  was  the  necessary  consequence  of  the  Earl's 
departure. 

The  English  forces — reduced  as  they  were  by  sickness, 
famine,  and  abject  poverty — were  but  a  remnant  of  the  brave 
and  well -seasoned  bands  which  had  faced  the  Spaniards  with 
success  on  so  many  battle-fields. 

The  general  who  now  assumed  chief  command  over  them — 
by  direction  of  Leicester,  subsequently  confirmed  by  the 
Queen — was  Lord  Willoughby.  A  daring,  splendid  dragoon, 
an  honest,  chivalrous,  and  devoted  servant  of  his  Queen,  a 
conscientious  adherent  of  Leicester,  and  a  firm  believer  in  his 
capacity  and  character,  he  was,  however,  not  a  man  of  suffi- 


356  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIll 

cient  experience  or  subtlety  to  perform  the  various  tasks 
imposed  upon  him  by  the  necessities  of  such  a  situation. 
Quick-witted,  even  brilliant  in  intellect,  and  the  bravest  of 
the  brave  on  the  battle-field,  he  was  neither  a  sagacious 
administrator  nor  a  successful  commander.  And  he  honestly 
confessed  his  deficiencies,  and  disliked  the  post  to  which  he 
had  been  elevated.  He  scorned  baseness,  intrigue,  and  petty 
quarrels,  and  he  was  impatient  of  control.  Testy,  choleric, 
and  quarrelsome,  with  a  high  sense  of  honour,  and  a  keen 
perception  of  insult,  very  modest  and  very  proud,  he  was  not 
likely  to  feed  with  wholesome  appetite  upon  the  unsavoury 
annoyances  which  were  the  daily  bread  of  a  chief  commander 
in  the  Netherlands.  "  I  ambitiously  affect  not  high  titles, 
but  round  dealing,"  he  said  ;  "  desiring  rather  to  be  a  private 
lance  with  indifierent  reputaticjn,  than  a  colonel-general 
spotted  or  defamed  with  wants."  ^  He  was  not  the  politician 
to  be  matched  against  the  unscrupulous  and  all-accomplished 
Farnese  ;  and  indeed  no  man  better  than  Willoughby  could 
illustrate  the  enormous  disadvantage  under  which  English- 
men laboured  at  that  epoch  in  their  dealings  with  Italians 
and  Spaniards.  The  profuse  indulgence  in  falsehood  which 
characterized  southern  statesmanship,  was  more  than  a  match 
for  English  love  of  truth.  English  soldiers  and  negotiators 
went  naked  into  a  contest  with  enemies  armed  in  a  panoply 
of  lies.  It  was  an  unequal  match,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
and  as  we  are  soon  more  clearly  to  see.  How  was  an  English 
soldier  who  valued  his  knightly  word — how  were  English 
diplomatists — among  whom  one  of  the  most  famous — then  a 
lad  of  twenty,  secretary  to  Lord  Essex  in  the  Netherlands 
— had  poetically  avowed  that  "  simple  truth  was  highest  skill," 
• — to  deal  with  the  thronging  Spanish  deceits  sent  northward 
by  the  great  father  of  lies  who  sat  in  the  Escorial  ? 

"  It  were  an  ill  lesson,"  said  Willoughby,  "  to  teach  soldiers 
the  dissimulations  of  such  as  follow  princes'  courts  in  Italy, 
For  my  own  part,  it  is  my  only  end  to  be  loyal  and  dutiful 
to  my  sovereign,  and  plain  to  all  others  that  I  honour.     I  see 

'  Willoughby  to  Leiceister,  Sept.  1587.     (Br.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  11.  p.  141,  MS.) 


1588.  -WlLr.OUGHBY  RELtJCTAl^TLY  TAKES  COMMAND.  357 

the  finest  reynard  loses  his  best  coat  as  well  as  the  poorest 
sheep." '  He  was  also  a  strong  Leicestrian,  and  had  imbibed 
much  of  the  Earl's  resentment  against  the  leading  politicians 
of  the  States.  Willoughby  was  sorely  in  need  of  council. 
That  shrewd  and  honest  Welshman — Koger  Williams — was, 
for  the  moment,  absent.  Another  of  the  same  race  and  cha- 
racter commanded  in  Bergen-op-Zoom,  but  was  not  more 
gifted  with  administrative  talent  than  the  general  himself. 

"  Sir  Thomas  Morgan  is  a  very  sufficient,  gallant  gentle- 
man," said  Willoughby,  "  and  in  truth  a  very  old  soldier  ;  but 
we  both  have  need  of  one  that  can  both  give  and  keep  coun- 
sel better  than  ourselves.  For  action  he  is  undoubtedly  very 
able,  if  there  were  no  other  means  to  conquer  but  only  to 
give  blows."  ^ 

In  brief,  the  new  commander  of  the  English  forces  in  the 
Netherlands  was  little  satisfied  with  the  States,  with  the 
enemy,  or  with  himself  ;  and  was  inclined  to  take  but  a  dismal 
view  of  the  disjointed  commonwealth,  which  required  so  in- 
competent a  person  as  he  professed  himself  to  be  to  set  it  right. 

"  'Tis  a  shame  to  show  my  wants,"  he  said,  "  but  too  great 
a  fault  of  duty  that  the  Queen's  reputation  be  frustrate.  What 
is  my  slender  experience  !  What  an  honourable  person  do  I 
succeed  !  What  an  encumbered  popular  state  is  left  !  What 
withered  sinews,  which  it  passes  my  cunning  to  restore  !  What 
an  enemy  in  head  greater  than  heretofore  !  And  wherewithal 
should  I  sustain  this  burthen  .?  For  the  wars  I  am  fitter  to 
obey  than  to  command.  For  the  state,  I  am  a  man  prejudi- 
cated  in  their  opinion,  and  not  the  better  liked  of  them  that  I 
have  earnestly  followed  the  general,  and,  being  one  that 
wants  both  opinion  and  experience  with  them  I  have  to  deal, 
and  means  to  win  more  or  to  maintain  that  which  is  left, 
what  good  may  be  looked  for  ?  "  ^ 

The  supreme  authority — by  the  retirement  of  Leicester — - 
was  once  more  the  subject  of  dispute.  As  on  his  first  de- 
parture, so  also  on  this  his  second  and  final  one,  he  had  left  a 


'  Same  to   Burghley,  16   July,  1587. 
(Br.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  I.  p.  10,  MS.) 
"  Willoughby  to  Burghley,  last  cited. 


*  "Willoughby  to   Burghley,  18   Nov. 
1587.  (Br.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  H.  210,  MS.) 


358  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIII. 

commission  to  the  state-council  to  act  as  an  executive  body 
during  his  absence.  But,  although  he  nominally  still  retained 
his  office,  in  reality  no  man  believed  in  his  return  ;  and  the 
States-General  were  ill  inclined  to  brook  a  species  of  guardian- 
ship over  them,  with  which  they  believed  themselves  mature 
enough  to  dispense.  Moreover  the  state-council,  composed 
mainly  of  Leicestrians,  would  expire,  by  limitation  of  its  com- 
mission, early  in  February  of  that  year.  The  dispute  for 
power  would  necessarily  terminate,  therefore,  in  favour  of  the 
States-General.^ 

Meantime — while  this  internal  revolution  was  taking  place 
in  the  polity  of  the  commonwealth — the  gravest  disturbances 
were  its  natural  consequence.  There  were  mutinies  in  the 
garrisons  of  Heusden,  of  Gertruydenberg,  of  Medenblik,  as 
alarming,  and  threatening  to  become  as  chronic  in  their  cha- 
racter, as  those  extensive  military  rebellions  which  often  ren- 
dered the  Spanish  troops  powerless  at  the  most  critical  epochs. 
The  cause  of  these  mutinies  was  uniformly,  want  of  pay,  the 
pretext,  the  oath  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  which  was  declared 
incompatible  with  the  allegiance  claimed  by  Maurice  in  the 
name  of  the  States-General.  The  mutiny  of  Gertruydenberg 
was  destined  to  be  protracted  ;  that  of  Medenblik,  dividing, 
as  it  did,  the  little  territory  of  Holland  in  its  very  heart,  it 
was  most  important  at  once  to  suppress.  Sonoy,  however — 
who  was  so  stanch  a  Leicestrian,  that  his  Spanish  contem- 
poraries uniformly  believed  him  to  be  an  Englishman  ^ — held 
out  for  a  long  time,  as  will  be  seen,  against  the  threats  and  even 
the  armed  demonstrations  of  Maurice  and  the  States. 

Meantime  the  English  sovereign,  persisting  in  her  delusion, 
and  despite  the  solemn  warnings  of  her  own  wisest  coun- 
sellors, and  the  passionate  remonstrances  of  the  States-General 
of  the  Netherlands,  sent  her  peace-commissioners  to  the  Duke 
of  Parma. 

The  Earl  of  Derby,  Lord  Cobham,  Sir  James  Croft,  Valen- 
tine Dale,  doctor  of  laws,  and  former  ambassador  at  Vienna, 
and  Dr.  Rogers,  envoys  on  the  part  of  the  Queen,  arrived  in 

'  Compare  Van  der  Kemp,    'Mauritsvaa  Nassau,'  I.  58,  seq. 
'Herrera,  III.  11,  84.     Cornero,  'Guerras  de  Flandes,'  224. 


1588.  ENGLISH  COMMISSIONERS  COME  TO  OSTEND.  359 

the  Netherlands  in  February.^  The  commissioners  appointed 
on  the  part  of  Farnese  were  Count  Aremberg,  Champagny, 
Richardot,  Jacob  Maas,  and  Secretary  Garnier. 

If  history  has  ever  furnished  a  lesson,  how  an  unscrupulous 
tyrant,  who  has  determined  upon  enlarging  his  own  territories 
at  the  expense  of  his  neighbours,  upon  oppressing  human 
freedom  wherever  it  dared  to  manifest  itself,  with  fine  phrases 
of  religion  and  order  for  ever  in  his  mouth,  on  deceiving  his 
friends  and  enemies  alike,  as  to  his  nefarious  and  almost  in- 
credible designs,  by  means  of  perpetual  and  colossal  false- 
hoods ;  and  if  such  lessons  deserve  to  be  pondered,  as  a  source 
of  instruction  and  guidance  for  every  age,  then  certainly  the 
secret  story  of  the  negotiations  by  which  the  wise  Queen  of 
England  was  beguiled,  and  her  kingdom  brought  to  the  verge 
of  ruin,  in  the  spring  of  1588,  is  worthy  of  serious  attention. 

The  English  commissioners  arrived  at  Ostend.  With  them 
came  Eobert  Cecil,  youngest  son  of  Lord-Treasurer  Burghley, 
then  twenty-five  years  of  age.  He  had  no  official  capacity, 
but  was  sent  by  his  father,  that  he  might  improve  his  diplo- 
matic talents,  and  obtain  some  information  as  to  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Netherlands.  A  slight,  crooked,  hump-backed 
young  gentleman,  dwarfish  in  stature,  but  with  a  face  not 
irregular  in  feature,  and  thoughtful  and  subtle  in  expression, 
with  reddish  hair,  a  thin  tawny  beard,  and  large,  pathetic, 
greenish-coloured  eyes,  with  a  mind  and  manners  already 
trained  to  courts  and  cabinets,  and  with  a  disposition  almost 
ingenuous,  as  compared  to  the  massive  dissimulation  with 
which  it  was  to  be  contrasted,  and  with  what  was,  in  after- 
times,  to  constitute  a  portion  of  his  own  character,  Cecil,  young 
as  he  was,  could  not  be  considered  the  least  important  of  the 
envoys.  The  Queen,  who  loved  proper  men,  called  him  ''her 
pigmy ;"  and  "  although,"  he  observed  with  whimsical  courtli- 
ness, "  I  may  not  find  fault  with  the  sporting  name  she  gives 
me,  yet  seem  I  only  not  to  mislike  it,  because  she  gives  it." '  The 
strongest  man  among  them   was  Valentine  Dale,  who   had 

'  Camden,  III.  407. 
»  li.  Cecil  to  Burghley,  -  Feb.  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


360  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIII 

much  shrewdness,  experience,  and  legal  learning,  but  who 
valued  himself,  above  all  things,  upon  his  Latinity.  It  was  a 
consolation  to  him,  while  his  adversaries  were  breaking 
Priscian's  head  as  fast  as  the  Duke,  their  master,  was  break- 
ing his  oaths,  that  his  own  syntax  was  as  clear  as  his  con- 
science.' The  feeblest  commissioner  was  James-a-Croft,  who 
had  already  exhibited  himself  with  very  anile  characteristics, 
and  whose  subsequent  manifestations  were  to  seem  like  dotage. 
Doctor  Rogers,  learned  in  the  law,  as  he  unquestionably  was, 
had  less  skill  in  reading  human  character,  or  in  deciphering 
the  physiognomy  of  a  Farnese,  while  Lord  Derby,  every  inch 
a  gi-andee,  with  Lord  Cobham  to  assist  him,  was  not  the  man 
to  cope  with  the  astute  Richardot,  the  profound  and  ex- 
perienced Champagny,  or  that  most  voluble  and  most  rhe- 
torical of  doctors  of  law,  Jacob  Maas  of  Antwerp. 

The  commissioners,  on  their  arrival,  were  welcomed  by 
Secretary  Garnier,  who  had  been  sent  to  Ostend  to  greet 
them.  An  adroit,  pleasing,  courteous  gentleman,  thirty-six 
years  of  age,  small,  handsome,  and  attired  not  quite  as  a 
soldier,  nor  exactly  as  one  of  the  long  robe,  wearing  a  cloak 
furred  to  the  knee,  a  cassock  of  black  velvet,  with  plain  gold 
buttons,  and  a  gold  chain  about  his  neck,  the  secretary  de- 
livered handsomely  the  Duke  of  Parma's  congratulations, 
recommended  great  expedition  in  the  negotiations,  and  was 
then  invited  by  the  Earl  of  Derby  to  dine  with  the  commis- 
sioners.^ He  was  accompanied  by  a  servant  in  plain  livery, 
who — so  soon  as  his  master  had  made  his  bow  to  the  English 
envoys — had  set  forth  for  a  stroll  through  the  town.  The 
modest-looking  valet,  however,  was  a  distinguished  engineei 
in  disguise,  who  had  been  sent  by  Alexander  for  the  especial 
purpose  of  examining  the  fortifications  of  Ostend-^ — that  town 
being  a  point  much  coveted,  and  liable  to  immediate  attack 
by  the  Spanish  commander. 

Meanwhile  Secretary  Garnier  made  himself  very  agreeable, 
showing   wit,    experience,    and    good   education ;    and,    after 

*  Valentine  Dale  to  Walsingham,  14  March,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

»  R.  CecQ  to  Burghley,  -  March,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

»  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  20  March,  1588.     (Arch,  de  Simancas,  MSO 


1588.  SECRETARY  GARNIER  AND  ROBERT  CECIL.  361 

dinner,  was  accompanied  to  his  lodgings  by  Dr.  Rogers  and 
otlier  gentlemen,  with  whom — especially  with  Cecil — he  held 
much  conversation. 

Knowing  that  this  young  gentleman  "wanted  not  an  ho- 
nourable father,"  the  Secretary  was  very  desirous  that  he  should 
take  this  opportunity  to  make  a  tour  through  the  Provinces, 
examine  the  cities,  and  especially  "  note  the  miserable  ruins 
of  the  poor  country  and  people."  He  would  then  feelingly 
perceive  how  much  they  had  to  answer  for,  whose  mad  rebel- 
lion ajirainst  their  sovereign  lord  and  master  had  caused  so 
great  an  effusion  of  blood,  and  the  wide  desolation  of  such 
goodly  towns  and  territories. 

Cecil  probably  entertained  a  suspicion  that  the  sovereign 
lord  and  master,  who  had  been  employed,  twenty  years  long, 
in  butchering  his  subjects  and  in  ravaging  their  territory  to 
feed  his  executioners  and  soldiers,  might  almost  be  justified 
in  treating  human  beings  as  beasts  and  reptiles,  if  they  had 
not  at  last  rebelled.  He  simply  and  diplomatically  answered, 
however,  that  he  could  not  but  concur  with  the  Secretary  in 
lamenting  the  misery  of  the  Provinces  and  people  so  utterly 
despoiled  and  ruined,  but,  as  it  might  be  matter  of  dispute, 
"  from  what  head  this  fountain  of  calamity  was  both  fed  and 
derived,  he  would  not  enter  further  therein,  it  being  a  matter 
much  too  high  for  his  capacity."  He  expressed  also  the  hope 
that  the  King's  heart  might  sympathize  with  that  of  her 
Majesty,  in  earnest  compassion  for  all  this  suffering,  and  in 
determination  to  compound  their  differences.^ 

On  the  following  day  there  was  some  conversation  with 
Gamier,  on  preliminary  and  formal  matters,  followed  in  the 
evening  by  a  dinner  at  Lord  Cobham's  lodgings — a  banquet 
which  the  forlorn  condition  of  the  country  scarcely  permitted 
to  be  luxurious.  "  We  rather  pray  here  for  satiety,"  said  Cecil, 
"  than  ever  think  of  variety."  ^ 

It  was  hoped  by  the  Englishmen  that  the  Secretary  would 
take  his  departure  after  dinner  ;  for  the  governor  of  Ostend, 
Sir  John  Conway,  had  an  uneasy  sensation,  during  his  visit, 

»  Cecil  to  Burghley,  MS.  last  cited.  *  Ibid. 


362  THE   UNITED   NETHP^RLANDS.  Chai>.  XVIIL 

that  the  unsatisfactory  condition  of  the  defences  would  attract 
his  attention,  and  that  a  sudden  attack  by  Farnese  might  be 
the  result.  Sir  John  was  not  aware,  however,  of  the  minute 
and  scientific  observations  then  making — at  the  very  moment 
when  Mr.  Gamier  was  entertaining  the  commissioners  with 
his  witty  and  instructive  conversation — by  the  unobtrusive 
menial  who  had  accompanied  the  Secretary  to  Ostend.  In 
order  that  those  observations  might  be  as  thorough  as  possible, 
rather  than  with  any  view  to  ostensible  business,  the  envoy  of 
Parma  now  declared  that — on  account  of  the  unfavourable 
state  of  the  tide — he  had  resolved  to  pass  another  night  at 
Ostend.  "  We  could  have  spared  his  company,"  said  Cecil, 
"  but  their  Lordships  considered  it  convenient  that  he  should 
be  used  well."  So  Mr.  Comptroller  Croft  gave  the  afiable 
Secretary  a  dinner-invitation  for  the  following  day.^ 

Here  certainly  was  a  masterly  commencement  on  the  part 
of  the  Spanish  diplomatists.  There  was  not  one  stroke  of 
business  during  the  visit  of  the  Secretary.  He  had  been  sent 
simply  to  convey  a  formal  greeting,  and  to  take  the  names  of 
the  English  commissioners — a  matter  which  could  have  been 
done  in  an  hour  as  well  as  in  a  week.  But  it  nuist  be  remem- 
bered, that,  at  that  very  moment,  the  Duke  was  daily  expect- 
ing intelligence  of  the  sailing  of  the  Armada,  and  that  Philip, 
on  his  part,  supposed  the  Duke  already  in  England,  at  the 
head  of  his  army.  Under  these  circumstances,  therefore — 
when  the  whole  object  of  the  negotiation,  so  far  as  Parma 
and  his  master  were  concerned,  was  to  amuse  and  to  gain 
time — it  was  already  ingenious  in  Garnier  to  have  consumed 
several  days  in  doing  nothing  ;  and  to  have  obtained  plans 
and  descriptions  of  Ostend  into  the  bargain. 

Garnier — when  his  departure  could  no  longer,  on  any  pre- 
text, be  deferred — took  his  leave,  once  more  warmly  urging 
Kobert  Cecil  to  make  a  little  tour  in  the  obedient  Nether- 
Jands,  and  to  satisfy  himself,  by  personal  observation,  of  their 
miserable  condition.  As  Dr.  Dale  purposed  making  a  pre- 
liminary visit  to  the  Duke  of  Parma  at  Ghent,  it  was  deter- 
mined accordingly  that  he  should  be  accompanied  by  Cecil. 

1  Cecil  to  Burghley,  MS.  last  cited. 


1588.  CECIL  ACCOMPANIES  DALE  TO  GHENT.  363 

That  young  gentleman  had  already  been  much  impressed 
by  the  forlorn  aspect  of  the  country  about  Ostend — for,  al- 
though the  town  was  itself  in  possession  of  the  English,  it  was 
in.  the  midst  of  the  enemy's  territory.  Since  the  fall  of  Sluys 
the  Spaniards  were  masters  of  all  Flanders,  save  this  one 
much-coveted  point.  And  although  the  Queen  had  been  dis- 
posed to  abandon  that  city,  and  to  suffer  the  ocean  to  over- 
whelm it,  rather  than  that  she  should  be  at  charges  to  defend 
it,  yet  its  possession  was  of  vital  consequence  to  the  English- 
Dutch  cause,  as  time  was  ultimately  to  show.  Meanwhile  the 
position  was  already  a  very  important  one,  for — according  to 
the  predatory  system  of  warfare  of  the  day — it  was  an  ex- 
cellent starting-point  for  those  marauding  expeditions  against 
persons  and  property,  in  which  neither  the  Dutch  nor  English 
were  less  skilled  than  the  Flemings  or  Spaniards.  "  The  land 
all  about  here,"  said  Cecil,  "  is  so  devastated,  that  where  the 
open  country  was  wont  to  be  covered  with  kine  and  sheep,  it 
is  now  fuller  of  wild  boars  and  wolves  ;  whereof  many  come 
so  niofh  the  town  that  the  sentinels — three  of  whom  watch 
every  night  upon  a  sand-hill  outside  the  gates — have  had  them 
in  a  dark  night  upon  them  ere  they  were  aware."  ^ 

But  the  garrison  of  Ostend  was  quite  as  dangerous  to  the 

peasants  and  the  country  squires  of  Flanders,  as  were  the 

wolves  or  wild  boars  ;  and  many  a  pacific  individual  of  retired 

habits,  and  with  a  remnant  of  property  worth  a  ransom,  was 

doomed  to  see  himself  whisked  from  his  seclusion  by  Conway's 

troopers,  and  made  a  compulsory  guest  at  the  city.     Prisoners 

were  brought  in  from  a  distance  of  sixty  miles  ;  and  there  was 

one  old  gentlemen,  "  well-languaged,"  who  "  confessed  merrily 

to  Cecil,  that  when  the  soldiers  fetched  him  out  of  his  own 

mansion-house,  sitting  safe  in  his  study,  he  was  as  little  in  fear 

of  the  garrison  of  Ostend  as  he  was  of  the  Turk  or  the  devil,"  ' 

■  And  Doctor  Rogers  held  very  I  and  desolate,  possessed,  I  say,  with 
similar  language  :  "  The  most  dolorous  avoIvcs,  wild  boars,  and  foxes — a  great 
and  heavy  sights  in  this  voyage  to  testimony  of  the  wrath  of  God,''  &c 
Ghent,  by  me  weighed ''  he  said ;  ^^_  Dr.  Rogers  to  the  Queen.- Ap  .1, 
"  seemg    the    countries    which,  hereto-  °  ii 

fore,  bv  traffic  of  merchants,  as  much   |   1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
as  any  "other   1  have  seen  liourish,  now   j       ,  ^.^^.jj  ^^  Burghley,  -    March,    Mti 
partly    drowned,    and,    except   ceitaiu   [  °      "^    li  ' 

great    cities,    wholly   burned,     ruined,      already  cited. 


3(34  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIH 

Three  days  after  the  departure  of  Garnier,  Dr.  Dale  and 
his  attendants  started  upon  then'  exijedition  from  Ostend  to 
7  Ghent — an   hour's  journey  or   so   in  these  modern 

17  '  '  times.  The  English  envoys,  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
found  it  a  more  formidable  undertaking.  They  were 
many  hours  traversing  the  four  miles  to  Oudenburg,  their  first 
halting-place  ;  for  the  waters  were  out,  there  having  been  a 
great  breach  of  the  sea-dyke  of  Ostend,  a  disaster  threatening 
destruction  to  town  and  country.^  At  Oudenburg,  a  "small 
and  wretched  hole,"  as  Garnier  had  described  it  to  be,  there 
was,  however,  a  garrison  of  three  thousand  Spanish  soldiers, 
under  the  Marquis  de  Renti.  From  these  a  convoy  of  fifty 
troopers  was  appointed  to  protect  the  English  travellers  to 
Bruges.  Here  they  arrived  at  three  o'clock,  were  met  outside 
the  gates  by  the  famous  General  La  Motte,  and  by  him  escorted 
to  their  lodgings  in  the  "English  house,"  and  afterwards 
handsomely  entertained  at  supper  in  his  own  quarters. 

The  General's  wife,  Madame  de  la  Motte,  was,  according  to 
Cecil,  "  a  fair  gentlewoman  of  discreet  and  modest  behaviour, 
and  yet  not  unwilling  sometimes  to  hear  herself  speak  ;"  ^  so 
that  in  her  society,  and  in  that  of  her  sister — "  a  nun  of  the 
order  of  the  Mounts,  but  who,  like  the  rest  of  the  sisterhood, 
wore  an  ordinary  dress  in  the  evening,  and  might  leave 
the  convent  if  asked  in  marriage" — the  supj^er  passed  ofi* 
very  agreeably. 

In  the  evening  Cecil  found  that  his  father  had  formerly 

occupied  the  same  bedroom  of  the  English  hotel  in  which  he 

Fridar     ^^^  ^^^'^  lodged  ;  for  he  found  that  Lord  Burghley 

March  8,    had  scrawled  his  name   in    the    chimney-corner — a 

fact  which  was  highly  gratifying  to  the  son.^ 

The  next  morning,  at  seven  o'clock,  the  travellers  set  forth 
for  Ghent.  The  journey  was  a  miserable  one.  It  was  as  cold 
and  gloomy  weather  as  even  a  Flemish  month  of  March  could 
furnish.  A  drizzling  rain  was  falling  all  day  long,  the  lanes 
were  foul  and   miry,  the  frequent  thickets  which   overhung 


10 
*  Cecil  to  Burghley,  -  March,  1588. 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


'  Same  to  same.     (MS.  last  cited.) 
3  Ibid. 


1588.  AND  FINDS  THE  DESOLATION  COMPLETK  3(J5 

their  path  were  swarming  with  the  freebooters  of  Zeeland,  who 
were  "  ever  at  haud,"  says  Cecil,  "  to  have  picked  our  purses, 
but  that  they  descried  our  couvoy,  and  so  saved  themselves  in 
the  woods."  Sitting  on  horseback  ten  hours  without  alighting, 
under  such  circumstances  as  these,  was  not  luxurious  for  a 
fragile  little  gentleman  like  Queen  Elizabeth's  "  pigmy  ;" 
especially  as  Dr.  Dale  and  himself  had  only  half  a  red  herring 
between  them  for  luncheon,  and  supped  afterwards  upon  an 
orange.^  The  envoy  protested  that  when  they  could  get  a 
couple  of  eggs  a  piece,  while  travelling  in  Flanders,  "  they 
thought  they  fared  like  princes."  ^ 

Nevertheless  Cecil  and  himself  fought  it  out  manfully,  and 
when  they  reached  Ghent,  at  five  in  the  evening,  they  were 
met  by  their  acquaintance  Garnier,  and  escorted  to  their 
lodgings.  Here  they  were  waited  upon  by  President  Richardot, 
"  a  tall  gentleman,"  on  behalf  of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  and  then 
left  to  their  much-needed  repose. 

Nothing  could  be  more  forlorn  than  the  country  of  the 
obedient  Netherlands,  through  which  their  day's  journey  had 
led  them.  Desolation  had  been  the  reward  of  obedience. 
"  The  misery  of  the  inhabitants,"  said  Cecil,  "  is  incredible, 
both  without  the  town,  where  all  things  are  wasted,  houses 
spoiled,  and  grounds  unlaboured,  and  also,  even  in  these 
great  cities,  where  thdy  are  for  the  most  part  poor  beggars 
even  in  the  fairest  houses."  ^ 

And  all  this  human  wretchedness  was  the  elaborate 
work  of  one  man — one  dull,  heartless  bigot,  living,  far 
away,  a  life  of  laborious  ease  and  solemn  sensuality  ;  and, 
in  reality,  almost  as  much  removed  from  these  fellow- 
creatures  of  his,  whom  he  called  his  subjects,  as  if  he  had 
been  the  inhabitant  of  another  planet.  Has  history  many 
more  instructive  warnings  against  the  horrors  of  arbitrary 
government — against  the  folly  of  mankind  in  ever  tolerating 
the  rule  of  a  single  irresponsible  individual,  than  the  lesson 
furnished  by  the  life-work  of  that  crowned  criminal,  Philip 
the  Second  ? 

*  Dale  to  Burghlejr,  -  Maivli,  l'-,HA.     (1  P.  Office  MS.)        »  Ibid.  «  Ibid 


366  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIIl. 

The  longing  for  peace  on  the  part  of  these  unfortunate 
obedient  Flemings  was  intense.  Incessant  cries  for  peace 
reached  the  ears  of  the  envoys  on  every  side.  Alas,  it  would 
have  been  better  for  these  peace- wishers,  had  they  stood  side 
by  side  with  their  brethren,  the  noble  Hollanders  and  Zee- 
landers,  when  they  had  been  wresting,  if  not  peace,  yet  inde- 
pendence and  liberty,  from  Philip,  with  their  own  right  hands. 
Now  the  obedient  Flemings  were  but  fuel  for  the  vast  flame 
which  the  monarch  was  kindling  for  the  destruction  of  Chris- 
tendom— if  all  Christendom  were  not  willing  to  accept  his 
absolute  dominion. 

The  burgomasters  of  Ghent — of  Ghent,  once  the  powerful, 
the  industrious,  the  opulent,  the  free,  of  all  cities  in  the  world 
now  the  most  abject  and  forlorn — came  in  the  morning  to 
wait  ujjon  Elizabeth's  envoy,  and  to  present  him,  according 
to  ancient  custom,  with  some  flasks  of  wine.  They  came  with 
tears  streaming  down  their  cheeks,  earnestly  expressing  the 
desire  of  their  hearts  for  peace,  and  their  joy  that  at  least 
it  had  now  "  begun  to  be  thought  on."  ^ 

"  It  is  quite  true,"  replied  Dr.  Dale,  "  that  her  excellent 
Majesty  the  Queen — filled  with  compassion  for  your  condition, 
and  having  been  informed  that  the  Duke  of  Parma  is  desirous 
of  peace — has  vouchsafed  to  make  this  overture.  If  it  take 
not  the  desired  eflect,  let  not  the  blame  rest  upon  her,  but 
upon  her  adversaries."  To  these  words  the  magistrates  all 
said  Amen,  and  invoked  blessings  on  her  Majesty.^  And 
most  certainly,  Elizabeth  was  sincerely  desirous  of  peace, 
even  at  greater  sacrifices  than  the  Duke  could  well  have 
imagined  ;  but  there  was  something  almost  diabolic  in  the 
cold  dissimulation  by  which  her  honest  compassion  was  mocked, 
and  the  tears  of  a  whole  people  in  its  agony  made  the  laughing- 
stock of  a  despot  and  his  tools. 

On  Saturday  morning,  Eichardot  and  Garnier  waited  upon 
the  envoy  to  escort  him  to  the  presence  of  the  Duke.  Cecil, 
who  accompanied   him,  was   not   much  impressed  with  the 

10 

*  Cecil  to  Burghlej,  —  March.     MS.  already  cited.  »  Ibid. 


1588.  INTERVIEW  OF  DALE  AND  CECIL  WITH  PARMA.  367 

grandeur  of  Alexander's  lodgings,  and  made  un-  9  March, 
favourable  and  rather  unreasonable  comparisons  '^  ^^'^'^• 
between  them  and  the  splendour  of  Elizabeth's  court.  They 
passed  through  an  ante-chamber  into  a  dining-room,  thence 
into  an  inner  chamber,  and  next  into  the  Duke's  room.  In 
the  ante-chamber  stood  Sir  AVilliam  Stanley,  the  Deventer 
traitor,  conversing  with  one  Mockett,  an  Englishman,  long 
resident  in  Flanders.  Stanley  was  meanly  dressed,  in  the 
Spanish  fashion,  and  as  young  Cecil,  passing  through  the 
chamber,  looked  him  in  tlie  face,  he  abruptly  turned  from  him, 
and  pulled  his  hat  over  his  eyes.  "  'Twas  well  he  did  so," 
said  tliat  young  gentleman,  "  for  his  taking  it  off  would  hardly 
have  cost  me  mine." '  Cecil  was  informed  that  Stanley  was 
to  have  a  commandery  of  Malta,  and  was  in  good  favour  with 
the  Duke,  who  was,  however,  quite  weary  of  his  mutinous  and 
disorderly  Irish  regiment.- 

In  the  bed-chamber,  Farnese — accompanied  by  the  Marquis 
del  Guasto,  the  Marquis  of  Renty,  the  Prince  of  Aremberg, 
President  Richardot,  and  Secretary  Cosimo — received  the 
envoy  and  his  companion.  "  Small  and  mean  was  the  furni- 
ture of  the  chamber,"  said  Cecil ;  "  and  although  they  attribute 
this  to  his  love  of  privacy,  yet  it  is  a  sign  that  peace  is  the 
mother  of  all  honour  and  state,  as  may  best  be  perceived  by 
the  court  of  England,  which  her  Majesty's  royal  presence  doth 
so  adorn,  as  that  it  exceedeth  this  as  far  as  the  sun  surpasseth 
in  light  the  other  stars  of  the  firmament."" 

Here  was  a  compliment  to  the  Queen  and  her  upholsterers 
drawn  in  by  the  ears.  Certainly,  if  the  first  and  best  fruit  of 
the  much-longed-for  peace  were  only  to  improve  the  furniture 
of  royal  and  ducal  apartments,  it  might  be  as  well  perhaps  for 
the  war  to  go  on,  while  the  Queen  continued  to  outshine  all 
the  stars  in  the  firmament.  But  the  budding  courtier  and 
statesman  knew  that  a  personal  compliment  to  Elizabeth 
could  never  be  amiss  or  ill-timed. 

The  envoy  delivered  the  greetings  of  her  Majesty  to  the 
Duke,  and  was  heard  witli  great  attention.     Alexander  at- 

'  Cecil  to  Burghley,  MS.  last  cited.  '  Ibid.  ^  Ibid. 


368  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIlL 

tempted  a  reply  iu  French,  which  was  very  imperfect,  and, 
apologizing,  exchanged  that  tongue  for  Italian.'  He  alluded 
with  great  fervour  to  the  "  honourable  opinion  concerning  his 
sincerity  and  word,"  expressed  to  him  by  her  Majesty,  through 
the  mouth  of  her  envoy.  "  And  indeed,"  said  he,  "  I  have 
always  had  especial  care  of  keeping  my  word.  My  body  and 
service  are  at  the  commandment  of  the  King,  my  lord  and 
master,  but  my  honour  is  my  own,  and  her  Majesty  may  be 
assured  that  I  shall  always  have  especial  regard  of  my  word 
to  so  great  and  famous  a  Queen  as  her  Majesty." 

The  visit  was  one  of  preliminaries  and  of  ceremony.  Never- 
theless Farnese  found  opportunity  to  impress  the  envoy  and 
his  companions  with  his  sincerity  of  heart.  He  conversed 
much  with  Cecil,  making  particular  and  personal  inquiries, 
and  with  appearance  of  deep  interest,  in  regard  to  Queen 
Elizabeth. 

"  There  is  not  a  prince  in  the  world — "  he  said,  "  reserving 
all  question  between  her  Majesty  and  my  royal  master — to 
whom  I  desire  more  to  do  service.  So  much  have  I  heard  of 
her  perfections,  that  I  wish  earnestly  that  things  might  so  fall 
out,  as  that  it  might  be  my  fortune  to  look  upon  her  face 
before  my  return  to  my  own  country.  Yet  I  desire  to  behold 
her,  not  as  a  servant  to  him  who  is  not  able  still  to  maintain 
war,  or  as  one  that  feared  any  harm  that  might  befall  him  ; 
for  in  such  matters  my  account  was  made  long  ago,  to  endure 
all  which  God  may  send.  But,  in  truth,  I  am  weary  to 
behold  the  miserable  estate  of  this  people,  fallen  upon  them 
through  their  own  folly,  and  methinks  that  he  who  should  do 
the  best  offices  of  peace  would  perform  a  pium  et  sanctissimum 
opus.  Eight  glad  am  I  that  the  Queen  is  not  behind  me  ia 
zeal  for  peace."  He  then  complimented  Cecil  in  regard  to 
his  father,  whom  he  understood  to  be  the  principal  mover  in 
these  negotiations.^ 

The  young  man  expressed  his  thanks,  and  especially  for  the 

1  Cecil  to  Burghley,  MS.  last  cited. 
'  Cec:jl  to  Burghley,  -^  March.     MS.  already  cit^d. 


1588.      HIS  FERVENT  EXPRESSIONS  IN  FAVOUR  OF  PEACE.        369 

good  affection  which  the  Duke  had  manifested  to  the  Queen 
and  in  the  blessed  cause  of  peace.  He  was  well  aware  that 
her  Majesty  esteemed  him  a  prince  of  great  honour  and  virtue, 
and  that  for  this  good  work,  thus  auspiciously  begun,  no  man 
could  possibly  doubt  that  her  Majesty,  like  himself,  was  most 
zealously  affected  to  bring  all  things  to  a  perfect  peace. 

The  matters  discussed  in  this  first  interview  were  only  in 
regard  to  the  place  to  be  appointed  for  the  coming  con- 
ferences, and  the  exchange  of  powers.  The  Queen's  commis- 
sioners had  expected  to  treat  at  Ostend.  Alexander,  on  the 
contrary,  was  unable  to  listen  to  such  a  suggestion,  as  it  would 
be  utter  dereliction  of  his  master's  dignity  to  send  envoys  to 
a  city  of  his  own,  now  in  hostile  occupation  by  her  Majesty's 
forces.  The  place  of  conference,  therefore,  would  be  matter 
of  future  consideration.  In  respect  to  the  exchange  of  powers, 
Alexander  expressed  the  hope  that  no  man  would  doubt  as  to 
the  production  on  his  commissioners'  part  of  ample  authority 
both  from  himself  and  from  the  King.' 

Yet  it  will  be  remembered,  that,  at  this  moment,  the  Duke 
had  not  only  no  powers  from  the  King,  but  that  Philip  had 
most  expressly  refused  to  send  a  commission,  and  that  he  fully 
expected  the  negotiation  to  be  superseded  by  the  invasion, 
before  the  production  of  the  powers  should  become  indis- 
pensable. 

And  when  Farnese  was  speaking  thus  fervently  in  favour 
of  peace,  and  parading  his  word  and  his  honour,  the  letters 
lay  in  his  cabinet  in  that  very  room,  in  which  Philip  expressed 
his  conviction  that  his  general  was  already  in  London,  that 
the  whole  realm  of  England  was  already  at  the  mercy  of 
a  Spanish  soldiery,  and  that  the  Queen,  upon  whose  perfections 
Alexander  had  so  long  yearned  to  gaze,  was  a  discrowned 
captive,  entirely  in  her  great  enemy's  power. 

Thus  ended  the  preliminary  interview.     On  the  following 
Monday,  11th  March,  Dr.  Dale  and  his  attendants  made  the 
best  of  their  way  back  to  Ostend,  while  young  Cecil,  n  March, 
with  a  safe  conduct  from  Champagny,  set  forth  on  a     ^^^^• 
little  tour  in  Flanders. 

'  Cecil  to  Burgbley,  MS.  last  citecL 

VOL.  n.— 2  B  ♦ 


370  TltE  UNITED  NETQERLANDS.  Cbap.  XVlIl. 

The  journey  from  Ghent  to  Antwerp  was  easy,  and  he  was 
agreeably  surprised  by  the  apparent  prosperity  of  the  country. 
At  intervals  of  every  few  miles,  he  was  refreshed  with  the 
spectacle  of  a  gibbet  well  garnished  with  dangling  freebooters, 
and  rejoiced,  therefore,  in  comparative  security.  For  it  seemed 
that  the  energetic  bailiff  of  Waasland  had  levied  a  contribu- 
tion upon  the  proprietors  of  the  country,  to  be  expended 
mainly  in  hanging  brigands  ;  and  so  well  had  the  funds  been 
applied,  that  no  predatory  bands  could  make  their  appear- 
ance but  they  were  instantly  pursued  by  soldiers,  and  hanged 
forthwith,  without  judge  or  trial.  Cecil  counted  twelve  such 
places  of  execution  on  his  road  between  Ghent  and  Antwerp.^ 

On  his  journey  he  fell  in  with  an  Italian  merchant,  Lan- 
franchi  by  name,  of  a  great  commercial  house  in  Antwerp,  in 
the  days  when  Antwerp  had  commerce,  and  by  him,  on  his 
arrival  the  same  evening  in  that  town,  he  was  made  an 
honoured  guest,  both  for  his  father's  sake  and  his  Queen's. 
" 'Tis  the  pleasantest  city  that  ever  I  saw,"  said  Cecil,  "for 
situation  and  building,  but  utterly  left  and  abandoned  now  by 
those  rich  merchants  that  were  wont  to  frequent  the  place."  ^ 

His  host  was  much  interested  in  the  peace-negotiations,  and 
indeed,  through  his  relations  with  Champagny  and  Andreas 
de  Loo,  had  been  one  of  the  instruments  by  which  it  had  been 
commenced.  He  inveighed  bitterly  against  the  Spanish  cap- 
tains and  soldiers,  to  whose  rapacity  and  ferocity  he  mainly 
ascribed  the  continuance  of  the  war  ;  and  he  was  especially 
incensed  with  Stanley  and  other  English  renegades,  who  were 
thought  fiercer  haters  of  England  than  were  the  Spaniards 
themselves.  Even  in  the  desolate  and  abject  condition  of 
Antwerp  and  its  neighbourhood,  at  that  moment,  the  quick 
eye  of  Cecil  detected  the  latent  signs  of  a  possible  splendour. 
Should  peace  be  restored,  the  territory  once  more  be  tilled, 
and  the  foreign  merchants  attracted  thither  again,  he  believed 
that  the  governor  of  the  obedient  Netherlands  might  live  there 
in  more  magnificence  than  the  King  of  Spain  himself,  ex- 
hausted as  were  his  revenues  by  the  enormous  expense  of  this 

^  Cecil  to  Burghley,  -  March,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  *  Ibid. 


1588. 


CECIL  MAKES  A  TOtfR  IN  FLANDERS. 


371 


protracted  war.  Eight  hundred  thousand  dollars  monthly, 
so  Lanfranchi  informed  Cecil,  were  the  costs  of  the  forces  on 
the  footing  then  established.  This,  however,  was  probably  an 
exaggeration,  for  the  royal  account-books  showed  a  less  for- 
midable sum,'  although  a  sufficiently  large  one  to  appal  a  less 
obstinate  bigot  than  Philip.  But  what  to  him  were  the  ruin 
of  the  Netherlands,  the  imj^overishment  of  Spain,  and  the 
downfall  of  her  ancient  grandeur  compared  to  the  glory  of 
establishing  the  Inquisition  in  England  and  Holland  ? 

While  at  dinner  in  Lanfranchi's  house,  Cecil  was  witness 
to  another  characteristic  of  the  times,  and  one  which  afforded 
proof  of  even  more  formidable  freebooters  abroad  than  those 
for  whom  the  bailiff  of  Waasland  had  erected  his  gibbets. 
A  canal-boat  had  left  Antwerp  for  Brussels  that  morning,  and 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  latter  city  had  been  set  upon  by  a 
detachment  from  the  English  garrison  of  Bergen-op-Zoom, 
and  captured,  with  twelve  prisoners  and  a  freight  of  60,000 
florins  in  money.  "  This  struck  the  company  at  the  dinner- 
table  all  in  a  dump,"  said  Cecil.  And  well  it  might  ;  for  the 
property  mainly  belonged  to  themselves,  and  they  forthwith 
did  their  best  to  have  the  marauders  waylaid  on  their  return. 
But  Cecil,  notwithstanding  his  gratitude  for  the  hospitality  of 
Lanfranchi,  sent  word  next  day  to  the  garrison  of  Bergen  of 


*  "Relacion  particular  de  lo  que 
monta  uu  mes  de  sueldo  de  toda  la 
geute  de  este  excrcito  asi  infant'*  conio 
cab»  y  entretenidos  de  todos  naciones, 
artill*  armada,  rituallas,  y  el  numero 
de  la  gente  que  hay  conforme  a  la 
ultima  muestra  de  29  Apr.,  1588 : — 

Infanteria.       Hoinbres.  Viinderas.  Per  Mes. 

Espaiiola 8,718         89  $62,239 

Itala       5,339          52  35,225 

Borgoga      ) 
Irlandesca  V  . .  3,278 
Escocesa     ) 

Wallona 17,825  144  79,341 

Alem»  Alta.  .11,309         50  8<j.697 

„        Baya      8,616         34  51,195 

Caballeria  ligera. 
8650  Alem»  esiandartes 38,631 


29         20,591 


26,400 


Castillos. 
Anversa  . .  )  Per  Mes. 

Gande      ..  V  1,180 6,508 

Charlemont ) 

Entretenidos. 

668.  . 23,204 

El  Armada  de  Mar,  gasto  ordi- 

nario  per  mea 

Artilleria 8,200 

Vituallas,  spedale,  &c 4,384 

Sumario  total. 

59,915  hombres,  per  mes,  escu- )  .jon  .nn 
dos \  ^»0.*27 

Sua  Alteza  Alessandro  Farnese,  per 
mes,  3000  e.scudos  d'  oro. 

Maesse  del  campo  gen',  per  mes,   1000. 

Monta   el  gasto  ordina"  de   cada  me- 

hasta  aqui  $454,315  per  mes  =  370,000 

cscudos  de  oro."     (Archive  de  Siman- 

cas,  MS.) 


372 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIIl 


the  designs  against  them,  and  on  his  arrival  at  the  place  had 
the  satisfaction  of  being  informed  by  Lord  Willoughby  that 
the  party  had  got  safe  home  with  their  plunder.^ 

"And  well  worthy  they  are  of  it,"  said  young  Robert, 
"  considering  how  far  they  go  for  it." 

The  traveller,  on  leaving  Antwerp,  proceeded  down  the 
river  to  Bergen-op-Zoom,  where  he  was  hospitably  entertained 
by  that  doughty  old  soldier  Sir  William  Reade,  and  met  Lord 
Willoughby,  whom  he  accompanied  to  Brielle  on  a  visit  to  the 
deposed  elector  Truchsess,  then  living  in  that  neighbourhood. 
Cecil — who  was  not  passion's  slave — ^had  small  sympathy  with 
the  man  who  could  lose  a  sovereignty  for  the  sake  of  Agnes 
Mansfeld.  "'Tis  a  very  goodly  gentleman,"  said  he,  "well 
fashioned,  and  of  good  speech,  for  which  I  must  rather  praise 
him  than  for  loving  a  wife  better  than  so  great  a  fortune  as  he 
lost  by  her  occasion."^  At  Brielle  he  was  handsomely  enter- 
tained by  the  magistrates,  who  had  agreeable  recollections  of 
his  brother  Thomas,  late  governor  of  that  city.  Thence  he 
proceeded  by  way  of  Delft — which,  like  all  English  travellers, 
he  described  as  "  the  finest  built  town  that  ever  he  saw  " — to 
the  Hague,  and  thence  to  Fushing,  and  so  back  by  sea  to 
Ostend.  He  had  made  the  most  of  his  three  weeks'  tour,  had 
seen  many  important  towns  both  in  the  republic  and  in  the 
obedient  Netherlands,  and  had  conversed  with  many  "  tall 
gentlemen,"  as  he  expressed  himself,  among  the  English 
commanders,  having  been  especially  impressed  by  the  heroes 
of  Sluys,  Baskerville  and  that  "  proper  gentleman  Francis 
Vere."  ^ 

He  was  also  presented  by  Lord  Willoughby  to  Maurice  of 
Nassau,  and  was  perhaps  not  very  benignantly  received  by  the 
young  prince.  At  that  particular  moment,  when  Leicester's 
deferred  resignation,  the  rebellion  of  Sonoy  in  North  Holland, 
founded  on  a  fictitious  allegiance  to  the  late  governor- 
general,  the  perverse  determination  of  the  Queen  to  treat  for 


*  Cecil  to  Burghley,  —  March.    MS. 
already  cited. 


*  Cecil   to    Burghley, 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1688. 


AND  SEES  MUCH  THA.T  IS  REMARKABLE. 


373 


peace  against  the  advice  of  all  the  leading  statesmen  of  the 
Netherlands,  and  the  sharp  rebukes  perpetually  administered 
by  her,  in  consequence,  to  the  young  stadholder  and  all  his 
supporters,  had  not  tended  to  produce  the  most  tender  feelings 
upon  their  part  towards  the  English  government,  it  was  not 
surprising  that  the  handsome  soldier  should  look  askance  at 
the  crooked  little  courtier,  whom  even  the  great  Queen  smiled 
at  while  she  petted  him.     Cecil  was  very  angry  with  Maurice. 

"  In  my  life  I  never  saw  worse  behaviour,"  he  said,  "  except 
it  were  in  one  lately  come  from  school.  There  is  neither 
outward  appearance  in  him  of  any  noble  mind  nor  inward 
virtue."  * 

Although  Cecil  had  consumed  nearly  the  whole  month  of 
March  in  his  tour,  he  had  been  more  profitably  employed  than 
were  the  royal  commissioners  during  the  same  period  at 
Ostend. 

Never  did  statesmen  know  better  how  not  to  do  that  which 
they  were  ostensibly  occupied  in  doing  than  Alexander  Farnese 
and  his  agents,  Champagny,  Richardot,  Jacob  Maas,  and 
Garnier.  The  first  pretext  by  which  much  time  was  cleverly 
consumed  was  the  dispute  as  to  the  place  of  meeting.  Doctor 
Dale  had  already  expressed  his  desire  for  Ostend  as  the  place 
of  colloquy.  "  'Tis  a  very  slow  old  gentleman,^  this  Doctor 
Dale,"  said  Alexander  ;  "he  was  here  in  the  time  of  Madam 
my  mother,  and  has  also  been  ambassador  at  Vienna.  I  have 
received  him  and  his  attendants  with  great  courtesy,  and  held 
out  great  hopes  of  peace.  We  had  conversations  about  the 
place  of  meeting.  He  wishes  Ostend  :  I  object.  The  first 
conference  will  jjrobably  be  at  some  point  between  that  place 
and  Newport."^ 

The  next  opportunity  for  discussion  and  delay  was  afibrded 
by  the  question  of  powers.  And  it  must  be  ever  borne  in 
mind  that  Alexander  was  daily  expecting  the  arrival  of  the 
invading  fleets  and  armies  of  Spain,  and  was  holding  himself 


Cecil  to  Burghley,  -  March,  1538. 


(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
'  "Viejo    J 


0."     Parma    to 


PhUip  II.,  20  March,  1588. 
Simancas,  MS.) 
'  Ibid. 


(Arch,  de 


374  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVI IL 

in  readiness  to  place  himself  at  their  head  for  the  conquest  of 
England.  This  was,  of  course,  so  strenuously  denied  by 
himself  and  those  under  his  influence,  that  Queen  Elizabeth 
implicitly  believed  him,  Burghley  was  lost  in  doubt,  and 
even  the  astute  Walsingham  began  to  distrust  his  own  senses. 
So  much  strength  does  a  falsehood  acquire  in  determined  and 
skilful  hands. 

"  As  to  the  commissions,  it  will  be  absolutely  necessary  for 
your  Majesty  to  send  them,"  wrote  Alexander  at  the  moment 
when  he  was  receiving  the  English  envoy  at  Ghent,  "  for — 
unless  the  Armada  arrive  soon — it  will  be  indispensable  for  me 
to  have  them,  in  order  to  keep  the  negotiation  alive.  Of 
course  they  will  never  broach  the  principal  matters  without 
exhibition  of  powers.  Richardot  is  aware  of  the  secret  which 
your  Majesty  confided  to  me,  namely,  that  the  negotiations 
are  only  intended  to  deceive  the  Queen  and  to  gain  time  for 
the  fleet ;  but  the  powers  must  be  sent  in  order  that  we  may 
be  able  to  produce  them,  although  your  secret  intentions  will 
be  obeyed."  * 

The  Duke  commented,  however,  on  the  extreme  difficulty 
of  carrying  out  the  plan,  as  originally  proposed.  "  The  con- 
quest of  England  would  have  been  difficult,"  he  said,  "  even 
although  the  country  had  been  taken  by  surprise.  Now  they 
are  strong  and  armed  ;  we  are  comparatively  weak.  The 
danger  and  the  doubt  are  great ;  and  the  English  deputies,  I 
think,  are  really  desirous  of  peace.  Nevertheless  I  am  at 
your  Majesty's  disposition — life  and  all — and  probably,  before 
the  ansioer  arrives  to  this  letter ^  the  fleet  will  have  arrived,  and 
/  shall  have  undertaken  the  passage  to  England."  - 

After  three  weeks  had  thus  adroitly  been  frittered  away, 
the  English  commissioners  became  somewhat  impatient,  and 
despatched  Doctor  Rogers  to  the  Duke  at  Ghent.  This  was 
extremely  obliging  upon  their  part,  for  if  Valentine  Dale  were 
a  "  slow  old  gentleman,"  he  was  keen,  caustic,  and  rapid,  as 
compared  to  John  Rogers.  A  formalist  and  a  pedant,  a  man 
of  red  tape  and  routine,  full  of  precedents  and  declamatory 

*  Parma  to  Philip  II,  20  March,  1588.     (Arch,  de  Simaacas,  MS.)  '  Ibid. 


1588.  INTERVIEWS  OF   DR.   ROGERS   WITH   PARMA.  375 

commonplaces  which  he  mistook  for  eloquence,  honest  as 
daylight  and  tedious  as  a  king,  he  was  just  the  time-consumer 
for  Alexander's  purpose.  The  wily  Italian  listened  with  pro- 
found attention  to  the  wise  saws  in  which  the  excellent  diplo- 
matist revelled,  and  his  fine  eyes  often  filled  with  tears  at  the 
Doctor's  rhetoric. 

Three  interviews — each  three  mortal  hours  long — did  the 
two  indulge  in  at  Ghent,  and  never  was  high  commissioner 
better  satisfied  with  himself  than  was  John  Rogers  upon 
those  occasions.  He  carried  every  point  ;  he  convinced,  he 
softened,  he  captivated  the  great  Duke  ;  he  turned  the  great 
Duke  round  his  finger.  The  gi-eat  Duke  smiled,  or  wept,  or 
fell  into  his  arms,  by  turns.  Alexander's  military  exploits 
had  rung  through  the  world,  his  genius  for  diplomacy  and 
statesmanship  had  never  been  disputed  ;  but  his  talents  as  a 
light  comedian  were,  in  these  interviews,  for  the  first  time 
fully  revealed. 

On  the  26th  March  the  learned  Doctor  made  his  first  bow 
and  performed  his   first  flourish  of  compliments   at    Ghent. 

26jtarch_  ic  J  assurc  your  Majesty,"  said  he,  "  his  Highness 
1588.'  followed  my  compliments  of  entertainment  with  so 
much  honour,  as  that — his  Highness  or  I,  speaking  of  the 
Queen  of  England — he  never  did  less  than  uncover  his  head  ; 
not  covering  the  same,  unless  I  was  covered  also."  ^  And  after 
these  salutations  had  at  last  been  got  through  with,  thus 
spake  the  Doctor  of  Laws  to  the  Duke  of  Parma  : — 

"  Almighty  God,  the  light  of  lights,  be  pleased  to  enlighten 
the  understanding  of  your  Alteza,  and  to  direct  the  same  to 
his  glory,  to  the  uniting  of  both  their  Majesties  and  the 
finishing  of  these  most  bloody  wars,  whereby  these  countries, 
being  in  the  highest  degree  of  misery  desolate,  lie  as  it  were 
prostrate  before  the  wrathful  presence  of  the  most  mighty 
God,  most  lamentably  beseeching  his  Divine  Majesty  to  with- 
draw his  scourge  of  war  from  them,  and  to  move  the  hearts  of 
princes  to  restore  them  unto  peace,  whereby  they  might  attain 

*  Doctor  Rogers  to  the  Queen,  -  April,  1588.    {S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


376  THE   U^^ITED   NKTIIERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIIL 

uuto  tlieir  ancient  flower  and  dignity.  Into  the  hands  of 
your  Alteza  are  now  the  lives  of  many  thousands,  the  destruc- 
tion of  cities,  towns,  and  countries,  which  to  put  to  the  fortune 
of  war  how  perilous  it  were,  I  pray  consider.  Think  ye,  ye 
see  the  mothers  left  alive  tendering  their  offspring  in  your 
presence,"  ''nam  matrihus  detestata  hella,"  continued  the 
orator.  "  Think  also  of  others  of  all  sexes,  ao;es,  and  con- 
ditions,  on  their  knees  before  your  Alteza,  most  humbly 
praying  and  crying  most  dolorously  to  spare  their  lives,  and 
save  their  property  from  the  ensanguined  scourge  of  the  insane 
soldiers,"  and  so  on,  and  so  on.^ 

Now  Philip  II.  was  slow  in  resolving,  slower  in  action. 
The  ponderous  three-deckers  of  Biscay  were  notoriously  the 
dullest  sailers  ever  known,  nor  were  the  fettered  slaves  who 
rowed  the  great  galleys  of  Portugal  or  of  Andalusia  very 
brisk  in  their  movements  ;  and  yet  the  King  might  have 
found  time  to  marshal  his  ideas  and  his  squadrons,  and  the 
Armada  had  leisure  to  circumnavigate  the  globe  and  invade 
England  afterwards,  if  a  succession  of  John  Rogerses  could 
have  entertained  his  Highness  with  compliments  while  the 
preparations  were  making. 

But  Alexander — at  the  very  outset  of  the  Doctor's  eloquence 
— found  it  difficult  to  suppress  his  feelings.  "  I  can  assure 
your  Majesty,"  said  Rogers,  "  that  his  eyes — he  has  a  very 
large  eye — were  moistened.  Sometimes  they  were  thrown 
upward  ta  heaven,  sometimes  they  were  fixed  full  upon  me, 
sometimes  they  were  cast  downward,  well  declaring  how  his 
heart  was  affected."^ 

I  Honest  John  even  thought  it  necessary  to  mitigate  the 
effect  of  his  rhetoric,  and  to  assure  his  Highness  that  it 
was,  after  all,  only  hcj  Doctor  Rogers,  and  not  the  minister 
plenipotentiary  of  the  Queen's  most  serene  Majesty,  who  was 
exciting  all  this  emotion. 

"  At  this  part  of  my  speech,"  said  he,  ''I  prayed  his  High- 
ness not  to  be  troubled,^  for  that  the  same  only  proceeded  from 

'  Doctor  Rogera  to  the  Queen,  MS.  last  cited.     *  Ibid.     '  "^contentarsi,"  Ibid- 


1588.  WONDERFUL   HARANGUES   OF   THE  ENVOY.  377 

Doctor  Jtogers,  who,  it  might  please  him  to  know,  was  so  much 
moved  with  the  pitiful  case  of  these  countries,  as  also  that 
which  of  war  was  sure  to  ensue,  that  I  wished,  if  my  body 
were  full  of  rivers  of  blood,  the  same  to  be  poured  forth  to 
satisfy  any  that  were  blood-thirsty,  so  there  might  an  assured 
peace  follow."^ 

His  Highness,  at  any  rate,  manifesting  no  wish  to  drink  of 
sucli  sanguhiary  streams — even  had  the  Doctor's  body  con- 
tained them — Eogers  became  calmer.  He  then  descended 
from  rhetoric  to  jurisprudence  and  casuistry,  and  argued  at 
intolerable  length  the  propriety  of  commencing  the  con- 
ferences at  Ostend,  and  of  exhibiting  mutually  the  commissions. 

It  is  quite  unnecessary  to  follow  him  as  closely  as  did 
Farnese.  When  he  had  finished  the  first  part  of  his  oration, 
however,  and  was  "  addressing  himself  to  the  second  point/' 
Alexander  at  last  interrupted  the  torrent  of  his  eloquence, 

"  He  said  that  my  divisions  and  subdivisions,"  wrote  the 
Doctor,  "  were  perfectly  in  his  remembrance,  and  that  he  would 
first  answer  the  first  point,  and  afterwards  give  audience  to 
the  second,  and  answer  the  same  accordingly." 

Accordingly  Alexander  put  on  his  hat,  and  begged  the 
envoy  also  to  be  covered.  Then,  "  with  great  gravity,  as  one 
inwardly  much  moved,"  the  Duke  took  up  his  part  in  the 
dialogue. 

"  Signor  Euggieri,"  said  he,  "you  have  propounded  unto 
me  speeches  of  two  sorts  :  the  one  proceeds  from  Doctor 
Ruggieri,  the  other  from  the  lord  ambassador  of  the  most 
serene  Queen  of  England.  Touching  the  first,  I  do  give  you 
my  hearty  thanks  for  your  godly  speeches,  assuring  you  that 
though,  by  reason  I  have  always  followed  the  wars,  I  cannot 
be  ignorant  of  the  calamities  by  you  alleged,  yet  you  have 
so  truly  represented  the  same  before  mine  eyes  as  to  efiectuate 
in  me  at  this  instant,  not  only  the  confirmation  of  mine  own 
disposition  to  have  peace,  but  also  an  assurance  that  this  treaty 
shall  take  good  and  speedy  end,  seeing  that  it  hath  pleased 
God  to  raise  up  such  a  good  instrument  as  you  are."- 

'  Rogers  to  tlie  Queeu.  MS.  before  cited.  »  Ib»4. 


378 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVUL 


"  Many  are  the  causes/'  continued  the  Duke,  "which,  be- 
sides my  disposition,  move  me  to  jjeace.  My  father  and 
mother  are  dead,  my  son  is  a  young  prince,  my  house  has 
truly  need  of  my  presence.  I  am  not  ignorant  how  ticklisli  a 
thing  is  the  fortune  of  war,  which — how  victorious  soever  I 
have  been — may  in  one  moment  not  only  deface  the  same, 
but  also  deprive  me  of  my  life.  The  King,  my  master,  is 
now  stricken  in  years,  his  children  are  young,  his  dominions 
in  trouble.  His  desire  is  to  live,  and  to  leave  his  posterity  in 
quietness.  The  glory  of  God,  the  honor  of  both  their 
Majesties,  and  the  good  of  these  countries,  with  the  stay  of 
the  effusion  of  Christian  blood,  and  divers  other  like  reasons, 
force  him  to  peace."  * 

Thus  spoke  Alexander,  like  an  honest  Christian  gentleman, 
avowing  the  most  equitable  and  j)acific  dispositions  on  the 
part  of  his  master  and  himself.  Yet  at  that  moment  he  knew 
that  the  Armada  was  about  to  sail,  that  his  own  nights  and 
days  were  passed  m  active  preparations  for  war,  and  that  no 
earthly  power  could  move  Philip  by  one  hair's-breadth  fi-om 
his  purpose  to  conquer  England  that  summer.^ 

It  would  be  superfluous  to  follow  the  Duke  or  the  Doctor 
through  their  long  dialogue  on  the  jilace  of  conference,  and 
the  commissions.  Alexander  considered  it  "  infamy  "  on  his 
name  if  he  should  send  envoys  to  a  place  of  his  master's  held 
by  the  enemy.  He  was  also  of  opinion  that  it  was  unheard 
of  to  exhibit  commissions  previous  to  a  preliminary  colloquy. 

Both  propositions  were  strenuously  contested  by  Rogers, 
In  regard  to  the  second  point  in  particular,  he  showed  tri- 
umphantly, by  citations  from  the  "  Polonians,  Prussians,  and 
Lithuanians,"  that  commissions  ought  to  be  previously  exhi- 
bited.^ But  it  was  not  probable  that  even  the  Doctor's  learn- 
ing and   logic   would    persuade   Alexander    to    produce  his 


'  Rogers  to  the  Queen,  MS.  last 
cited. 

"^  We  have  sufBciently  proved  the 
good  faith  of  the  Queen  on  entering 
upon  these  negotiations.  Alexander 
himself  felt  as  sure  of  her  sincerity 
tie  he  did  of  his    master's  duplicity. 


"  I  believe  that  she  desires  peace 
earnestly,"  said  he  to  Philip,  "  on 
account  of  her  fear  of  expense." 
Parma  to  Philip  11.  31  Jan.  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas.  MS.) 

'  Rogers  to  the  Queen,  MS.  already 
cited. 


1588.  EXTRAORDINARY  AMENlTT  OF  ALKXANDER.  379 

commission,  because,  unfortunately,  he  had  no  commission  to 
produce.  A  comfortable  argument  on  the  subject,  however, 
would,  none  the  less,  consume  time. 

Three  hours  of  this  work  brought  them,  exhausted  and 
hungry,  to  the  hour  of  noon  and  of  dinner,  Alexander,  with 
profuse  and  smiling  thanks  for  the  envoy's  plain  dealing  and 
eloquence,  assured  him  that  there  would  have  been  peace  long 
ago  "had  Doctor  Rogers  always  been  the  instrument,"  and  re- 
gretted that  he  was  himself  not  learned  enough  to  deal  credit- 
ably with  him.  He  would,  however,  send  Richardot  to  bear 
him  company  at  table,  and  chop  logic  with  him  afterwards. 

Next  day,  at  the  same  hour,  the  Duke  and  Doctor  had 
another  encounter.  So  soon  as  the  envoy  made  his  appear- 
ance, he  found  himself  "embraced  most  cheerfully  and 
familiarly  by  his  Alteza,"  who,  then  entering  at  once  into 
business,  asked  as  to  the  Doctor's  second  point.^ 

The  Doctor  answered  with  great  alacrity. 

"  Certain  expressions  have  been  reported  to  her  Majesty," 
said  he,  "  as  coming  both  from  your  Highness  and  from 
Richardot,  hinting  at  a  possible  attempt  by  the  King  of 
Spain's  forces  against  the  Queen.  Her  Majesty,  gathering 
that  you  are  going  about  belike  to  terrify  her,  commands  me 
to  inform  you  very  clearly  and  very  expressly  that  she  does  not 
deal  so  weakly  in  her  government,  nor  so  improvidently,  but 
that  she  is  provided  for  anything  that  might  be  attempted 
against  her  by  the  King,  and  as  able  to  offend  him  as  he  her 
Majesty." - 

Alexander — with  a  sad  countenance,  as  much  offended,  his 
eyes  declaring  miscontentment — asked  who  had  made  such  a 
report. 

"  Upon  the  honour  of  a  gentleman,"  said  he,  "  whoever  has 
said  this  has  much  abused  me,  and  evil  acquitted  himself. 
They  who  know  me  best  are  aware  that  it  is  not  my  manner 
to  let  any  word  pass  my  lips  that  might  offend  any  prince." 
Then,  speaking  most  solemnly,  he  added,  "  I  declare  really 
and  truly  (which    two  words   he    said   in   Spanish),  that  / 

'  Rogers  to  the  Queen,  MS.  last  cited.  •-  IbiJ. 


380  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIII. 

knoiv  not  of  any  intention  of  the  King  of  Spain  against  her 
Majesty  or  her  realm."  ^ 

At  that  moment  the  earth  did  not  open — year  of  portents 
though  it  was — and  the  Doctor,  "singularly  rejoicing"  at  this 
authentic  information  from  the  highest  source,  proceeded 
cheerfully  with  the  conversation. 

"  I  hold  myself,"  he  exclaimed,  "  the  man  most  satisfied 
in  the  world,  because  I  may  now  write  to  her  Majesty  that  I 
have  heard  your  Highness  upon  your  honour  use  these  words." 

"Upon  my  honour,  it  is  true,"  repeated  the  Duke  ;  "for  so 
honourably  do  I  think  of  her  Majesty,  as  that,  after  the  King, 
my  master,  I  would  honour  and  serve  her  before  any  prince 
in  Christendom."  He  added  many  earnest  asseverations  of 
similar  import. 

"  I  do  not  deny,  however,"  continued  Alexander,  "  that  I 
have  heard  of  certain  ships  having  been  armed  by  the  King 
against  that  Draak" — he  jjronounced  the  "a"  in  Drake's  name 
very  broadly,  or  Dorice — "who  has  committed  so  many  out-' 
rages  ;  but  I  repeat  that  I  have  never  heard  of  any  design 
against  her  Majesty  or  against  England."^ 

The  Duke  then  manifested  much  anxiety  to  know  by  whom 
he  had  been  so  misrepresented.  "  There  has  been  no  one 
with  me  but  Dr.  Dale,"  said  he,  "  and  I  marvel  that  he  should 
thus  wantonly  have  injured  me." 

"  Dr.  Dale,"  replied  Rogers,  "  is  a  man  of  honour,  of  good 
years,  learned,  and  well  experienced ;  but  perhaps  he  unfor- 
tunately misapprehended  some  of  your  Alteza's  words,  and 
thought  himself  bound  by  his  allegiance  strictly  to  report 
them  to  her  Majesty." 

"  I  grieve  that  I  should  be  misrepresented  and  injured,'* 
answered  Farnese,  "  in  a  manner  so  important  to  my  honour. 
Nevertheless,  knowing  the  virtues  with  which  her  Majesty  is 
endued,  I  assure  myself  that  the  protestations  I  am  now 
making  will  entirely  satisfy  her." 

He  then  expressed  the  fervent  hope  that  the  holy  work  of 

*  "Realmente  y  verdaderamente."     (Rogera  to  the  Queen,  MS.  last  cited.) 

'  Ibid. 


1588.  WITH  WHICH  ROGERS  IS  MUCH  TOUCHED.  381 

negotiation  now  commencing  would  result  in  a  renewal  of 
the  ancient  friendship  between  the  Houses  of  Burgundy  and 
of  England,  asserting  that  "  there  had  never  been  so  favour- 
able a  time  as  the  present." 

Under  former  governments  of  the  Netherlands  there  had 
been  many  mistakes  and  misunderstandings. 

"  The  Duke  of  Alva,"  said  he,  "  has  learned  by  this  time, 
before  the  judgment-seat  of  God,  how  he  discharged  his  func- 
tions, succeeding  as  he  did  my  mother,  the  Duchess  of  Parma, 
who  left  the  Provinces  in  so  flourishing  a  condition.  Of  this, 
however,  I  will  say  no  more,  because  of  a  feud  between  the 
Houses  of  Farnese  and  of  Alva.  As  for  Requesens,  he  was  a 
good  fellow,  but  didn't  understand  his  business.  Don  John  of 
Austria  again,  whose  soul  I  doubt  not  is  in  heaven,  was  young 
and  poor,  and  disappointed  in  all  his  designs  ;  but  God  has 
never  offered  so  great  a  hope  of  assured  peace  as  might  now 
be  accomplished  by  her  Majesty."^ 

Finding  the  Duke  in  so  fervent  and  favourable  a  state  of 
mind,  the  envoy  renewed  his  demand  that  at  least  the  ^r si 
meeting  of  the  commissioners  might  be  held  at  Ostend. 

"  Her  Majesty  finds  herself  so  touched  in  honour  upon  this 
point,  that  if  it  be  not  conceded — as  I  doubt  not  it  will  be, 
seeing  the  singular  forwardness  of  your  Highness" — said  the 
artful  Doctor  with  a  smile,^  "  we  are  no  less  than  commanded 
to  return  to  her  Majesty's  presence." 

"  I  sent  Richardot  to  you  yesterday,"  said  Alexander  ;  "  did 
he  not  content  you  ?" 

"  Your  Highness,  no,"  replied  Rogers,  "  Moreover  her 
Majesty  sent  me  to  your  Alteza,  and  not  to  Richardot.  And 
the  matter  is  of  such  importance  that  I  pray  you  to  add  to  all 
your  graces  and  favours  heaped  upon  me,  this  one  of  sending' 
your  commissioners  to  Ostend." 

His  Highness  could  hold  out  no  longer ;  but  suddenly 
catching  the  Doctor  in  his  arms,  and  hugging  him  "  in  most 
honourable  and  amiable  manner,"  he  cried — ^ 

*  Rogers  to  the  Queen,  MS.  last  cited.  '  "I  spake  it  souriant,"  &a     Ibid. 

8  Ibid. 


382  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XYIIL 

"Be  contented,  be  cheerful,  my  lord  ambassador.  You 
shall  be  satisfied  upon  this  point  also." 

"  And  never  did  envoy  depart,"  cried  the  lord  ambassador, 
when  he  could  get  his  breath,  "  more  bound  to  you,  and  more 
resolute  to  speak  honour  of  your  Highness  than  I  do." 

"  To-morrow  we  will  ride  together  towards  Bruges,"  said 
the  Duke,  in  conclusion.     "  Till  then  farewell." 

Upon  this  he  again  heartily  embraced  the  envoy,  and  the 
friends  parted  for  the  day. 

Next  morning,  28th  March,  the  Duke,  who  was  on  his  way 
to  Bruges  and   Sluys  to  look  after  his  gun-boats,  and  other 

^  "'*'"'''',    naval  and  military  preparations,  set  forth  on  horse- 

'ia88.  back,  accompanied  by  the  Marquis  del  Vasto,  and, 
for  part  of  the  way,  by  Rogers. 

They  conversed  on  the  general  topics  of  the  approaching 
negotiations  ;  the  Duke  expressing  the  opinion  that  the  treaty 
of  peace  would  be  made  short  work  with,  for  it  only  needed 
to  renew  the  old  ones  between  the  Houses  of  England  and 
Burgundy.  As  for  the  Hollanders  and  Zeelanders,  and  their 
accomplices,  he  thought  there  would  be  no  cause  of  stay  on 
their  account ;  and  in  regard  to  the  cautionaiy  towns  he  felt 
sure  that  her  Majesty  had  never  had  any  intention  of  appro- 
priating them  to  herself,  and  would  willingly  surrender  them 
to  the  King. 

Rogers  thought  it  a  good  opportunity  to  put  in  a  word  for 
the  Dutchmen,  who  certainly  would  not  have  thanked  him 
for  his  assistance  at  that  moment. 

"Not  to  give  offence  to  your  Highness,"  he  said,  "if  the 
Hollanders  and  Zeelanders,  with  their  confederates,  like  to 
come  into  this  treaty,  surely  your  Highness  would  not 
object  ?" 

Alexander,  who  had  been  riding  along  quietly  during  this 
conversation,  with  his  right  hand  on  his  hip,  now  threw  out 
his  arm  energetically. 

"Let  them  come  into  it,  let  them  treat,  let  them  con- 
clude,"^ he  exclaimed,  "in  the  name  of  Almighty  God  !     1 

*  "  Entrino,  trattino,  couchiudiuo."    Rogers  to  the  Queen,  MS.  last  cited. 


1688. 


THE  QUEEN  NOT  PLEASED  WITH  HER  ENVOY. 


383 


have  always  been  well  disposed  to  peace,  and  am  now  more 
so  than  ever.  I  could  even,  with  the  loss  of  my  life,  be  con- 
tent to  have  peace  made  at  this  time." 

Nothing  more,  worthy  of  commemoration,  occurred  during 
this  concluding  interview  ;  and  the  envoy  took  his  leave  at 
Bruges,  and  returned  to  Ostend.^ 

I  have  furnished  the  reader  with  a  minute  account  of  these 
conversations,  drawn  entirely  from  the  original  records,  not 
80  much  because  the  interviews  were  in  themselves  of  vital 
importance,  but  because  they  afford  a  living  and  breathing 
example — better  than  a  thousand  homilies — of  the  easy  vic- 
tory which  diplomatic  or  royal  mendacity  may  always  obtain 
over  innocence  and  credulity. 

Certainly  never  was  envoy  more  thoroughly  beguiled  than 
the  excellent  John  upon  this  occasion.  Wiser  than  a  ser- 
pent, as  he  imagined  himself  to  be,  more  harmless  than  a 
dove,  as  Alexander  found  him,  he  could  not  sufficiently  con- 
gratulate himself  upon  the  triumphs  of  his  eloquence  and 
his  adroitness  ;  and  despatched  most  glowing  accounts  of  his 
proceedings  to  the  Queen. 

His  ardour  was  somewhat  damped,  however,  at  receiving  a 
message  from  her  Majesty  in  reply,  which  was  anything  but 
benignant.  His  eloquence  was  not  commended  ;  and  even 
his  preamble,  with  its  touching  allusion  to  the  live  mothers 
tendering  their  offspring — the  passage  which  had  brought  the 
tears  into  the  large  eyes  of  Alexander — was  coldly  and  cruelly 
censured. 

"  Her  Majesty  can  in  no  sort  like  such  speeches" — so  ran 
the  return-despatch — "  in  which  she  is  made  to  beg  for  peace. 
The  King  of  Spain  standeth  in  as  great  need  of  peace  as  her- 
self ;  and  she  doth  greatly  mislike  the  preamble  of  Dr. 
Rogers  in  his  address  to  the  Duke  at  Ghent,  Jinding  it,  in  very 
truth,  quite  fond  and  vain.  I  am  commanded  by  a  particular 
letter  to  let  him  understand  how  much  her  Majesty  is  offended 
with  him."  ^ 


1  Rogers  to  the  Queen,  MS.  last  cited. 
«  Lords  of  Council  to  Earl  of  Derby 


and     Lord    Cobham,    —   April     1688, 

21 

(S.  p.  Office  MS.) 


384  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIU 

Alexander,  on  his  part,  informed  his  royal  master  of  these 
interviews,  in  which  there  had  been  so  much  effusion  of  senti- 
ment, in  very  brief  fashion. 

"  Dr.  Rogers,  one  of  the  Queen's  commissioners,  has  been 
here,"  he  said,  "  urging  me  with  all  his  might  to  let  all  your 
Majesty's  deputies  go,  if  only  for  one  hour,  to  Ostend.  I 
refused,  saying,  I  would  rather  they  should  go  to  England 
than  into  a  city  of  your  Majesty  hold  by  English  troops.  I 
told  him  it  ought  to  be  satisfactory  that  I  had  offered  the 
Queen,  as  a  lady,  her  choice  of  any  place  in  the  Provinces, 
or  on  neutral  ground.  Rogers  expressed  regret  for  all  the 
bloodshed  and  other  consequences  if  the  negotiations  should 
fall  through  for  so  trifling  a  cause  ;  the  more  so  as  in  return 
for  this  little  compliment  to  the  Queen  she  would  not  only 
restore  to  your  Majesty  everything  that  she  holds  in  the 
Netherlands,  but  would  assist  you  to  recover  the  part  which 
remains  obstinate.^  To  quiet  him  and  to  consume  time,  I 
have  promised  that  President  Richardot  shall  go  and  try  to 
satisfy  them.  Thus  tioo  or  three  weeks  more  will  he  wasted. 
But  at  last  the  time  will  come  for  exhibiting  the  powers. 
They  are  very  anxious  to  see  mine  ;  and  when  at  last  they 
find  I  have  none,  I  fear  that  they  will  break  off  the  nego- 
tiations." ^ 

Could  the  Queen  have  been  informed  of  this  voluntary 
offer  on  the  part  of  her  envoy  to  give  up  the  cautionary 
towns,  and  to  assist  in  reducing  the  rebellion,  she  might  have 
used  stronger  language  of  rebuke.  It  is  quite  possible,  how- 
ever, that  Farnese — not  so  attentively  following  the  Do&tor's 
eloquence  as  he  had  appeared  to  do — had  somewhat  inaccu- 
rately reported  the  conversations,  which,  after  all,  he  kne\y 
to  be  of  no  consequence  whatever,  except  as  time-consumers. 
For  Elizabeth,  desirous  of  peace  as  she  was,  and  trusting  to 
Farnese's  sincerity  as  she  was  disposed  to  do,  was  more  sensi- 
tive than  ever  as  to  her  dignity. 

'  "  Por  esta  poca  honra  que  se  hara  1  quedara  obstinada."     Parma  to  Philip 

a  la  Reyna  ella  non  solo  restituyre  a  II.,    16   Apr.,    1588.     (Archive  de   Si- 

V.  Magii  todo  lo  que  tiene  destos  esta-  mancas,  MS.) 

dos  mas  ayudara  a  cobrar  la  parte  que  \  ^  Ibid. 


1588.  CREDULITY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  COMMISSIONERS.  385 

"  We  charge  you  all,"  slie  wrote  with  her  own  hand  to  the 
commissioners,  "  that  no  word  be  overslipt  by  them,  that  may 
touch  our  honour  and  greatness,  that  be  not  answered  with 
good  sharp  words.  I  am  a  king  that  will  be  ever  known  not 
to  fear  any  but  God."  ^ 

It  would  have  been  better,  however,  had  the  Queen  more 
thoroughly  understood  that  the  day  for  scolding  had  quite 
gone  by,  and  that  something  sharper  than  the  sharpest  words 
would  soon  be  wanted  to  protect  England  and  herself  from 
impending  doom.  For  there  was  something  almost  gigantic 
in  the  frivolities  with  which  weeks  and  months  of  such  pre- 
cious time  were  now  squandered.  Plenary  powers — "  com- 
mision  bastantissima"  —  from  his  sovereign  had  been  an- 
nounced by  Alexander  as  in  his  possession  ;  although  the 
reader  has  seen  that  he  had  no  such  powers  at  all.  The  mis- 
sion of  Rogers  had  quieted  the  envoys  at  Ostend  for  a  time, 
and  they  waited  quietly  for  the  visit  of  Richardot  to  Ostend, 
into  which  the  promised  meeting  of  all  the  Spanish  commis- 
sioners in  that  city  had  dwindled.  *  Meantime  there  was  an 
exchange  of  the  most  friendly  amenities  between  the  English 
and  their  mortal  enemies.  Hardly  a  day  passed  that  La 
Motte,  or  Renty,  or  Aremberg,  did  not  send  Lord  Derby,  or 
Cobham,  or  Robert  Cecil,  a  hare,  or  a  pheasant,  or  a  cast  of 
hawks,^  and  they  in  return  sent  barrel  upon  barrel  of  Ostend 
oysters,  five  or  six  hundred  at  a  time.^  The  Englishmen,  too, 
had  it  in  their  power  to  gratify  Alexander  himself  vrith 
English  greyhounds,  for  which  he  had  a  special  liking.  "  You 
would  wonder,"  wrote  Cecil  to  his  father,  "  how  fond  he  is  of 
English  dogs."  *  There  was  also  much  good  preaching  among 
other  occupations,  at  Ostend.  "  My  Lord  of  Derby's  two 
chaplains,"  said  Cecil,  "  have  seasoned  this  town  better  with 
sermons  than  it  had  been  before  for  a  year's  space."^  But  all 
this  did  not   expedite   the   negotiations,   nor   did  the  Duke 


I  Queen  to  the  Commissioners,  —  April,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

.1 
»  CecU  to  Burduey,  -  April,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
°      -^    15 
» Ibid.  *  Ibid.  ■>  Ibid 

VOL.  II. — 2  C 


38G 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


CuAP.  XVIIL 


manifest  so  much  anxiety  for  colloquies  as  for  greyhounds. 
So,  in  an  unlucky  hour  for  himself,  another  "  fond  and  vain" 
old  gentleman — James  Croft,  the  comptroller,  who  had  already 
figured,  not  much  to  his  credit,  in  the  secret  negotiations 
between  the  Brussels  and  English  courts — betook  himself, 
unauthorized  and  alone,  to  the  Duke  at  Bruges.  Here  he  had 
an  interview  very  similar  in  character  to  that  in  which  John 
Rogers  had  been  indulged,  declared  to  Farnese  that  the  Queen 
was  most  anxious  for  peace,  and  invited  him  to  send  a  secret 
envoy  to  England,  who  would  instantly  have  ocular  demon- 
stration of  the  fact.  Croft  returned  as  triumphantly  as  the 
excellent  Doctor  had  done  ;  averring  that  there  was  no  doubt 
as  to  the  immediate  conclusion  of  a  treaty.  His  grounds  of 
belief  were  very  similar  to  those  upon  which  Rogers  had 
founded  his  faith.  ^'  'Tis  a  weak  old  man  of  seventy,"  said 
Parma,  ''  with  very  little  sagacity.  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  his  colleagues  are  taking  him  in,  that  tliey  may  the  better 
deceive  us.'  I  will  see  that  they  do  notliing  of  the  kind." 
But  the  movement  was  ;purely  one  of  the  comptroller's  own 
inspiration  ;  for  Sir  James  had  a  singular  facility  for  getting 
himself  into  trouble,  and  for  making  confusion.  Already, 
when  he  had  been  scarcely  a  day  in  Ostend,  he  had  insulted 
the  governor  of  the  place.  Sir  John  Conway,  had  given  him 
the  lie  in  the  hearing  of  many  of  his  own  soldiers,  had  gone 
about  telling  all  the  world  that  he  had  express  authority  from 
her  Majesty  to  send  him  home  in  disgrace,  and  that  the  Queen 
had  called  him  a  fool,  and  quite  unfit  for  his  post.^  And  as 
if  this  had  not  been  mischief-making  enough,  in  addition  to 
the  absurd  Do  Loo  and  Bodman  negotiations  of  the  previous 
year,  in  which  he  had  been  the  principal  actor,  he  had 
crowned  his  absurdities  by  this  secret  and  officious  visit  to 
Ghent.  The  Queen,  naturally  very  indignant  at  this  con- 
duct, reprehended   him   severely,   and  ordered    him  back   to 


'  "Como  rauestra  poca 
dexa  de  dar  regelo  de  que  le  enganan 
a  el  para  mas  engafiar,"  etc.  Parma 
to  Philip  II.,   13  May,   1588.       (Arch. 


de  SLmancaa,  MS.) 
.   De 

April,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.!) 


^  Queen    to   Derby  and   Cobham,   - 


1588. 


CEREMONIOUS   MEETING  OF  ALL  THE  ENVOYS. 


387 


England.'  The  comptroller  was  wretched.  He  expressed 
his  readiness  to  obey  her  commands,  but  nevertheless  im- 
plored his  dread  sovereign  to  take  merciful  consideration  of 
the  manifold  misfortunes,  ruin,  and  utter  undoing,  which 
thereby  should  fall  upon  him  and  his  unfortunate  family.  All 
this  he  protested  he  would  nothing  esteem  if  it  tended  to  her 
Majesty's  pleasure  or  service,  "  but  seeing  it  should  effectuate 
nothing  but  to  bring  the  aged  carcase  of  her  poor  vassal  to 
present  decay,  he  implored  compassion  upon  his  hoary  hairs, 
and  promised  to  repair  the  error  of  his  former  proceedings. 
He  avowed  that  he  would  not  have  ventured  to  disobey  for  a 
moment  her  orders  to  return,  but  "  that  his  aged  and  feeble 
limbs  did  not  retain  sufficient  force,  without  present  death,  to 
comply  with  her  commandment."^  And  with  that  he  took  to 
his  bed,  and  remained  there  until  the  Queen  was  graciously 
pleased  to  grant  him  her  pardon. 

At  last,  early  in  May — instead  of  the  visit  of  Richardot — 
there  was  a  preliminary  meeting  of  all  the  commissioners  in 
tents  on  the  sands,  within  a  cannon-shot  of  Ostend,  and  between 
that  place  and  Newport.  It  was  a  showy  and  ceremonious 
interview,  in  which  no  business  was  transacted.  The  commis- 
sioners of  Philip  were  attended  by  a  body  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  light  horse,  and  by  three  hundred  private  gentlemen  in 
magnificent  costume.  La  Motte  also  came  from  Newport  with 
one  thousand  Walloon  cavalry,  while  the  English  commissioners 
on  their  part  were  escorted  from  Ostend  by  an  imposing  array  of 
English  and  Dutch  troops,^  As  the  territory  was  Spanish,  the 
dignity  of  the  King  was  supposed  to  be  preserved,  and  Alexander, 
who  had  promised  Dr.  Rogers  that  the  first  interview  should 
take  place  within  Ostend  itself,  thought  it  necessary  to  apologize 
to  his  sovereign  for  so  nearly  keeping  his  word  as  to  send  the 
envoys  within  cannon-shot  of  the  town.     "  The  English  com- 


'    Queen   to  the   Commissioners   for 
the  reprehension   of  Sir  James   Croft, 

8 

in    Lord    Burghley's    handwriting,    — 
May,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


'  Croft  to  the  Queen,  28  May, 
1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Parma  to  Philip  U.  13  May,  1588, 
(Arcli.  tie  Simancas,  MS.) 


388 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVUL 


missioners,"  said  he,  "  begged  with  so  much  submission  for 
this  concession,  that  I  thought  it  as  well  to  grant  it." ' 

The  Spanish  envoys  were  despatched  by  the  Duke  of 
Parma,  well  provided  with  full  powers  for  himself,  which  were 
not  desired  by  the  English  government,  but  unfurnished  with 
a  commission  from  Philip,  which  had  been  pronounced  indis- 
pensable.^ There  was,  therefore,  much  prancing  of  cavalry, 
flourishing  of  trumpets,  and  eating  of  oysters,  at  the  first  con- 
ference, but  not  one  stroke  of  business.  As  the  English 
envoys  had  now  been  three  whole  months  in  Ostend,  and  as 
this  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  they  had  been  brought 
face  to  face  with  the  Spanish  commissioners,  it  must  be  con- 
fessed that  the  tactics  of  Farnese  had  been  masterly.  Had 
the  haste  in  the  dock-yards  of  Lisbon  and  Cadiz  been  at  all 
equal  to  the  magnificent  procrastination  in  the  council-cham- 
bers of  Bruges  and  Ghent,  Medina  Sidonia  might  already  have 
been  in  the  Thames. 

But  although  little  ostensible  business  was  performed,  there 
was  one  man  who  had  always  an  eye  to  his  work.  The  same 
servant  in  plain  livery,  who  had  accompanied  Secretary 
Gamier,  on  his  first  visit  to  the  English  commissioners  at 
Ostend,  had  now  come  thither  again,  accompanied  by  a 
fellow-lackey.  While  the  complimentary  dinner,  offered  in 
the  name  of  the  absent  Farnese  to  the  Queen's  representa- 
tives, was  going  forward,  the  two  menials  strayed  oft'  together 
to  the  downs,  for  the  purpose  of  rabbit-shooting.^  The  one  of 
them  was  the  same  engineer  who  had  already,  on  the  former 
occasion,  taken  a  complete  survey  of  the  fortifications  of 
Ostend  ;  the  other  was  no  less  a  personage  than  the  Duke  of 
Parma  himself.  The  pair  now  made  a  thorough  examination 
of  the  town  and  its  neighbourhood,  and,  having  finished  their 
reconnoitring,  made  the  best  of  their  way  back  to  Bruges.* 
As  it  was  then  one  of  Alexander's  favourite  objects  to  reduce 


*  "  Suplicado  coa  grande  submicion 
que  se  diesse  esta  satisfacion  a  la 
Revna,"  &c.  Parma  to  Philip  II. 
[MS.  last  cited.) 


»  Ibid. 

'  Parma  to  Philip  II.  13  May,  1588 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 
*  Ibid. 


158. 


CONSUMMATE   ART  IN   WASTING  TIME. 


389 


the  city  of  Ostend,  at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  it  must 
be  allowed  that  this  preliminary  conference  was  not  so  barren 
to  himself  as  it  was  to  the  commissioners.  Philip,  when  in- 
formed of  this  manoeuvre,  was  naturally  gratified  at  such 
masterly  duplicity,  while  he  gently  rebuked  his  nephew  for 
exposing  his  valuable  life  ;  and  certainly  it  would  have  been 
an  inglorious  termination  to  the  Duke's  splendid  career,  had 
he  been  hanged  as  a  sp}^  within  the  trenches  of  Ostend.  With 
the  other  details  of  this  first  diplomatic  colloquy  Philip  was 
delighted.  "  I  see  you  understand  me  thoroughly,"  he  said, 
"  Keep  the  negotiation  alive  till  my  Armada  appears,  and  then 
caiTy  out  my  determination,  and  replant  the  Catholic  religion 
on  the  soil  of  England."^ 

The  Queen  was  not  in  such  high  spirits.  She  was  losing 
her  temper  very  fast,  as  she  became  more  and  more  con- 
vinced that  she  had  been  trifled  with.  No  powers  had  been 
yet  exhibited,  no  permanent  place  of  conference  fixed  upon, 
and  the  cessation  of  arms  demanded  by  her  commissioners  for 
England,  Spain,  and  all  the  Netherlands,  was  absolutely 
refused.^  She  desired  her  commissioners  to  inform  the  Duke 
of  Parma  that  it  greatly  touched  his  honour — as  both  before 
their  coming  and  afterwards,  he  had  assured  her  that  he  had 
comision  hastantissima  from  his  sovereign — to  clear  himself  at 
once  from  the  imputation  of  insincerity.  "  Let  not  the  Duke 
think,"  she  wrote  with  her  own  hand,  "  that  we  would  so  long 
time  endure  these  many  frivolous  and  unkindly  dealings,  but 
that  we  desire  all  the  world  to  know  our  desire  of  a  kingly 
peace,  and  that  we  will  endure  no  more  the  like,  nor  any,  but 
will  return  you  from  your  charge."^ 

Accordingly — by  her  Majesty's  special  command — Dr.  Dale 
made  another  visit  to  Bruges,  to  discover,  once  for  all,  whether 
there  was  a  commission  from  Philip  or  not,  and,  if  so,  to  see 
it  with  his  own  eyes.     On  the  7th  May  he  had  an  interview 


'  PhQip  II.  to  Parma,  21  June,  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

'  Parma  to  Philip  II.  13  May,  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 


'    Queen     to     the     Commissiouera^ 
^Z!Z!,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

10  May 


390  THE    UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Cuap.  XVIII. 

with  the  Duke.     After  thanking  his  Highness  for  the  honour- 
-  able  and  stately  manner  in  which    the  conferences 

n    ^^'    had  been  inausrurated  near  Ostend,  Dale  laid  very 

1588  .  .  . 

plainly  before  him  her  Majesty's  complaints  of 
the  tergiversations  and  equivocations  concerning  the  com- 
mission, which  had  now  lasted  three  months  long.^ 

In  answer,  Alexander  made  a  complimentary  harangue, 
confining  himself  entirely  to  the  first  part  of  the  envoy's 
address,  and  assuring  him  in  redundant  phraseology,  that  he 
should  hold  himself  very  guilty  before  the  world,  if  he  had  not 
suiTounded  the  first  colloquy  between  the  plenipotentiaries  of 
two  such  mighty  princes,  with  as  much  pomp  as  the  circum- 
stances of  time  and  place  would  allow.  After  this  superfluous 
rhetoric  had  been  poured  forth,  he  calmly  dismissed  the 
topic  which  Dr.  Dale  had  come  all  the  way  from  Ostend  to 
discuss,  by  carelessly  observing  that  President  Richardot  would 
confer  with  him  on  the  subject  of  the  commission.'^ 

"  But,"  said  the  envoy,  "  'tis  no  matter  of  conference  or 
dispute.     I  desire  simply  to  see  the  commission." 

"  Richardot  and  Champagny  shall  deal  with  you  in  the 
afternoon,"  repeated  Alexander ;  and,  with  this  reply,  the 
Doctor  was  fain  to  be  contented. 

Dale  then  alluded  to  the  point  of  cessation  of  arms. 

"  Although,"  said  he,  "  the  Queen  might  justly  require  that 
the  cessation  should  be  general  for  all  the  King's  dominion, 
yet  in  order  not  to  stand  on  precise  points,  she  is  content  that 
it  should  extend  no  further  than  to  the  towns  of  Flushing, 
Briel,  Ostend,  and  Bergen-op-Zoom." 

"  To  this  he  said  nothing,"  wrote  the  envoy,  "  and  so  I 
went  no  further." 

In  the  afternoon  Dale  had  conference  with  Champagny  and 
Richardot.  As  usual,  Champagny  was  bound  hand  and  foot 
by  the  gout,  but  was  as  quick-witted  and  disputatious  as  ever. 
Again  Dale  made  an  earnest  harangue,  proving  satisfactorily 


*  D»le  to  the  Queen,  -  May,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
2  Dale  to  the  Queen.     (MS.  last  cited.) 


1588. 


LONG  DISPUTES  ABOUT  COMMISSIONS. 


391 


— as  if  any  proof  were  necessary  on  such  a  point — that  a  com- 
mission from  Phihj)  ought  to  be  produced,  and  that  a  com- 
mission had  been  promised,  over  and  over  again.  ^ 

After  a  pause,  both  the  representatives  of  Parma  began  to 
wrangle  with  the  envoy  in  very  insolent  fashion.  "  Richardot 
is  always  their  mouth-piece  ; "  said  Dale,  "  only  Champagny 
choppeth  in  at  every  word,  and  would  do  so  likewise  in  ours  if 
we  would  suffer  it."  * 

"  We  shall  never  have  done  with  these  impertinent  demands," 
said  the  President.  "You  ought  to  be  satisfied  with  the 
Duke's  promise  of  ratification  contained  in  his  commission. 
We  confess  what  you  say  concerning  the  former  requisitions 
and  promises  to  be  true,  but  when  will  you  have  done  ?  Have 
we  not  showed  it  to  Mr,  Croft,  one  of  your  own  colleagues  ? 
And  if  we  show  it  you  now,  another  may  come  to-morrow, 
and  so  we  shall  never  have  an  end." 

"  The  delays  come  from  yourselves,'  roundly  replied  the 
Englishman,  "  for  you  refuse  to  do  what  in  reason  and  law 
you  are  bound  to  do.  And  the  more  demands  the  more  mora 
aut  potius  culpa  in  you.  You,  of  all  men,  have  least  cause  to 
hold  such  language,  who  so  confidently  and  even  disdainfully 
answered  our  demand  for  the  commission,  in  Mr.  Cecil's  pre- 
sence, and  promised  to  show  a  perfect  one  at  the  very  first 
meeting.  As  for  Mr.  Comptroller  Croft,  he  came  hither 
without  the  command  of  her  Majesty  and  without  the  know- 
ledge of  his  colleagues." 

Richardot  then  began  to  insinuate  that,  as  Croft  had  come 
without  authority,  so — for  aught  they  could  tell — might  Dale 
also.  But  Champagny  here  interruped,  protested  that  the 
president  was  going  too  far,  and  begged  him  to  show  the  com- 
mission without  further  argument.^ 

Upon  this  Richardot  pulled  out  the  commission  from  under 
his  gown,  and  placed  it  in  Dr.  Dale's  hands  !  * 

It  was  dated  17th  April,   1588,   signed  and  sealed  by  the 


'  Dale  to  the  Queen,  MS.  last  cited. 
*  Commissioaera  to    Privy   Council, 
1  June,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


»  Dale  to  the  Queen,  -  May,  1588. 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
*  Ibid. 


392 


THE  UNITED  NETUEllLANDS. 


Chap.  XV 111. 


King,  and  written  in  French,  and  was  to  the  effect,  that  as 
there  had  been  differences  between  her  Majesty  and  himself, 
as  her  Majesty  had  sent  ambassadors  into  the  Netherlands,  as 
the  Duke  of  Parma  had  entered  into  treaty  with  her  Majesty, 
therefore  the  King  authorised  the  Duke  to  appoint  commis- 
sioners to  treat,  conclude,  and  determine  all  controversies  and 
misunderstandings,  confirmed  any  such  appointments  already 
made,  and  promised  to  ratify  all  that  might  be  done  by  them 
in  the  premises.' 

Dr.  Dale  expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the  tenor  of  this 
document,  and  begged  to  be  furnished  with  a  copy  of  it,  but 
this  was  peremptorily  refused.-  There  was  then  a  long  con- 
versation— ending,  as  usual,  in  nothing — on  the  two  other 
points,  the  place  for  the  conferences,  namely,  and  the  cessation 
of  arms. 

Next  morning  Dale,  in  taking  leave  of  the  Duke  of  Parma, 
expressed  the  gratification  which  he  felt,  and  which  her 
Majesty  was  sure  to  feel  at  the  production  of  the  commission. 
It  was  now  jjroved,  said  the  envoy,  that  the  King  was  as 
earnestly  in  favour  of  peace  as  the  Duke  was  himself. 

Dale  then  returned,  well  satisfied,  to  Ostend. 

In  truth  the  commission  had  arrived  just  in  time.  "  Had 
I  not  received  it  soon  enough  to  produce  it  then,"  said 
Alexander,  "  the  Queen  would  have  broken  off  the  negotia- 
tions. So  I  ordered  Richardot,  who  is  quite  aware  of  your 
Majesty's  secret  intentions,  from  which  we  shall  not  swerve 
one  jot,  to  show  it  privately  to  Croft,  and  afterwards  to  Dr. 
Dale,  but  without  allowing  a  copy  of  it  to  be  taken."  ^ 

"  You  have  done  very  well,"  replied  Philip,  "  but  that  com- 
mission is,  on  no  account,  to  he  used,  except  for  show.  You  know 
my  mind  thoroughly."  * 


'  Dale  to  the  Queen,  MS.  last  cited. 
»  Ibid. 

*  Parma  to  Philip  II.  8  June,    1588. 
(Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

*  Philip   to   Parma,    21  June,    1588. 
(Arch,  do  Sim.  MS.) 

The  King,  when  he  at  last  sent  the 
power   on   the    13th    Maj^,    1588,   had 


observed  to  Farnese — "I  don't  think 
that  there  will  be  any  trouble  on  ac- 
count of  your  having  no  commission 
from  me.  Nevertheless,  in  order  to 
dispel  their  doubts  and  to  remove  all 
suspicion,  I  have  ordered  for  the  nonce 
one  to  bo  sent  in  French.  This,  as  I 
have  already  stated,  is  not-  to  be  uged 


I5S8. 


THE  SPANISH  COMMISSIONS  MEANT  TO  DECEIVE. 


393 


Thus  three  months  had  been  consumed^  and  at  last  one 
indispensable  preliminary  to  any  negotiation  had,  in  appear- 
ance, been  performed.  Full  powers  on  both  sides  had  been 
exhibited.  When  the  Queen  of  England  gave  the  Earl  of 
Derby  and  his  colleagues  commission  to  treat  with  the  King's 
envoys,  and  pledged  herself  beforehand  to  ratify  all  their 
proceedings,  she  meant  to  perform  the  promise  to  which  she 
had  affixed  her  royal  name  and  seal.  She  could  not  know 
that  the  Spanish  monarch  was  deliberately  putting  his  name 
to  a  lie,  and  chuckling  in  secret  over  the  credulity  of  his 
English  sister,  who  was  willing  to  take  his  word  and  his  bond. 
Of  a  certainty  the  English  were  no  match  for  southern 
diplomacy. 

But  Elizabeth  was  now  more  impatient  than  ever  that  the 
other  two  preliminaries  should  be  settled,  the  place  of  con- 
ferences, and  the  armistice. 

"  Be  plain  with  the  Duke,"  she  wrote  to  her  envoys,  "  that 
we  have  tolerated  so  many  weeks  in  tarrying  a  commission, 
that  I  will  never  endure  more  delays.  Let  him  know  he 
deals  with  a  prince  who  prizes  her  honour  more  than  her  life. 
Make  yourselves  such  as  stand  of  your  reputations."  ^ 

Sharp   words,  but  not  sharp  enough  to  prevent  a  further 
delay  of  a  month  ;  for  it  was  not  till  the  6th  June  that  the 
commissioners  at  last  came  together  at  Bourbourg,^  6  June, 
that  "  miserable   little  hole,"  on   the   coast   between    i^ss. 


for  the  purpose  of  concluding  or  agree- 
ing  to  anything,  in  any  case  what- 
ever, but  only  for  the  sake  of  keeping 
tlie  negotiation  alive,  in  order  to  enable 
us  the  better  to  execute  our  armed 
enterprise;  and  so  1  again  charge  it 
upon  you,  with  a  renewed  proliibition 
of  any  thing  in  a  contrary  sense,  refer- 
ring you  always  to  my  letter  of  24th 
April,  and  to  my  orders  so  often  given, 
which  you  are  to  fulfil  exactly  without 
departing  one  jot  therefrom."  ' "  Para 
sacarlos  do  dud  a,  y  quitarlos  tod  a 
sospecha,  ho  mandado  un  poder  por  la 
via  en  frances,  del  qual,  como  entonces, 
OS  lo  advert!  y  declare,  no  se  ha  de 
usar  para  asentar  ni  concluyr  por  nin- 
gun  caso,  cosa  alguna,  sino  solo  que 
acude  la  platica  para  poder  executar 


mejor  lo  de  las  armas  y  empresa,  y  asi 
OS  lo  torno  a  encargar  con  nueva  pro- 
hibicion  de  lo  contrario,  reniitiendome 
a  la  carta  que  en  esta  materia  se  os 
escribio  por  esta  via  a  lo  24  April,  que 
es  la  orden  que  aveys  de  cumplir 
puntualmente  sin  apartaros  della,"  &c. 
Philip  II.  to  Parma,  13  May,  1588. 
(Archive  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

'  Queen's    Minute   to   the    Commis- 
sioners, -  May,    1588.      (S.    P.  Office 

'  23         •"  ^ 

MS.) 

2  Parma   to   Philip,    8    June,    1588. 
(Arch,    de   Simancas,     MS.)     Dale   to 

''9  Mav 

Wal^ingham,  ^— ^'  1588.    (S.  P.  Office 

°  s  .Tune 

MS.)  Commissioners  to  the  Queen. 
(Ibid.) 


394  THK  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVHt. 

Ostoud  and  Newport,  against  which  Gamier  had  warned  them. 
And  now  there  was  ample  opportunity  to  wrangle  at  full 
length  on  the  next  preliminary,  the  cessation  of  arms.  It 
would  be  superfluous  to  follow  the  altercations  step  by  step — . 
for  negotiations  there  were  none — and  it  is  only  for  the  sake 
of  exhibiting  at  full  length  the  infamy  of  diplomacy,  when 
diplomacy  is  unaccompanied  by  honesty,  that  we  are  hanging 
Up  this  series  of  pictures  at  all.  Those  bloodless  encounters 
between  credulity  and  vanity  upon  one  side,  and  gigantic 
fraud  on  the  other,  near  those  very  sands  of  Newport,  and  in 
sight  of  the  Northern  Ocean,  where,  before  long,  the  most 
terrible  battles,  both  by  land  and  sea,  which  the  age  had  yet 
witnessed,  were  to  occur,  are  quite  as  full  of  instruction  and 
moral  as  the  most  sanguinary  combats  ever  waged. 

At   last  the  commissioners  exchanged  copies  of  their   re- 
spective powers.     After  four  months  of  waiting  and  wrangling, 
27  May      so  much  had  been  achieved — a  show  of  commissions 
6  June      and  a  selection  of  the  place  for  conference.      And 

1588 

now  began  the  long  debate  about  the  cessation  of 
arms.  The  English  claimed  an  armistice  for  the  whole 
dominion  of  Philip  and  Elizabeth  respectively,  during  the 
term  of  negotiation,  and  for  twenty  days  after.  The  Spanish 
would  grant  only  a  temporary  truce,  terminable  at  six  days' 
notice,  and  that  only  for  the  four  cautionary  towns  of  Holland 
held  by  the  Queen.  Thus  Philip  would  be  free  to  invade 
England  at  his  leisure  out  of  the  obedient  Netherlands  or 
Spain.  This  was  inadmissible,  of  course,  but  a  week  was 
spent  at  the  outset  in  reducing  the  terms  to  writing  ;  and 
when  the  Duke's  propositions  were  at  last  produced  in  the 
French  tongue,  they  were  refused  by  the  Queen's  commis- 
sioners, who  required  that  the  documents  should  be  in  Latin. 
Great  was  the  triumph  of  Dr.  Dale,  when,  after  another 
interval,  he  found  their  Latin  full  of  barbarisms  and  blunders, 
at  which  a  school-boy  would  have  blushed.^  The  King's 
commissioners,  however,  while  halting  in  their  syntax,  had 
kept  steadily  to  their  point. 

>  Dale  to  Walsingham,  21  June,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1588.  DISPUTES  ABOUT   CESSATION   OF   ARMS.  395 

"  You  promised  a  general  cessation  of  arms  at  our  coming," 

9 

said  Dale,  at  a  conference  on  the  ~  June,  "and  now  ye 
have  lingered  five  times  twenty  days,  and  nothing  done  at 
all.  The  world  may  see  the  delays  come  of  you  and  not  of 
us,  and  that  ye  are  not  so  desirous  of  peace  as  ye  pretend." ' 

"  But  as  for  your  invasion  of  England,"  stoutly  observed  the 
Earl  of  Derby,  "ye  shall  find  it  hot  coming  thither.  England 
was  never  so  ready  in  any  former  age,  neither  by  sea  nor  by 
land  ;  but  we  would  show  your  unreasonableness  in  proposing 
a  cessation  of  arms  by  which  ye  would  bind  her  Majesty  to 
forbear  touching  all  the  Low  Countries,  and  yet  leave  your- 
selves at  liberty  to  invade  England."  ^ 

While  they  were  thus  disputing.  Secretary  Gamier  rushed 
into  the  room,  looking  very  much  frightened,  and  announced 
that  Lord  Henry  Seymour's  fleet  of  thirty-two  ships  of  war 
was  riding  off  Gravelines,  and  tliat  he  had  sent  two  men  on 
shore  who  were  now  waiting  in  the  ante-chamber. 

The  men  being  accordingly  admitted,  handed  letters  to  the 
English  commissioners  from  Lord  Henry,  in  which  be  begged 
to  be  informed  in  what  terms  they  were  standing,  and  whether 
they  needed  his  assistance  or  countenance  in  the  cause  in 
which  they  were  engaged.  The  envoys  found  his  presence 
very  "  comfortable,"  as  it  showed  the  Spanish  commissioners 
that  her  Majesty  was  so  well  provided  as  to  make  a  cessation 
of  arms  less  necessary  to  her  than  it  was  to  the  King. 
They  therefore  sent  their  thanks  to  the  Lord  Admiral,  begging 
him  to  cruise  for  a  time  ofi*  Dunkirk  and  its  neighbourhood, 
that  both  their  enemies  and  their  friends  might  have  a  sight 
of  the  English  ships.'' 

Great  was  the  panic  all  along  the  coast  at  this  unexpected 
demonstration.  The  King's  commissioners  got  into  theii" 
coaches,  and  drove  down  to  the  coast  to  look  at  the  fleet, 
and — so  soon  as  they  appeared — were  received  with  such  a 
thundering  cannonade  an  hour  long,  by  way  of  salute,  as  to 

'  Commissioners  to  Privy  Council,  -  June,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
*  Ibia.  •  JbiO. 


396  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  CuAi-.  XVIII. 

convince  them,  in  the  opinion  of  the  English  envoys,  that  the 
Queen  had  no  cause  to  be  afraid  of  any  enemies  afloat  or 
ashore.' 

But  these  noisy  arguments  were  not  much  more  effective 
than  the  interchange  of  diplomatic  broadsides  which  they  had 
for  a  moment  superseded.  The  day  had  gone  by  for  blank 
cartridges  and  empty  i)rotocols.  Nevertheless  Lord  Henry's 
harmless  thunder  was  answered,  the  next  day,  by  a  "  Quintu- 
plication"  in  worse  Latin  than  ever,  presented  to  Dr.  Dale 
and  his  colleagues  by  Richardot  and  Champagny,  on  the 
subject  of  the  armistice.  And  then  there  was  a  return  quin- 
tuplication,  in  choice  Latin,  by  the  classic  Dale,  and  then 
there  was  a  colloquy  on  the  quintuplication,  and  everything 
that  had  been  charged,  and  truly  charged,  by  the  English, 
was  now  denied  by  the  King's  commissioners  ;  and  Cham- 
pagny— moi'e  gouty  and  more  irascible  than  ever — "  chopped 
in "  at  every  word  spoken  by  King's  envoys  or  Queen's,  con- 
tradicted everybody,  repudiated  everything  said  or  done  by 
Andrew  de  Loo,  or  any  of  the  other  secret  negotiators  during 
the  past  year,  declared  that  there  never  had  been  a  general 
cessation  of  arms  promised,  and  that,  at  any  rate,  times  were 
now  changed,  and  such  an  armistice  was  inadmissible."  Then 
the  English  answered  with  equal  impatience,  and  reproached 
the  King's  representatives  with  duplicity  and  want  of  faith, 
and  censured  them  for  their  unseemly  language,  and  begged 
to  inform  Champagny  and  Richardot  that  they  had  not  then 
to  deal  with  such  persons  as  they  might  formerly  have  been  in 
the  habit  of  treating  withal,  but  with  a  "  great  prince  who  did 
j  ustify  the  honour  of  her  actions,"  and  they  confuted  the  posi- 
tions now  assimied  by  their  opponents  with  official  documents 
and  former  statements  from  those  very  opponents'  lips.  And 
then,  after  all  this  diplomatic  and  rhetorical  splutter,  the 
high  commissioners  recovered  their  temper  and  grew  more 
polite,  and  the  King's  "  envoys  excused  themselves  in  a  mild, 


'  Commissioners  to  Privy  Council,  —  June,  1588.     (S.  P.  OfiBce  MS.) 
'  Ibid     (MS.  last  cited.) 


1588. 


SPANISH   DUPLICITY  AND   PROCRASTINATION. 


397 


merry  manner/'  for  the  rudeness  of  their  speeches,  and  the 
Queen's  envoys  accepted  their  apologies  with  majestic  urbanity, 
and  so  they  separated  for  the  day  in  a  more  friendly  manner 
than  they  had  done  the  day  before.* 

"  You  see  to  what  a  scholar's  shift  we  have  been  driven 
for  want  of  resolution,"  said  Valentine  Dale.  "  If  we  should 
linger  here  until  there  should  be  broken  heads,  in  what  case 
we  should  be  God  knoweth.  For  I  can  trust  Champagny  and 
Richardot  no  farther  than  I  can  see  them."  ^ 

And  so  the  whole  month  of  June  passed  by  ;  the  English 
commissioners  "  leaving  no  stone  unturned  to  get  a  quiet  ces- 
sation of  arms  in  general  terms,"  ^  and  being  constantly  foiled  ; 
yet  perpetually  kept  in  hope  ^  that  the  point  would  soon  be 
carried.  At  the  same  time  the  signs  of  the  approaching 
invasion  seemed  to  thicken.  "  In  my  opinion,"  said  Dale, 
"  as  Phormio  spake  in  matters  of  wars,  it  were  very  requisite 
that  my  Lord  Harry  should  be  always  on  this  coast,  for  they 
will  steal  out  from  hence  as  closely  as  they  can,  either  to  join 
with  the  Spanish  navy  or  to  land,  and  they  may  be  very  easily 
scattered,  by  God's  grace."  And,  with  the  honest  pride  of  a 
protocol-maker,  he  added,  "  our  postulates  do  trouble  the 
King's  commissioners  very  much,  and  do  bring  them  to 
despair."  ^ 

The  excellent  Doctor  had  not  even  yet  discovered  that  the 
King's  commissioners  were  delighted  with  his  postulates  ;  and 
that  to  have  kept  them  postulating  thus  five  months  in  suc- 
cession, while  naval  and  military  preparations  were  slowly 
bringing  forth  a  great  event — 'Which  was  soon  to  strike  them 
with  as  much  amazement  as  if  the  moon  had  fallen  out  of 
heaven — was  one  of  the  most  decisive  triumphs  ever  achieved 


•  Commissioners    to   Privy    Council, 
-  June,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

31 


Dale 


to    Walsingham,    —   June, 


1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  And  if  her  Majesty  list  to  break, 
she  may  now  do  it  upon  their  present 
denial  of  the  cessation  of  arms,  which 
Richardot  did  in  open  council  promise 


to  Norris  and  Andrea  de  Loo  should 
be  accorded  at  the  tioming  of  her  Ma- 
jesty's commissioners,  and  whicli  is 
now  denied  as  ever  spoken,  or  to  be 
performed,  if  promised."     (Ibid.) 

'  Dale  to   Burghley,  "  June,    1588 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  Ibid.  5  Ibid. 


398  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDa  Chap.  XVIII. 

by  Spanish  diplomacy.  But  the  Doctor  thought  that  his 
logic  had  driven  the  King  of  Spain  to  despair. 

At  the  same  time  he  was  not  insensible  to  the  merits  of 
another  and  more  peremptory  style  of  rhetoric.  "  I  pray 
you,"  said  he  to  Walsingliam,  "let  us  hear  some  arguments 
from  my  Lord  Harry  out  of  her  Majesty's  navy  now  and  then. 
I  think  they  will  do  more  good  than  any  bolt  that  we  can 
shoot  here.  If  they  he  met  with  at  their  going  out,  there  is 
no  possibility  for  them  to  make  any  resistance,  having  so  few 
men  that  can  abide  the  sea  ;  for  the  rest,  as  you  know,  must  he 
sea-sick  at  first." ' 

But  the  envoys  were  completely  puzzled.  Even  at  the 
beginning  of  July,  Sir  James  Croft  was  quite  convinced  of  the 
innocence  of  the  King  and  the  Duke  ;  ^  hut  Croft  was  in  his 
dotage.  As  for  Dale,  he  occasionally  opened  his  eyes  and  his 
ears,  hut  more  commonly  kept  them  well  closed  to  the  signi- 
ficance of  passing  events,  and  consoled  himself  with  his  pro- 
tocols and  his  classics,  and  the  purity  of  his  own  Latin. 

"'Tis  a  very  wise  saying  of  Terence,"  said  he,  ^^  omnibus 
nobis  tit  res  dant  sese,  ita  magni  aut  humiles  sumus.  When 
the  King's  commissioners  hear  of  the  King's  navy  from  Spain, 

they  are  in  such  jollity  that  they  talk  loud In 

the  mean  time — as  the  wife  of  Bath  saith  in  Chaucer  by  her 
husband,  we  owe  them  not  a  word.  If  we  should  die  to- 
morrow, I  hope  her  Majesty  will  find  by  our  writings  that  the 
honour  of  the  cause,  in  the  opinion  of  the  world,  must  be  with 
her  Majesty,  and  that  her  commissioners  are  neither  of  such 
impei'fection  in  their  reasons  or  so  barbarous  in  language,  as 


'  Dale  to  Burghley,  MS.  last  cited. 

'  "  I  may  be  esteemed  more  credulous 
than  cause  requireth,  yet  I  assure  your 
Lordship  I  never  embraced  any  opinion 
thereof  other  than  such  as  by  some 
conjectural  argument  was  made  very 
probable  unto  me,  like  as  I  thought 
good  f.t  this  time  to  inform  your  Lord- 
ship, that  yesterday  by  chance  I  had 
conference  with  one  of  the  commis- 
sioners on  the  other  side,  and  was  by 
him  in  sort  assured  that  the  matter 
of  this  treaty  will  fall  out — so  far  as 
in  that  side  lieth — to  as  good  purpose 


as  her  Majesty  will  require  it ;  he  not 
doubting  that  the  two  years  for  the 
toleration  of  religion,  and  the  point  of 
her  Majesty's  security,  and  all  other 
things  necessary  in  this  treaty,  will  be 
easily  assented  unto,  to  which  purpose 
he  wished  me  to  deal  with  Dr.  Dale  to 
be  wilhng  to  urge  that  which  he  un- 
derhand would  advise  us  unto,  requiring 
for  their  better  Justification  to  be  pressed 
to  that  which  themselves  much  de- 
sire" {!.')  &c      Croft    to    Burghley, 

^J^  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
2  July  ^  ' 


1588.  PEDANTRY  AND  CREDULITY  OF  DR.  DALE.  399 

they  who  fail  not,  almost  in  every  line,  of  some  barbarism  not 
to  be  borne  in  a  grammar-school,  although  in  subtleness  and 
impudent  affirming  of  untruths  and  denying  of  truths,  her 
commissioners  are  not  in  any  respect  to  match  with  Cham- 
pagny  and  Richardot,  who  are  doctors  in  that  faculty."' 

It  might  perhaps  prove  a  matter  of  indifference  to  Elizabeth 
and  to  England,  when  the  Queen  should  be  a  state-prisoner 
in  Spain  and  the  Inquisition  quietly  established  in  her  king- 
dom, whether  the  world  should  admit  or  not,  in  case  of  his 
decease,  the  superiority  of  Dr.  Dale's  logic  and  Latin  to  those 
of  his  antagonists.  And  even  if  mankind  conceded  the  best 
of  the  argument  to  the  English  diplomatists,  that  diplomaey 
hiight  seem  worthless  which  could  be  blind  to  the  colossal 
falsehoods  growing  daily  before  its  eyes.  ^Had  the  commis- 
sioners been  able  to  read  the  secret  correspondence  between 
Parma  and  his  master — as  we  have  had  the  opportunity  of 
doing — they  would  certainly  not  have  left  their  homes  in 
February,  to  be  made  fools  of  until  July,  but  would,  on  their 
knees,  have  implored  their  ro.yal  mistress  to  awake  from  her 
fatal  delusion  before  it  should  be  too  late.  Even  without  that 
advantage,  it  seems  incredible  that  they  should  have  been 
unable  to  pierce  through  the  atmosphere  of  duplicity  which 
surrounded  them,  and  to  obtain  one  clear  glimpse  of  the 
destruction  so  steadily  advancing  upon  England. 

For  the  famous  bull  of  Sixtus  V.  had  now  been  fulminated. 
Elizabeth  had  been  again  denounced  as  a  bastard  and  usurper, 
and  her  kingdom  had  been  solemnly  conferred  upon  Philip, 
with  title  of  defender  of  the  Christian  faith,  to  have  and  to 
hold  as  tributary  and  feudatory  of  Rome.  The  so-called 
Queen  had  usurped  the  crown  contrary  to  the  ancient  treaties 
between  the  apostolic  stool  and  the  kingdom  of  England, 
which  country,  on  its  reconciliation  with  the  head  of  the  church 
after  the  death  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury,  had  recognised 
the  necessity  of  the  Pope's  consent  in  the  succession  to  its 
throne  ;  she  had  deserved  chastisement  for  the  terrible  tortures 
inflicted  by  her  upon  English  Catholics  and  God's  own  saints  ; 

'  .Dale  to  Burghley,  -  June,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


400  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIII 

iiiiJ  it  was  declared  an  act  of  virtue,  to  be  repaid  with  plenary 
indulgence  and  forgiveness  of  all  sins,  to  lay  violent  bands  on 
the  usurper,  and  deliver  ber  into  tbe  bands  of  tbe  Catholic 
party.  And  of  the  holy  league  against  the  usurper,  Philip 
was  appointed  the  bead,  and  Alexander  of  Parma  chief  com- 
mander. This  document  was  published  in  large  numbers  in 
Antwerp  in  the  English  tongue.^ 

The  pamphlet  of  Dr.  Allen,  just  named  Cardinal,  was  also 
translated  in  tbe  same  city,  under  the  direction  of  the  Duke 
of  Parma,  in  order  to  be  distributed  throughout  England,  on 
the  arrival  in  that  kingdom  of  the  Catholic  troops.^  The  well- 
known  '  Admonition  to  the  Nobility  and  People  of  England 
and  Ireland'  accused  the  Queen  of  every  crime  and  vice 
which  can  pollute  humanity,  and  was  filled  with  foul  details 
unfit  for  the  public  eye  in  these  more  decent  days.^ 

So  soon  as  the  intelligence  of  these  j)ublication8  reached 
England,  the  Queen  ordered  her  commissioners  at  Bourbourg 
to  take  instant  cognizance  of  them,  and  to  obtain  a  categorical 
explanation  on  the  subject  from  Alexander  himself :  as  if  an 
explanation  were  possible,  as  if  the  designs  of  Sixtus,  Philip, 
and  Alexander,  could  any  longer  be  doubted,  and  as  if  the  Duke 
were  more  likely  now  than  before  to  make  a  succinct  state- 
ment of  them  for  the  benefit  of  her  Majesty. 

"Having  discovered,"  wrote  Elizabeth  on  the  9th  July 
(N.S.),  "  that  this  treaty  of  peace  is  entertained  only  to  abuse 
us,  and  being  many  ways  given  to  understand  that  the  prepa- 
rations which  have  so  long  been  making,  and  which  now  are 
consummated,  both  in  Spain  and  the  Low  Countries,  are  pur- 
posely to  be  employed  against  us  and  our  country  ;  finding 
that,  for  the  furtherance  of  these  exploits,  there  is  ready  to  be 
published  a  vile,  slanderous,  and  blasphemous  book,  containing 
as  many  lies  as  lines,  entitled,  '  An  Admonition,'  &c.,  and 
contrived  by  a  lewd  born-subject  of  ours,  now  become  an 
arrant  traitor,  named  Dr.  Allen,  lately  made  a  cardinal  at 
Rome  ;  as  also  a  bull  of  the  Pope,  whereof  we  send  you  a 

*  Meteren,  xv.  270,  seq.  I   (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

»  Parma  to  Philip  H.  21  Juue,  1588.  |       '  LingarO,  viu.  442,  seq. 


1588.  THE  PAPAL  BULL  AND  DR.  ALLAN'S  PAMPHLET.  401 

copy,  both  very  lately  brought  into  those  Low  Countries,  the 
one  whereof  is  already  printed  at  Antwerp,  in  a  great  multitude, 
in  the  English  tongue,  and  the  other  ordered  to  be  printed, 
only  to  stir  up  our  subjects,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  God.  and 
their  allegiance,  to  join  with  such  foreign  purj)Oses  as  are  prc- 
]-ared  against  us  and  our  realm,  to  come  out  of  those  Low 
Countries  and  out  of  Spain  ;  and  as  it  appears  by  the  said 
bull  that  the  Duke  of  Parma  is  expressly  named  and  chosen 
by  the  Pope  and  the  King  of  Spain  to  be  principal  executioner 
of  these  intended  enterprises,  we  cannot  think  it  honourable 
for  us  to  continue  longer  the  treaty  of  peace  with  them  that, 
under  colour  of  treaty,  arm  themselves  with  all  the  power  they 
can  to  a  bloody  war."  ^  . 

Accordingly  the  Queen  commanded  Dr.  Dale,  as  one  of  the 
commissioners,  to  proceed  forthwith  to  the  Duke,  in  order  to 
obtain  explanations  as  to  his  contemplated  conquest  of  her 
realm,  and  as  to  his  share  in  the  publication  of  the  bull  and 
pamphlet,  and  to  "  require  him,  as  he  would  be  accounted  a 
])rince  of  honour,  to  let  her  plainly  understand  what  she  might 
think  thereof"  The  envoy  was  to  assure  him  that  the  Queen 
would  trust  implicitly  to  his  statement,  to  adjure  him  to  declare 
the  truth,  and,  in  case  he  avowed  the  publications  and  the 
belligerent  intentions  suspected,  to  demand  instant  safe-conduct 
to  England  for  her  commissioners,  who  would,  of  course,  in- 
stantly leave  the  Netherlands.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  Duke 
disavowed  those  infamous  documents,  he  was  to  be  requested  to 
punish  the  printers,  and  have  the  books  burned  by  the  hangman.^ 

Dr.  Dale,  although  suffering  from  cholic,  was  obliged  to  set 
forth  at  once  upon  what  he  felt  would  be  a  bootless  journey 
At  his  return — which  was  upon  the  212nd  of  July  (N.S.)— = 
the  shrewd  old  gentleman  had  nearly  arrived  at  the  opinion 
that  her  Majesty  might  as  well  break  off  the  negotiations. 
He  had  a  "comfortless  voyage  and  a  ticklish  message;"' 
found  all  along  the  road  signs  of  an  approacliing  enterprise, 
difficult  to  be  mistaken  ;  reported  10,000  veteran  Spaniards, 


'    Queen  to  Commissioners,  '., 

1588.    (S.  r.  Office  MS.     »  Ibid./  "'"'^ 

VOL.  II. — 2  D 


3  Dale  to  Burghley,   _   July.    158a 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


402  TltK  UNITED  NETElERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIll. 

to  which  force  Stanley's  regiment  was  united  ;  6000  Italians, 
3000  Germans,  all  with  pikes,  corselets,  and  slash  swords 
complete  ;  besides  10,000  Walloons.  The  transports  for  the 
cavalry  at  Gravelingen  he  did  not  see,  nor  was  he  much 
impressed  with  what  he  heard  as  to  the  magnitude  of  the 
naval  preparations  at  Newport.  He  was  informed  that  the 
Duke  was  about  making  a  foot-pilgrimage  from  Brussels  to 
Our  Lady  of  Halle,  to  implore  victory  for  his  banners,  and  had 
daily  evidence  of  the  soldier's  expectation  to  invade  and  to 

*  devour  England."  ^  All  this  had  not  tended  to  cure  him  of 
the  low  spirits  with  which  he  began  the  journey.  Nevertheless, 
although  he  was  unable — as  will  be  seen — to  report  an  entirely 
satisfactory  answer  from  Farnese  to  the  Queen  upon  the  mo- 
mentous questions  entrusted  to  him,  he,  at  least,  thought  of  a 
choice  passage  in  '  The  ^neid,'  so  very  apt  to  the  circumstances, 
as  almost  to  console  him  for  the  "pangs  of  his  cholic"  and 
the  terrors  of  the  approaching  invasion. 

"  I  have  written  two  or  three  verses  out  of  Virgil  for  the 
Queen  to  read,"  said  he,  "which  I  pray  your  Lordship  to 
present  unto  her.  God  grant  her  to  iveigh  them.  If  your 
Lordship  do  read  the  whole  discourse  of  Virgil  in  that  place, 
it  tvill  7nake  your  heart  onelt.  Observe  the  report  of  the  am- 
bassadors that  were  sent  to  Diomedes  to  make  war  against 
the  Trojans,  for  the  old  hatred  that  he,  being  a  Grecian,  did 
bear  unto  them  ;  and  note  the  answer  of  Diomedes  dissuading 
them  from  entering  into  war  with  the  Trojans,  the  perplexity 
of  the  King,  the  miseries  of  the  country,  the  reasons  of  Drances 
that  spake  against  them  which  would  have  war,  the  violent 
persuasions  of  Turnus  to  war;  and  note,  I  pray  you,  one  word, 

*  nee  te  ullius  violentia  frangat.'  ^  What  a  lecture  could  I  make 
with  Mr.  Cecil  upon  that  passage  in  Virgil  !"^ 

The  most  important  point  for  the  reader  to  remark  is  the 
date  of  this  letter.     It  was  received  in  the  very  last  days  of 

'   Dale    to    Walsinghatn,    date    last  I  means   so   wonderful  as   it  seemed  to 

cited.     (S.  P.  OflBce  MS.)  I  Dr.  Dale,   "nee  te  uUius  violentia  VIN- 

'   The    reader    wlio    will    take    tlie  I  cat  (frangat),  &c..  354. 

troubie  to  refer  lo  the  ^neid,  lib.  xi  |  3  ^^^^  ^^   Burghley,  -  July,   158a 

may  amuse  himself  by   observing  that  I  22 

the  aptness  of  the  analogy  was  by  no  |  (S.  P.  OfiBue  MS.) 


1588.  BALE  SENT  TO  ASK  EXPLAIfATIONS.  403 

the  month  of  July.  Let  him  observe — as  he  will  soon  have 
occasion  to  do — the  events  which  were  occurring  on  land  and 
sea,  exactly  at  the  moment  when  this  classic  despatch  reached 
its  destination,  and  judge  whether  the  hearts  of  the  Queen  and 
Lord  Burghley  would  be  then  quite  at  leisure  to  melt  at  the 
sorrows  of  the  Trojan  War.  Perhaps  the  doings  of  Drake  and 
Howard,  Medina  Sidonia,  and  Ricalde,  would  be  pressing  as 
much  on  their  attention  as  the  eloquence  of  Diomede  or  the 
wrath  of  Turnus.  Yet  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  reports 
of  these  Grecian  envoys  might  not,  in  truth,  be  almost  as 
much  to  the  purpose  as  the  despatches  of  the  diplomatic 
pedant,  with  his  Virgil  and  his  cholic,  into  whose  hands  grave 
matters  of  peace  and  war  were  entrusted  in  what  seemed  the 
day  of  England's  doom. 

''  What  a  lecture  I  could  make  with  Mr.  Cecil  on  the 
subject  !  "  An  English  ambassador,  at  the  court  of  Philip  II. 's 
viceroy,  could  indulge  himself  in  imaginary  prelections  on  the 
^neid,  in  the  last  days  of  July,  of  the  year  of  our  Lord  1588  ! 

The  Doctor,  however — to  do  him  justice — had  put  the  ques- 
tions categorically  to  his  Highness  as  he  had  been  instructed 
-  July       ^0  do.     He  went  to  Bruges  so  mysteriously,  that  no 

1588.  living  man,  that  side  the  sea,  save  Lord  Derby  and 
Lord  Cobham,  knew  the  cause  of  his  journey.^  Poor  puzzling 
James  Croft,  in  particular,  was  moved  almost  to  tears,  by  being 
kept  out  of  the  secret.^     On  the  —  July  Dale  had  audience  of 

the  Duke  at  Bruges,  After  a  few  commonplaces,  he  was 
invited  by  the  Duke  to  state  what  special  purpose  had  brought 
him  to  Bruges. 

"  There  is  a  book  printed  at  Antwerp,"  said  Dale,  "and  set 
forthby  a  fugitive  from  England,  who  calleth  himself  a  cardinal."^ 

Upon  this  the  Duke  began  diligently  to  listen. 

"  This  book,"  resumed  Dale,  "  is  an  admonition  to  the 
nobility  and  people  of  England  and  Ireland  touching  the 
execution  of  the  sentence  of  the  Pope  against  the  Queen, 
which  the  King  Catholic  hath  entrusted  to  your  Highness  as 

«  DjJe  to  Burghley,  MS.  lust  cited.  » Ibid.  '  Ibid. 

VOL.       I.— 13* 


404  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIIL 

chief  of  the  enterprise.  There  is  also  a  bull  of  the  Pope 
declaring  my  sovereign  mistress  illegitimate  and  an  usurper, 
with  other  matters  too  odious  for  any  prince  or  gentleman  to 
name  or  hear.  In  this  hull  the  Pope  saith  that  he  hath  dealt 
with  the  most  Catholic  King  to  employ  all  the  means  in  his 
power  to  the  deprivation  and  deposition  of  my  sovereign,  and 
doth  charge  her  subjects  to  assist  the  army  appointed  by  the 
King  Catholic  for  that  jim'pose,  under  the  conduct  of  your 
Highness.  Therefore  her  Majesty  would  be  satisfied  from  your 
Highness  in  that  point,  and  will  take  satisfaction  of  none  other  ; 
not  doubting  but  that  as  you  are  a  prince  of  word  and  credit, 
you  will  deal  plainly  with  her  Majesty.  Whatsoever  it  may 
be,  her  Majesty  will  not  take  it  amiss  against  your  Highness, 
so  she  may  only  be  informed  by  you  of  the  truth.  Wherefore 
I  do  require  you  to  satisfy  the  Queen."  ^ 

"I  am  glad,"  replied  the  Duke,  "  that  her  Majesty  and  her 
commissioners  do  take  in  good  part  my  good-will  towards 
them.  I  am  especially  touched  by  the  good  opinion  her 
Majesty  hath  of  my  sincerity,  which  I  should  be  glad  always 
to  maintain.  As  to  the  book  to  which  you  refer,  I  have  never 
read  it,  nor  seen  it,  nor  do  I  take  heed  of  it.  It  may  well  be 
that  her  Majesty,  whom  it  concerneth,  should  take  notice  of 
it ;  but,  for  my  part,  I  have  nought  to  do  with  it,  nor  can  I 
prevent  men  from  writing  or  printing  at  their  pleasure.  I 
am  at  the  commandment  of  my  master  only."^ 

As  Alexander  made  no  reference  to  the  Pope's  bull,  Dr. 
Dale  observed,  that  if  a  war  had  been,  of  purpose,  undertaken 
at  the  instance  of  the  Pope,  all  this  negotiation  had  been  in 
vain,  and  her  Majesty  would  be  obliged  to  withdraw  her  com- 
missioners, not  doubting  that  they  would  receive  safe-conduct 
as  occasion  should  require. 

"  Yea,  God  forbid  else,"  replied  Alexander  ;  "  and  further, 
/  know  nothing  of  any  bull  of  the  Pope,  nor  do  I  care  for  any, 
nor  do  I  undertake  anything  for  him.  But  as  for  any  mis- 
understanding {mal  entendu)  between  my  master  and  her 
Majesty,    I    must,  as  a  soldier,  act   at  the   command  of  my 

'  Dalo  to  Burghley,  MS.  last  cited-  '  Ibid.     (MS.  last  cited.) 


1088.  PARMA  DENIES  ALL  KNOWLEDGE  OF  EITHER.  405 

sovereign.  For  my  part,  I  have  always  had  such  respect  for 
her  Majesty,  being  so  noble  a  Queen,  as  that  I  would  never 
hearken  to  anything  that  might  be  reproachful  to  her.  After 
my  master,  I  would  do  most  to  serve  your  Queen,  and  I  hope 
she  will  take  my  word  for  her  satisfaction  on  that  point.  And 
for  avoiding  of  bloodshed  and  the  burning  of  houses  and  such 
other  calamities  as  do  follow  the  wars,  I  have  been  a  petitioner 
to  my  sovereign  that  all  things  might  be  ended  quietly  by  a 
peace.  That  is  a  thing,  however,"  added  the  Duke,  "  which 
you  have  more  cause  to  desire  than  we  ;  for  if  the  King  my 
master,  should  lose  a  battle,  he  would  be  able  to  recover  it 
well  enough,  without  harm  to  himself,  being  far  enough  off  in 
Spain,  while,  if  the  battle  be  lost  on  your  side,  you  may  lose 
kingdom  and  all."  ^ 

"  By  God's  sufferance,"  rejoined  the  Doctor,  "  her  Majesty 
is  not  without  means  to  defend  her  crown,  that  hath  descended 
to  her  from  so  long  a  succession  of  ancestors.  Moreover  your 
Highness  knows  very  well  that  one  battle  cannot  conquer  a 
kingdom  in  another  country." 

"  Well,"  said  the  Duke,  "  that  is  in  God's  hand." 

"  So  it  is,"  said  the  Doctor. 

"  But  make  an  end  of  it,"  continued  Alexander  quietly, 
"  and  if  you  have  anything  to  j^ut  into  writing,  you  will  do  me 
a  j^leasure  by  sending  it  to  me,"  ^ 

Dr,  Valentine  Dale  was  not  the  man  to  resist  the  tempta- 
tion to  make  a  protocol,  and  promised  one  for  the  next  day. 

"  I  am  charged  only  to  give  your  Highness  satisfaction," 
he  said,  "  as  to  her  Majesty's  sincere  intentions,  which  have 
already  been  published  to  the  world  in  English,  French,  and 
Italian,  in  the  hope  that  you  may  also  satisfy  the  Queen  upon 
this  other  point,  I  am  but  one  of  her  commissioners,  and 
could  not  deal  without  my  colleagues,  I  crave  leave  to 
depart  to-morrow  morning,  and  with  safe-convoy,  as  I  had  in 
coming," 

After  the  envoy  had  taken  leave,  the  Duke  summoned 
Andrea  de  Loo,  and  related  to  him  the  conversation  which  had 

»  Dale  to  Burgbley,     (MS.  last  cited.)  »  IbiO. 


406 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIII. 


taken  place.  He  then,  in  the  presence  of  that  personage, 
again  declared  upon  his  honour  and  with  very  constant  affirma- 
tions, that  he  had  never  seen  nor  heard  of  the  book — the  'Admo- 
nition '  by  Cardinal  Allen — and  that  he  knew  nothing  of  any 
bull,  and  had  no  regard  to  it.* 

The  plausible  Andrew  accompanied  the  Doctor  to  his  lodg- 
ings, protesting  all  the  way  of  his  own  and  his  master's 
sincerity,  and  of  their  unequivocal  intentions  to  conclude  a 
peace.  The  next  day  the  Doctor,  by  agreement,  brought  a 
most  able  protocol  of  demands  in  the  name  of  all  the  commis- 
sioners of  her  Majesty  ;  ^  which  able  protocol  the  Duke  did 
not  at  that  moment  read,  which  he  assuredly  never  read  sub- 
sequently, and  which  no  human  soul  ever  read  afterwards. 
Let  the  dust  lie  upon  it,  and  upon  all  the  vast  heaps  of  protocols 
raised  mountains  high  during  the  spring  and  summer  of  1588. 

"  Dr.  Dale  has  been  with  me  two  or  three  times,"  said 
Parma,  in  giving  his  account  of  these  interviews  to  Philip. 
"  I  don't  know  why  he  came,  but  I  think  he  wished  to  make 
it  appear,  by  coming  to  Bruges,  that  the  rupture,  when  it 
occurs,  was  caused  by  us,  not  by  the  English.  He  has  been 
complaining  of  Cardinal  Allen's  book,  and  I  told  him  that  I 
didn't  understand  a  word  of  English,  and  knew  nothing  what- 
ever of  the  matter."  ^ 

It  has  been  already  seen  that  the  Duke  had  declared,  on 
his  word  of  honour,  that  he  had  never  heard  of  the  famous 
pamphlet.  Yet  at  that  very  moment  letters  were  lying  in  his 
cabinet,  received  more  than  a  fortnight  before  from  Philip,  in 
which  that  monarch  thanked  Alexander  for  having  had  the 
Cardinal's  book  translated  at  Antwerp  I "  ^  Certainly  few 
English  diplomatists  could  be  a  match  for  a  Highness  so 
liberal  of  his  word  of  honour. 

But  even  Dr.  Dale  had  at  last  convinced  himself — even 
although  the  Duke  knew  nothing  of  bull  or  pamphlet — that 
mischief  was  brewing  against  England.     The  sagacious  man, 


1  Dale     to      Burghley.       MS.      last 
cited.  *  Ibid. 

» Panna    to  PhUip,   21    July,   1588. 


(Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

*  PhUip  II.  to  Parma,  21  June,  l.''«a 
(Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.J 


1588. 


CROFT  BELIEVES  TO  THE  LAST  IN  ALEXANDER. 


407 


having  seen  large  bodies  of  Spaniards  and  Walloons  making 
such  demonstrations  of  eagerness  to  be  led  against  his  country, 
and  "  professing  it  as  openly  as  if  they  were  going  to  a  fair  or 
market,"  while  even  Alexander  himself  could  "  no  more  hide 
it  than  did  Henry  VIII.  when  he  went  to  Boulogne/'  *  could 
not  help  suspecting  something  amiss. 

His  colleague,  however.  Comptroller  Croft,  was  more  judi- 
cious, for  he  valued  himself  on  taking  a  sound,  temperate,  and 
conciliatory  view  of  affairs.  He  was  not  the  man  to  offend  a 
magnanimous  neighbour — who  meant  nothing  unfriendly — \)y 
regarding  his  manoeuvres  with  superfluous  suspicion.  So  this 
envoy  wrote  to  Lord  Burghley  on  the  2nd  August  (N.  S.) — let 
the  reader  mark  the  date — that,  "  although  a  great  doubt  had 
been  conceived  as  to  the  King's  sincerity,  .  .  .'  .  yet  that 
discretion  and  experience  induced  him — the  envoy — to  think, 
that  besides  the  reverent  opinion  to  he  had  of  princes'  oaths, 
and  the  general  incommodity  which  will  come  by  the  contrary, 
God  had  so  balanced  princes'  powers  in  that  age,  as  they  rather 
desire  to  assure  themselves  at  home,  than  with  danger  to  invade 
their  neighbours."  ^ 

Perhaps  the  mariners  of  England — at  that  very  instant 
exchanging  broadsides  off  the  coast  of  Devon  and  Dorset  with 
the  Spanish  Armada,  and  doing  their  best  to  protect  their 
native  land  from  the  most  horrible  calamity  which  had  ever 
impended  over  it — had  arrived  at  a  less  reverent  opinion  of 
princes'  oaths  ;  and  it  was  well  for  England  in  that  supreme 
hour  that  there  were  such  men  as  Howard  and  Drake,  and 
Winter  and  Frobisher,  and  a  whole  people  with  hearts  of  oak 
to  defend  her,  while  bungling  diplomatists  and  credulous 
dotards  were  doing  their  best  to  imperil  her  existence. 

But  it  is  necessary — in  order  to  obtain  a  complete  picture 
of  that  famous  year  1588,  and  to  understand  the  cause  from 
which  such  great  events  were  springing — to  cast  a  glance  at  the 
internal  politics  of  the  States  most  involved  in  Philip's  meshes. 


'  Dale  to   Burghley,   -  July,     1588. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


'  Croft    to    Burghley, 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


ffl  Jnly 
■2  Aug.' 


1588. 


408  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS      •  Chap.  SVIII 

Certainly,  if  there  had  ever  been  a  time  when  the  new  com- 
monwealth of  the  Netherlands  should  be  both  united  in  itself 
and  on  thoroughly  friendly  terms  with  England,  it  was  exactly 
that  epoch  of  which  we  are  treating.  There  could  be  no 
reasonable  doubt  that  the  designs  of  Spain  against  England 
were  hostile,  and  against  Holland  revengeful.  It  was  at  least 
possible  that  Philip  meant  to  undertake  the  conquest  of  Eng- 
land, and  to  undertake  it  as  a  stepping-stone  to  the  conquest 
of  Holland.  Both  the  kingdom  and  the  republic  should  have 
been  alert,  armed,  full  of  suspicion  towards  the  common  foe, 
full  of  confidence  in  each  other.  What  decisive  blows  might 
have  been  struck  against  Parma  in  the  Netherlands,  when  his 
troops  were  starving,  sickly,  and  mutinous,  if  the  Hollanders 
and  Englishmen  had  been  united  under  one  chieftain,  and 
thoroughly  convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  peace  !  Could 
the  English  and  Dutch  statesmen  of  that  day  have  read  all 
the  secrets  of  their  great  enemy's  heart,  as  it  is  our  privilege 
at  this  hour  to  do,  they  would  have  known  that  in  sudden  and 
deadly  strokes  lay  their  best  chance  of  salvation.  But,  without 
that  advantage,  there  were  men  whose  sagacity  told  them  thai 
it  was  the  hour  for  deeds  and  not  for  dreams.  For  to  Leicester 
and  Walsingham,  as  well  as  to  Paul  Buys  and  Barneveld^ 
peace  with  Spain  seemed  an  idle  vision.  It  was  unfortunate 
that  they  were  overruled  by  Queen  Elizabeth  and  Burghley, 
who  still  clung  to  that  delusion  ;  it  was  still  more  disastrous 
that  the  intrigues  of  Leicester  had  done  so  much  to  paralyze 
the  republic  ;  it  was  almost  fatal  that  "his  departure,  without 
laying  down  his  authority,  had  given  the  signal  for  civil  war. 

During  the  winter,  spring,  and  summer  of  1588,  while  the 
Duke — in  the  face  of  mighty  obstacles — was  slowly  proceeding 
with  his  preparations  in  Flanders,  to  co-oj)erate  with  the  arma- 
ments from  Spain,  it  would  have  been  possible  by  a  combined 
movement  to  destroy  his  whole  plan,  to  liberate  all  the  Nether- 
lands, and  to  avert,  by  one  great  effort,  the  ruin  impending 
over  England,  Instead  of  such  vigorous  action,  it  was  thought 
wiser  to  send  commissioners,  to  make  protocols,  to  ask  for 
armistices,  to  give  profusely  to  the  enemy  that  which  he  was 


1588.  DANGEROUS  DISCORD  IX  NORTH  HOLLAND.  409 

most  in  need  of — time.  Meanwhile  the  Hollanders  and  Enj;- 
lish  could  quarrel  comfortably  among  themselves,  and  the 
little  republic,  for  want  of  a  legal  head,  could  come  as  near  as 
possible  to  its  dissolution. 

Young  Maurice — deep  thinker  for  his  years  and  peremptory 
in  action — was  not  the  man  to  see  his  great  father's  life-work 
annihilated  before  his  eyes,  so  long  as  he  had  an  arm  and 
brain  of  his  own.  He  accepted  his  position  at  the  head  of  the 
government  of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  and  as  chief  of  the  war- 
party.  The  council  of  state,  mainly  composed  of  Leicester's 
creatures,  whose  commissions  would  soon  expire  by  their  own 
limitation,  could  offer  but  a  feeble  resistance  to  such  deter- 
mined individuals  as  Maurice,  Buys,  and  Barneveld.  The 
party  made  rapid  progress.  On  the  other  hand,  the  English 
Leicestrians  did  their  best  to  foment  discord  in  the  Provinces. 
Sonoy  was  sustained  in  his  rebellion  in  North  Holland,  not 
only  by  the  Earl's  partizans,  but  by  Elizabeth  herself.  Her 
rebukes  to  Maurice,  when  Maurice  was  pursuing  the  only 
course  which  seemed  to  him  consistent  with  honour  and  sound 
policy,  were  sharper  than  a  sword.  Well  might  Duplessis 
Mornay  observe,  that  the  commonwealth  had  been  rather 
strangled  than  embraced  by  the  English  Queen.  Sonoy,  in 
the  name  of  Leicester,  took  arms  against  Maurice  and  the 
States  ;  Maurice  marched  against  him  ;  and  Lord  Willoughby, 
commander-in-chief  of  the  English  forces,  was  anxious  to 
march  against  Maurice.  It  was  a  spectacle  to  make  angels 
weep,  that  of  Englishmen  and  Hollanders  preparing  to  cut 
each  other's  throats,  at  the  moment  when  Philip  and  Parma 
were  bending  all  their  energies  to  crush  England  and  Holland 
at  once. 

Indeed,  the  interregnum  between  the  departure  of  Leicester 
and  his  abdication  was  diligently  employed  by  his  more  reck- 
less partizans  to  defeat  and  destroy  the  authority  of  the  States. 
By  prolonging  the  interval,  it  was  hoped  that  no  government 
would  be  possible  except  the  arbitrary  rule  of  the  Earl,  or  of 
a  successor  with  similar  views  :  for  a  republic — a  free  com- 
monwealth— was  thought  an  absurdity.     To  entrust  supreme 


410 


THK   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVI  IL 


power  to  advocates,  merchants,  and  mechanics,  seemed  as 
hopeless  as  it  was  vulgar.  Willoughby,  much  devoted  to 
Leicester  and  much  detesting  Barneveld,  had  small  scruple  in 
fanning  the  flames  of  discord. 

There  was  open  mutiny  against  the  States  by  the  garrison 
of  Gertruydenberg,  and  Willoughby's  brother-in-law.  Captain 
Wingfield,  commanded  in  Gertruydenberg.  There  were  re- 
bellious demonstrations  in  Naarden,  and  Willoughby  went  to 
Naarden.  The  garrison  was  troublesome,  but  most  of  the 
magistrates  were  firm.  So  Willoughby  supped  with  the  burgo- 
masters, and  found  that  Paul  Buys  had  been  setting  the 
people  against  Queen  Elizabeth,  Leicester,  and  the  whole 
English  nation,  making  them  all  odious.  Colonel  Dorp  said 
openly  that  it  was  a  shame  for  the  country  to  refuse  their  own 
natural-born  Count  for  strangers.  He  swore  that  he  would 
sing  his  song  whose  bread  he  had  eaten. ^  A  "fat  militia 
captain"  of  the  place,  one  Soyssons,  on  the  other  hand, 
privately  informed  Willoughby  that  Maurice  and  Barneveld 
were  treating  underhand  with  Spain.  Willoughby  was  inclined 
to  believe  the  calumny,  but  feared  that  his  corpulent  friend 
would  lose  his  head  for  reporting  it.  Meantime  the  English 
commander  did  his  best  to  strengthen  the  English  party  in 
their  rebellion  against  the  States. 

"  But  how  if  they  make  war  upon  us  ?"  asked  the  Leices- 
trians. 

"It  is  very  likely,"  replied  Willoughby,  "  that  if  they  use 
violence  you  will  have  her  Majesty's  assistance,  and  then  you 
who  continue  constant  to  the  end  will  be  rewarded  accord- 
ingly. Moreover,  who  would  not  rather  be  a  horse-keeper  to 
her  Majesty,  than  a  captain  to  Barneveld' or  Buys  ?"  ^ 


'  Willoughby  to  ,  -  Feb.  1588. 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  Ibid.  "  It  was  likewise  said  openly 
to  Count  Maurice  at  bis  table,  '  Sir, 
if  the  Prince  your  father  had  been 
offered  the  third  part  by  the  enemy 
which  you  have  been,  he  would  have 
accepted  it ;  and  it  is  not  a  good  occa- 
Bion   ihat  you  may  article  what  you 


will,  and  have  whatever  you  may 
demand.  Soyssons,  a  fat  captain  of 
Naarden,  fed  for  their  tooth,  confessed 
to  me  that  they  had  practised  with 
the  enemy.  Thus  you  may  see  their 
dispositions;  much  ado  had  I  to  per- 
sujule  the  burgomasters  of  the  honour- 
able course  her  Majesty  would  hold, 
and  no  less  to  assure  the  unfortunate 
captain,  whose  head  I  fear  will  pay 


15S8. 


LEICESTER'S  RESIGNATION   ARRIVES. 


411 


When  at  last  the  resignation  of  Leicester — presented  to  the 
States  by  Killegrew  on  the  31st  March* — seemed  to  promise 
comparative  repose  to  the  republic,  the  vexation  of  the  Lei- 
cestrians  was  intense.  Their  efforts  to  effect  a  dissolution  of 
the  government  had  been  rendered  unsuccessful,  when  success 
seemed  within  their  grasp.  "  Albeit  what  is  once  executed 
cannot  be  prevented,"  said  Captain  Champernoun  ;  "  yet  'tis 
thought  certain  that  if  the  resignation  of  Lord  Leicester's 
commission  had  been  deferred  yet  some  little  time,  the  whole 
country  and  towns  would  have  so  revolted  and  mutinied 
against  the  government  and  authority  of  the  States,  as  that 
they  should  have  had  no  more  credit  given  them  by  the 
people  than  pleased  her  Majesty.  Most  part  of  the  people 
could  see — in  consequence  of  the  troubles,  discontent,  mutiny 
of  garrisons,  and  the  like,  that  it  was  most  necessary  for  the 
good  success  of  their  affairs  that  the  power  of  the  States 
should  be  abolished,  and  the  whole  government  of  his  Excel- 
lency erected.  As  these  matters  ivere  busily  working  into  the 
likelihood  of  some  good  effect,  came  the  resignation  of  his  Excel- 
lency's commission  and  authority,  which  so  dashed  the  pro- 
ceedings of  it,  as  that  all  people  and  commanders  well  affected 
unto  her  Majesty  and  my  Lord  of  Leicester  are  utterly  dis- 
couraged. The  States,  with  their  adherents,  before  they  had 
my  Lord's  resignation,  were  much  perplexed  what  course  to 
take,  but  now  begin  to  hoist  their  heads."  The  excellent 
Leicestrian  entertained  hopes,  however,  that  mutiny  and  in- 
trigue might  still  carry  the  day.  He  had  seen  the  fat  militia- 
man of  Naarden  and  other  captains,  and  hoped  much  mischief 
from  their  schemes.  "  The  chief  mutineers  of  Gertruy den- 
berg,"  he  said,  "  may  be  wrought  to  send  unto  the  States, 
that  if  they  do  not  procure  them  some  English  governor,  they 
will  compound  with  the  enemy,  tvhercon  the  States  shall  be 


for  alL  Further,  I  said  it  was  sure 
that  tiiG  States-Geuera],  the  council 
of  state,  which  I  was  somewhat  ac- 
quainted with,  uor  the  two  couuts 
who  had  feasted  us  and  drunk  the 
health  of  his  Excellency,  meant  but 
all  well  to  us.'     'Well,'  said   the  old 


burgomasJer,  'but  that  I  hear  you  say 
so,  I  would  scarcely  believe  it,  (()r 
mine  ears  have  often  borne  witness  to 
the    contrary.' "    &c.      Willoughby    to 

20  Feb. 

, ,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

2  Mar.  ^ 

'  Boi;   111.  224.     "Wagenaar,  viii.  2(Jo. 


412 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIIl 


driven  to  request  her.  Majesty  to  accept  the  place,  themselves 
entertaining  the  garrison.  I  know  certain  captains  discon- 
tented with  the  States  for  arrears  of  pay,  who  will  contrive  to 
get  into  Naarden  with  their  companies,  with  the  States'  con- 
sent, who,  once  entered,  will  keep  the  place  for  their  satis- 
faction, pay  their  soldiers  out  of  the  contributions  of  the 
country,  and  yet  secretly  hold  the  place  at  her  Majesty's 
command."  ^ 

This  is  not  an  agreeable  picture  ;  yet  it  is  but  one  out  of 
many  examples  of  the  intrigues  by  which  Leicester  and  his 
party  were  doing  their  best  to  destroy  the  commonwealth  of 
the  Netherlands  at  a  moment  when  its  existence  was  most 
important  to  that  of  England. 

To  foment  mutiny  in  order  to  subvert  the  authority  of 
Maurice,  was  not  a  friendly  or  honourable  course  of  action 
either  towards  Holland  or  England  ;  and  it  was  to  play  into 
the  hands  of  Philip  as  adroitly  as  his  own  stipendiaries  could 
have  done.^ 

With  mischief-makers  like  Champernoun  in  every  city, 
and  with  such  diplomatists  at  Ostend  as  Croft  and  Rogers 
and  Valentine  Dale,  was  it  wonderful  that  the  King  and  the 
Duke  of  Parma  found  time  to  mature  their  plans  for  the 
destruction  of  both  countries  ? 

Lord  Willoughby,  too,  was  extremely  dissatisfied  with  his 
own  position.  He  received  no  commission  from  the  Queen 
for  several  months.  When  it  at  last  reached  him,  it  seemed 
inadequate,  and  he  became  more  sullen  than  ever.  He  de- 
clared that  he  would  rather  serve  the  Queen  as  a  private 
soldier,  at  his  own  expense — "lean  as  his  purse  was" — than 
accept  the  limited  authority  conferred  on  him.  He  preferred 
to  show  his  devotion  "in  a  beggarly  state,  than  in  a  formal 
show."     He  considered  it  beneath  her  Majesty's  dignity  that 


*  Arthur  Champernoun  to  Walsing- 

ham,   -   April,    1588.      (S.    P.    Office 

MS.)      He    commanded    an     English 
company  in  Utrecht. 

'  "I  congratulate  you,"  wrote  Philip 


to  Farnese,  "  upon  the  disputes  be- 
tween the  rebels  and  the  English,  and 
among  themselves.  I  trust  you  will 
get  good  fruit  from  their  quarrela" 
Philip  to  Parma,  13  Mav,  1588.  (Arch, 
de  Sim.  MS.) 


158&. 


ENMITY   OF  WILLOUGHBY   AND   MAURICE. 


413 


he  should  act  iu  the  field  uuder  the  States,  but  his  instruc- 
tions forbade  his  acceptance  of  any  office  from  that  body  but 
that  of  general  in  their  service.  He  was  very  discontented, 
and  more  anxious  than  ever  to  be  rid  of  his  functions.  With- 
out being  extremely  ambitious,  he  was  impatient  of  control. 
He  desired  not  "a  larger-shaped  coat,"  but  one  that  fitted 
him  better.  ''  I  wish  to  shape  my  garment  bomely,  after  my 
cloth,"  he  said,  "  that  the  better  of  my  parish  may  not  be 
misled  by  my  sumptuousness.  I  would  live  quietly,  without 
great  noise,  my  poor  roof  low  and  near  the  ground,  not  sub- 
ject to  be  overblown  with  unlooked-for  storms,  while  the  sun 
seems  most  shining."^ 

Being  the  deadly  enemy  of  the  States  and  their  leaders,  it 
was  a  matter  of  course  that  he  should  be  bitter  against  Mau- 
rifce.  That  young  Prince,  bold,  enterprising,  and  determined, 
as  he  was,  did  not  ostensibly  meddle  with  political  affairs 
more  than  became  his  years  ;  but  he  accepted  the  counsels  of 
the  able  statesmen  in  whom  his  father  had  trusted.  Riding, 
hunting,  and  hawking,  seemed  to  be  his  chief  delight  at  the 
Hague,  iu  the  intervals  of  military  occupations.  He  rarely 
made  his  appearance  in  the  state-council  during  the  winter, 
and  referred  2)ublic  matters  to  the  States-General,  to  the 
States  of  Holland,  to  Barneveld,  Buys,  and  Hohenlo.^  Super- 
ficial observers  like  George  Gilpin  regarded  him  as  a  cipher ; 
others,  like  Robert  Cecil,  thought  him  an  unmannerly  school- 
boy ;  but  Willoughby,  although  considering  him  insolent  and 
conceited,  could  not  deny  his  ability.  The  peace  partisans 
among  the  burghers — a  very  small  faction — were  furious 
against  him,  for  they  knew  that  Maurice  of  Nassau  reprc- 
Bented  war.  They  accused  of  deep  designs  against  the  liber- 
ties of  their  country  the  youth  who  was  ever  ready  to  risk  his 
life  in  their  defence.  A  burgomaster  from  Friesland,  who 
had  come  across  the  Zuyder  Zee  to  intrigue  against  the  States' 
party,  was  full  of  spleen  at  being  obliged  to  dance  attendance 


'  "Willoughby    to    Burghley,     — —, 
i  Feb, 


1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


'    Gilpin    to    Walsinghatn,    -    Feb 
U 
1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


414  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chah.  XVIU 

for  a  long  time  at  the  Hague.  He  complained  that  Count 
Maurice,  green  of  years,  and  seconded  by  greener  counsellors, 
was  meditating  the  dissolution  of  the  state-council,  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  new  board  from  his  own  creatures,  the  overthrow 
of  all  other  authority,  and  the  assumption  of  the  sovereignty 
of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  with  absolute  power.  "  And  vs^hen 
this  is  done,"  said  the  rueful  burgomaster,  "  he  and  his  turbu- 
lent fellows  may  make  what  terms  they  like  with  Spain,  to 
the  disadvantage  of  the  Queen  and  of  us  poor  wretches."^ 

But  there  was  nothing  farther  from  the  thoughts  of  the 
turbulent  fellows  than  any  negotiations  with  Spain.  Maurice 
was  ambitious  enough,  perhaps,  but  his  ambition  ran  in  no 
such  direction.  Willoughby  knew  better,  and  thought  that 
by  humouring  the  petulant  young  man  it  might  be  possible  to 
manage  him. 

"  Maurice  is  young,"  he  said,  "  hot-headed,  coveting  honour. 
If  we  do  but  look  at  him  through  our  fingers,  without  much 
words,  but  with  providence  enough,  baiting  his  hook  a  little 
to  his  appetite,  there  is  no  doubt  but  he  might  be  caught  and 
kept  in  a  fish-pool,  while  in  his  imagination  he  may  judge 
it  a  sea.  If  not,  'tis  likely  he  will  make  us  fish  in  troubled 
waters." - 

Maurice  was  hardly  the  fish  for  a  mill-pond  even  at  that 
epoch,  and  it  might  one  day  be  seen  whether  or  not  he  could 
float  in  the  great  ocean  of  events.  Meanwhile,  he  swam  his 
course  without  superfluous  gambols  or  spoutings. 

The  commander  of  her  Majesty's  forces  was  not  satisfied 
with  the  States,  nor  their  generals,  nor  their  politicians. 
"  Affairs  are  going  a  malo  in  pejus  "  he  said.  "  They  embrace 
their  liberty  as  apes  their  young.  To  this  end  are  Counts 
Hollock  and  Maurice  set  upon  the  stage  to  entertain  the 
popular  sort.  Her  Majesty  and  my  Lord  of  Leicester  are 
not  forgotten.  The  Counts  are  in  Holland,  especially  Hol- 
lock, for  the  other  is  but  the  cipher.  And  yet  I  can  assure 
you  Maurice  hath  wit  ajid  spirit  too  much  for  his  time.'' ^ 

'  Willoughby  to   Burghley,  —  Jan.  ^  game  to  same,  -  Jan.  1588.     (& 

1588.     tS.  P.  Office  MS.)  »  Ibid.   |    P.  Office  MS.) 


1588.  WILLOUGHBY'S  DARK  PICTURE  OP  AFFAIRS.  415 

As  the  troubles  of  the  interregnum  increased  Willoughhy 
was  more  dissatisfied  than  ever  with  the  miserable  condition 
of  the  Provinces,  but  chose  to  ascribe  it  to  the  machinations 
of  the  States'  party,  rather  than  to  the  ambiguous  conduct  of 
Leicester.  "  These  evils,"  he  said,  "  are  especially  derived 
from  the  childish  ambition  of  the  young  Count  Maurice,  from 
the  covetous  and  furious  counsels  of  the  proud  Hollanders, 
now  chief  of  the  States-Greneral,  and,  if  with  pardon  it  may 
be  aaid,  from  our  slackness  and  coldness  to  entertain  our 
friends.  The  provident  and  wiser  sort — 'Weighing  what  a 
slender  ground  the  appetite  of  a  young  man  is,  unfurnished 
with  the  sinews  of  war  to  manage  so  great  a  cause — for  a 
good  space  after  my  Lord  of  Leicester's  departure,  gave  him 
far  looking  on,  to  see  him  play  his  part  on  the  stage."  ^ 

Willoughby's  spleen  caused  him  to  mix  his  metaphors 
more  recklessly  than  strict  taste  would  warrant,  but  his  vio- 
lent expressions  painted  the  relative  situation  of  parties  more 
vividly  than  could  be  done  by  a  calm  disquisition.  Maurice 
thus  playing  his  part  upon  the  stage — as  the  general  pro- 
ceeded to  observe — "  was  a  skittish  horse,  becoming  by  little 
and  little  assured  of  what  he  had  feared,  and  perceiving  the 
harmlessness  thereof  ;  while  his  companions,  finding  no  safety 
of  neutrality  in  so  great  practices,  and  no  overturning  nor 
barricado  to  stop  his  rash  wilded  chariot,  followed  without 
fear ;  and  when  some  of  the  first  had  passed  the  bog,  the 
rest,  as  the  fashion  is,  never  started  after.  The  variable 
democracy,  embracing  novelty,  began  to  applaud  their  pros- 
perity ;  the  base  and  lewdest  sorts  of  men,  to  whom  there 
is  nothing  more  agreeable  than  change  of  estates,  is  a  better 
monture  to  degrees  than  their  merit,  took  present  hold 
thereof  Hereby  Paul  Buys,  Barneveld,  and  divers  others, 
who  were  before  mantled  Avith  a  tolerable  afiection,  though 
seasoned  with  a  poisoned  intention,  caught  the  occasion,  and 
made  themselves  the  Beelzebubs  of  all  these  mischiefs,  and, 
for  want  of  better  angels,  spared  not  to  let  fly   our  golden- 

19  Feb. 

*  Wmoughbj  to  Walsiagham,  ^^-'  1588.     S.  P.  Office  MS. 


416  THE  UNITED  NP^THERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIIl. 

winged  ones  in  the  name  of  guilders,  to  prepare  the  hearta 
and  hands  that  hold  money  more  dearer  than  honesty,  of 
which  sort,  the  country  troubles  and  the  Spanish  practices 
having  suckled  up  many,  they  found  enough  to  serve  their 
purpose.  As  the  breach  is  safely  saltable  where  no  defence 
is  made,  so  they,  finding  no  head,  but  those  scattered  arms 
that  were  disavowed,  drew  the  sword  with  Peter,  and  gave 
pardon  with  the  Pope,  as  you  shall  plainly  perceive  by  the 
proceedings  at  Horn.  Thus  their  force,  fair  words,  or  cor« 
ruption,  jjrevailing  everywhere,  it  grew  to  this  conclusion^ 
that  the  worst  were  encouraged  with  their  good  success,  and 
the  best  sort  assured  of  no  fortune  or  favour." ' 

Out  of  all  this  hubbub  of  stage-actors,  skittish  horses,  rash 
wilded  chariots,  bogs,  Beelzebubs,  and  golden-winged  angels, 
one  truth  was  distinctly  audible  ;  that  Beelzebub,  in  the  shape 
of  Barneveld,  had  been  getting  the  upper  hand  in  the  Nether- 
lands, and  that  the  Lecestrians  were  at  a  disadvantage.  In 
truth  those  partisans  were  becoming  extremely  impatient. 
Finding  themselves  deserted  by  their  great  protector,  they 
naturally  turned  their  eyes  towards  S2:)ain,  and  were  now 
threatening  to  sell  themselves  to  Philip.  The  Earl,  at  his 
departure,  had  given  them  privately  much  encouragement. 
But  month  after  month  had  passed  by  while  they  were  wait- 
ing in  vain  for  comfort.  At  last  the  "best" — that  is  to  say, 
the  unhappy  Leicestrians — came  to  Willoughby,  asking  his 
advice  in  their  "  declining  and  desperate  cause." 

"  Well  nigh  a  month  longer,"  said  that  general,  "  I  nou- 
rished them  with  compliments,  and  assured  them  that  my 
Lord  of  Leicester  would  take  care  of  them."-  The  diet  was 
not  fattening.  So  they  began  to  grumble  more  loudly  thaj* 
ever,  and  complained  with  great  bitterness  of  the  miserable 
condition  in  which  they  had  been  left  by  the  Earl,  and  ex- 
pressed their  fears  lest  the  Queen  likewise  meant  to  abandon 
them.  They  protested  that  their  poverty,  their  powerful  foes, 
and  their  slow  friends,  would  compel  them  either  to  make  their 
peace  with  the  States'  party,  or  "  compound  with  the  enemy." 

'  "Willoughby  to  Walsingham,  MS.  last  cited.  *  Ibid. 


1588.  HATRED  BETWEEN  STATES  AND  lEICESTRIANS.  _  417 

It  would  have  seemed  that  real  j)atriots,  under  such  circum- 
stances, would  hardly  hesitate  in  their  choice,  and  would 
sooner  accept  the  dominion  of  "  Beelzebub,"  or  even  Paul 
Buys,  than  that  of  Philip  II.  But  the  Leicestrians  of  Utrecht 
and  Friesland — patriots  as  they  were — hated  Holland  worse 
than  they  hated  the  Inquisition.  Willoughby  encouraged 
them  in  that  hatred.  He  assured  him  of  her  Majesty's 
affection  for  them,  com})lained  of  the  factious  proceedings  of 
the  States,  and  alluded  to  the  unfavourable  state  of  the 
weather,  as  a  reason  why — near  four  months  long — they  had 
not  received  the  comfort  out  of  England  which  they  had  a 
right  to  expect.  He  assured  them  that  neither  the  Queen 
nor  Leicester  would  conclude  this  honourable  action,  wherein 
much  had  been  hazarded,  "  so  rawly  and  tragically  "  as  they 
seemed  to  fear,  and  warned  them,  that  "  if  they  did  join  with 
Holland,  it  would  neither  ease  nor  help  them,  but  draw  them 
into  a  more  dishonourable  loss  of  their  liberties  ;  and  that, 
after  having  wound  them  in,  the  Hollanders  would  make  their 
own  peace  with  the  enemy."  ^ 

It  seemed  somewhat  unfair — while  the  Queen's  government 
was  straining  every  nerve  to  obtain  a  j)eace  from  Philip,  and 
while  the  Hollanders  were  obstinately  deaf  to  any  propositions 
for  treating — that  Willoughby  should  accuse  them  of  secret 
intentions  to  negotiate.  But  it  must  be  confessed  that  faction 
has  rarely  worn  a  more  mischievous  aspect  than  was  pre- 
sented by  the  politics  of  Holland  and  England  in  the  winter 
and  spring  of  1588. 

Young  Maurice  was  placed  in  a  very  painful  position.  He 
liked  not  to  be  "  strangled  in  the  great  Queen's  embrace  ;  " 
but  he  felt  most  keenly  the  necessity  of  her  friendship,  and 
the  importance  to  both  countries  of  a  close  alliance.  It  was 
impossible  for  him,  however,  to  tolerate  the  rebellion  of 
Sonoy,  although  Sonoy  was  encouraged  by  Elizabeth,  or  to 
fly  in  the  face  of  Barneveld,  although  Barneveld  was  detested 
by  Leicester.  So  with  much  firmness  and  courtesy,  notwith- 
standing  the   extravagant   pictures   painted  by  Willoughby, 

'  Willoughby  to  Walsinghani,  MS.  last  cited. 

VOL,  II. — 2  E 


418 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIIL 


he  suppressed  mutiny  in  Holland,  while  avowing  the  most 
chivalrous  attachment  to  the  sovereign  of  England. 

Her  Majesty  expressed  her  surprise  and  her  discontent,  that, 
notwithstanding  his  expressions  of  devotion  to  herself,  he 
should  thus  deal  with  Sonoy,  whoso  only  crime  was  an  equal 
devotion.  "  If  you  do  not  behave  with  more  moderation  in 
future,"  she  said,  "  you  may  believe  that  we  are  not  a  princess 
of  so  little  courage  as  not  to  know  how  to  lend  a  helping 
h.and  to  those  who  are  unjustly  oppressed.  We  should  bo 
sorry  if  we  had  cause  to  bo  disgusted  with  your  actions,  and 
if  we  were  compelled  to  make  you  a  stranger  to  the  ancient 
good  affection  which  we  bore  to  your  late  father,  and  have 
continued  towards  yourself."  ^ 

But  Maurice  maintained  a  dignified  attitude,  worthy  of  his 
great  father's  name.  He  was  not  the  man  to  crouch  like 
Leicester,  when  he  could  no  longer  refresh  himself  in  the 
"  shadow  of  the  Queen's  golden  beams,"  important  as  he  knew 
her  friendship  to  be  to  himself  and  his  country.  So  he  de- 
fended himself  in  a  manly  letter  to  the  privy  council  against 
the  censures  of  Elizabeth."  He  avowed  his  displeasure,  that, 
within  his  own  jurisdiction,  Sonoy  should  give  a  special  oath 
of  obedience  to  Leicester  ;  a  thing  never  done  before  in  the 
country,  and  entirely  illegal.  It  would  not  even  be  tolerated 
in  England,  he  said,  if  a  private  gentleman  should  receive  a 
military  appointment  in  Warwickshire  or  Norfolk  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  lord-lieutenant  of  the  shire.  He  had  treated 
the  contumacious  Sonoy  with  mildness  during  a  long  period, 
but  without  effect.  He  had  abstained  from  violence  towards 
him,  out  of  reverence  to  the  Queen,  under  whose  sacred  name 
he  sheltered  himself  Sonoy  had  not  desisted,  but  had  esta- 
blished himself  in  organized  rebellion  at  Medenblik,  declaring 
that  he  would  drown  the  whole  country,  and  levy  black- mail 
upon  its  whole  property,  if  he  were  not  paid  one  hundred 
thousand  crowns.     He  had  declared  that  he  would  crush  Hol- 


'   Queen    to     Maurice     of    Nassau, 

-  Feb.  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
23  ^ 


'  Maurice  of  Nassau  to  Privy  Coun- 
cil, -  March,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
'  15  ^ 


1588  MAURICE'S  ANSWER  TO  THE  QUEEN'S  CH/ RGBS.         419 

land  like  a  glass  beneath  his  feet.  Having  nothing  hut  reli- 
gion in  his  mouth,  and  protecting  himself  with  the  Queen's 
name,  he  had  been  exciting  all  the  cities  of  North  Holland  to 
rebellion,  and  bringing  the  poor  people  to  destruction.  He 
had  been  offered  money  enough  to  satisfy  the  most  avaricious 
soldier  in  the  world,  but  he  stood  out  for  six  years'  full  pay 
for  his  soldiers,  a  demand  with  which  it  was  impossible  to 
comply.  It  was  necessary  to  prevent  him  from  inundating 
the  land  and  destroying  the  estates  of  the  country  gentlemen 
and  the  peasants.  "This,  gentlemen,"  said  Maurice,  "is  the 
plain  truth  ;  nor  do  I  believe  that  you  will  sustain  against  me 
a  man  who  was  under  such  vast  obligations  to  my  late  father, 
and  who  requites  his  debt  by  daring  to  speak  of  myself  as  a 
rascal ;  or  that  you  will  countenance  his  rebellion  against  a 
country  to  which  he  brought  only  his  cloak  and  sword,  and 
whence  he  has  filched  one  hundred  thousand  crowns.  You 
will  not,  I  am  sure,  permit  a  simple  captain,  by  his  insubor- 
dination, to  cause  such  mischief,  and  to  set  on  fire  this  and 
other  Provinces. 

"  If,  by  your  advice,"  continued  the  Count,  "  the  Queen 
should  appoint  fitting  personages  to  ofiice  here — men  who 
know  what  honour  is,  born  of  illustrious  and  noble  race,  or 
who  by  their  great  virtue  have  been  elevated  to  the  honours 
of  the  kingdom — to  them  I  will  render  an  account  of  my 
actions.  And  it  shall  appear  that  I  have  more  ability  and 
more  desire  to  do  my  duty  to  her  Majesty  than  those  who 
render  her  lip-service  only,  and  only  make  use  of  her  sacred 
name  to  fill  their  purses,  while  I  and  mine  have  been  ever 
ready  to  employ  our  lives,  and  what  remains  of  our  fortunes," 
"in  the  cause  of  God,  her  Majesty,  and  our  country."  ^ 

Certainly  no  man  had  a  better  right  to  speak  with  con- 
sciousness of  the  worth  of  race  than  the  son  of  William  the 
Silent,  the  nephew  of  Lewis,  Adolphus,  and  Henry  of  Nassau, 
who  had  all  laid  down  their  lives  for  the  liberty  of  their 
country.  But  Elizabeth  continued  to  threaten  the  States- 
Greneral,  through  the  mouth  of  Willoughby,  with  the  loss  of 

1  Mauiice  of  Nassau  to  Privy  Council,  MS.  last  cited. 


420  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIIl 

her  protection,  if  they  should  continue  thus  to  requite  her 
favours  with  ingratitude  and  insubordination  :  ^  and  Maurice 
once  more  respectfully  but  firmly  replied  that  Sonoy's  re- 
bellion could  not  and  would  not  be  tolerated ;  appealing 
boldly  to  her  sense  of  justice,  which  was  the  noblest  attribute 
of  kings.^ 

At  last  the  Queen  informed  Willoughby,  that — as  the  cause 
of  Sonoy's  course  seemed  to  be  his  oath  of  obedience  to 
Leicester,  whose  resignation  of  office  had  not  yet  been  re- 
ceived in  the  Netherlands — she  had  now  ordered  Councilloi 
Killigrew  to  communicate  the  fact  of  that  resignation.  She 
also  wrote  to  Sonoy,  requiring  him  to  obey  the  States  and 
Count  Maurice,  and  to  accept  a  fresh  commission  from  them, 
or  at  least  to  surrender  Medenblik,  and  to  fulfil  all  their 
orders  with  zeal  and  docility.'* 

This  act  of  abdication  by  Leicester,  which  had  been  received 
on  the  22nd  of  January  by  the  English  envoy,  Herbert,  at  the 
moment  of  his  departure  from  the  Netherlands,  had  been  carried 
back  by  him  to  England,  on  the  ground  that  its  communication 
to  the  States  at  that  moment  would  cause  him  inconveniently 
to  postpone  Ms  Journey.  It  never  officially  reached  the  States- 
General  until  the  31st  of  March,  so  that  this  most  dangerous 
crisis  was  protracted  nearly  five  months  long — certainly  without 
necessity  or  excuse — and  whether  through  design,  malice,  wan- 
tonness, or  incomprehensible  carelessness,  it  is  difficult  to  say.^ 

So  soon  as  the  news  reached  Sonoy,  that  contumacious 
chieftain  found  his  position  untenable,  and  he  allowed  the 
States'  troops  to  take  possession  of  Medenblik,  and  with  it 
the  important  territory  of  North  Holland,  of  which  province 


5 

'  Queen    to   Willoughby,    —  March, 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Maurice  of  Nassau  to  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, 15  March,  1588.  (S.  P.  Office 
MS.) 

r 


Van  der  Kemp,  I.  62.     "Wagenaar,  viii. 
270.     Resol.  Holl.  1  April,  1588. 

This  business  of  Col.  Diedrich 
Sonoy  occupies  an  enormous  space  in 
the  archives  and  chronicles  of  the 
day.  It  has  been  here  reduced  to  the 
smallest     compass     consistent    with   a 


'Queen     to     Willoughby,  -  March,       p^^pose  of    presenting    an    intelligible 
troo      /^  1    o  ^    A     -1   Tcoo        account   of  the   politics   of  Leicester's 

1588.     Queen  to  Sonoy,  -  April,  1588,      ^jj^i^igt^ation  and  its  consequences. 

IS.  P.  Office  MSS.) 

*  Bor,    IIL    xxiv,    119,  seq.  233,  seq.   ! 


l588.  END  OF  SONOY'S  REBELLION  421 

Maurice  now  saw  himself  undisputed  governor.  Sonoy  was  in 
the  course  of  the  summer  deprived  of  all  office,  and  betook 
himself  to  England.  Here  he  was  kindly  received  by  the 
Queen,  who  bestowed  upon  him  a  ruined  tower,  and  a  swamp 
among  the  fens  of  Lincolnshire.  He  brought  over  some  ot 
his  countrymen,  well-skilled  in  such  operations,  set  himself 
to  draining  and  dyking,  and  hoped  to  find  himself  at  home 
and  comfortable  in  his  ruined  tower.  But  unfortunately,  as 
neither  ho  nor  his  wife,  notwithstanding  their  English  pro- 
clivities, could  speak  a  word  of  the  language,  they  found  their 
social  enjoyments  very  limited.  Moreover,  as  his  work-people 
were  equally  without  the  jjower  of  making  their  wants  under- 
stood, the  dyking  operations  made  but  little  progress.  So  the 
unlucky  colonel  soon  abandoned  his  swamp,  and  retired  to  East 
Friesland,  where  he  lived  a  morose  and  melancholy  life  on  a 
pension  of  one  thousand  florins,  granted  him  by  the  States  of 
Holland,  until  the  year  1597,  when  he  lost  his  mind,  fell  into 
the  fire,  and  thus  perished.^ 

And  thus,  in  the  Netherlands,  through  hollow  negotiations 
between  enemies  and  ill-timed  bickerings  among  friends,  the 
path  of  Philip  and  Parma  had  been  made  comparatively  smooth 
during  the  spring  and  early  summer  of  1588.  What  was  the 
aspect  of  affairs  in  Germany  and  France  ? 

The  adroit  capture  of  Bonn  by  Martin  Schenk  had  given 
much  trouble.  Parma  was  obliged  to  detach  a  strong  force, 
under  Prince  Chimay,^  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  that  im- 
portant place,  which — so  long  as  it  remained  in  the  power  of 
the  States — rendered  the  whole  electorate  insecure  and  a 
source  of  danger  to  the  Spanish  party.  Earnese  endeavoured 
in  vain  to  win  back  the  famous  2)artizan  by  most  liberal  offers, 
for  he  felt  bitterly  the  mistake  he  had  made  in  alienating  so 
formidable  a  freebooter.  But  the  truculent  Martin  remained 
obdurate  and  irascible.  Philip,  much  offended  that  the  news 
of  his  decease  had  proved  false,  ordered  rather  than  requested 
the  Emperor  Rudolph  to  have  a  care  that  nothing  was  done 

>  Bor,  III.  290. 
•  Parm^  to  Philip  IL  31  Jan.  1588.     (Arch  de  Sim.  MS.) 


422  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVHI 

in  Germany  to  interfere  with  the  great  design  upon  England.^ 
The  King  j  ave  warning  that  he  would  suffer  no  disturbance 
from  that  quarter,  but  certainly  the  lethargic  condition  of 
Germany  lendered  such  threats  superfluous.  There  were 
riders  enough,  and  musketeers  enough,  to  be  sold  to  the 
highest  bidder.  German  food  for  powder  was  offered  largely 
in  the  market  to  any  foreign  consumer,  for  the  trade  in  their 
subjects'  lives  was  ever  a  prolific  source  of  revenue  to  the 
petty  sovereigns — numerous  as  the  days  of  the  year — who 
owned  Germany  and  the  Germans. 

The  mercenaries  who  had  so  recently  been  making  their 
inglorious  campaign  in  France  had  been  excluded  from  that 
country  at  the  close  of  1587,  and  furious  were  the  denuncia- 
tions of  the  pulpits  and  the  populace  of  Paris  that  the  foreign 
brigands  who  had  been  devastating  the  soil  of  France,  and 
attempting  to  oppose  the  decrees  of  the  Holy  Father  of 
Kome,  should  have  made  their  escape  so  easily.  Rabid 
Lincestre  and  other  priests  and  monks  foamed  with  rage,  as 
they  execrated  and  anathematized  the  devil-worshipper  Henry 
of  Valois,  in  all  the  churches  of  that  monarch's  capital.  The 
Spanish  ducats  were  flying  about,  more  profusely  than  ever, 
among  the  butchers  and  porters,  and  fishwomen,  of  the 
great  city  ;  and  Madam  League  paraded  herself  in  the  day- 
light with  still  increasing  insolence.  There  was  scarcely  a 
pretence  at  recognition  of  any  authority,  save  that  of  Philip 
and  Sixtus.  France  had  become  a  wilderness — an  uncul- 
tivated, barbarous  province  of  Sj^ain.  Mucio-Guise  had  been 
secretly  to  Rome,  had  held  interviews  with  the  Pope  and 
cardinals,  and  had  come  back  with  a  sword  presented  by  his 
Holiness,  its  hilt  adorned  with  jewels,  and  its  blade  engraved 
with  tongues  of  fire.^  And  with  this  flaming  sword  the 
avenging  messenger  of  the  holy  father  was  to  smite  the 
wicked,  and  to  drive  them  into  outer  darkness. 

And  there  had  been  fresh  conferences  among  the  chiefs  of 
the  sacred  League  within  the  Lorraine  territory,  and  it  wag 

'  Philip  IL  to  Parma,  24  April,  1588.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 
2  'L'Estoile,'236. 


1588. 


PHILIP  FOMKNTS  THE  CIVIL  WAPw  IN  FRANCE, 


423 


resolved  to  require  of  the  Valois  an  immediate  extermination 
of  heresy  and  heretics  throughout  the  kingdom,  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Council  of  Trent,  and  the  formal  establishment  of 
the  Holy  Inquisition  in  every  province  of  France.  Thus, 
while  doing  his  Spanish  master's  bidding,  the  great  Lieutenant 
of  the  league  might,  if  he  was  adroit  enough  to  outwit  Philip^ 
ultimately  carve  out  a  throne  for  himself. 

Yet  Philip  felt  occasional  pangs  of  uneasiness  lest  there 
should,  after  all,  be  peace  in  France,  and  lest  his  schemea 
against  Holland  and  England  might  be  interfered  with  from 
that  quarter.  Even  Farnese,  nearer  the  scene,  could  not  feel 
completely  secure  that  a  sudden  reconciliation  among  con- 
tending factions  might  not  give  rise  to  a  dangerous  inroad 
across  the  Flemish  border.  So  Guise  was  plied  more  vigour- 
ously  than  ever  by  the  Duke  with  advice  and  encou- 
ragement, and  assisted  with  such  Walloon  carabineers  as 
could  be  spared,^  while  large  subsidies  and  larger  promises 
came  from  Philip,^  whose  prudent  policy  was  never  to  pay 
excessive  sums,  until  the  work  contracted  for  was  done. 
"  Mucio  must  do  the  job  long  since  agreed  upon,"  said  Philip 
to  Farnese,  "  and  you  and  Mendoza  must  see  that  he  prevents 
the  King  of  France  from  troubling  me  in  my  entei-prize 
against  England."^  If  the  unlucky  Henry  III.  had  retained 
one  spark  of  intelligence,  he  would  have  seen  that  his  only 


'  Herrera  IIL  iii.  72.  2,000  infantry 
and  1,000  horse. 

■•'  Philip  to  Parma,  27  Nov.  1587. 
Same  to  same,  29  Jan.  1588.  (Arch, 
de  Sim.  MSS.) 

'  Philip  to  Parma,  24  April,  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.)  PhUip  11.  to 
Mendoza,  16  Feb.  1588.  (Arch,  de 
Sim.  [Paris.]  MS.) 

"  A  Mucio  animad  y  aconsejad  como 
soleys,  lo  que  se  cumple  .  .  .  .  y  le 
procurad  hazer  tiro."  Philip  II.  to 
Mendoza,  2  June,  1588.  (Arch,  de 
Simancas  [Paris.]  MS.) 

"  The  King  was,  however,  perpetually 
warning  Guise  not  to  allow  himself  or 
his  confederates  "to  brag  openly  of 
the  assistance  which  they  were  re- 
ceiving from  Spain,  lest  the  ministers 
of  Ilenry  should  think  Philip  partial; 


but  in  reality  not  to  waver  a  hair's 
breadth  in  his  determination,  relying 
upon  the  Spanish  King  and  on  the 
Duke  of  Parma,"  &c.  Philip  II.  to 
Mendoza,  16  July,  1588.  (Arch,  de 
Sim.  [Paris.]  MS.) 

"The  public  report  that  we  are 
assisting  Guise,"  said  the  king  a  year 
before,  "  is  very  inconvenient,  and 
must  be  suppressed.  .  .  .  My  nephew, 
the  Duke  of  Parma,  has  assured  Guise 
that  he  will  assist  him,  and  Guise 
ought  to  be  grateful.  At  the  same 
time  Longlee  has  been  telling  me  that 
his  King  desired  to  join  me  against 
England.  All  this  was  to  deceive, 
and  I  have  answered  all  with  equal 
deception,"  &c.  Philip  II.  to  Mendoza, 
G  July,  1587,  MS. 


424  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIIl 

chance  of  rescue  lay  in  the  arm  of  the  B6arnese,  and  in  an 
honest  alliance  with  England.  Yet  so  strong  was  his  love  for 
the  monks,  who  were  daily  raving  against  him,  that  he  was 
willing  to  commit  any  baseness,  in  order  to  win  back  their 
affection.  He  was  ready  to  exterminate  heresy  and  to  esta- 
blish the  inquisition,  but  he  was  incapable  of  taking  energetic 
measures  of  any  kind,  even  when  throne  and  life  were  in 
imminent  jjeril.  Moreover,  he  clung  to  Epernon  and  the 
'■  politiques,'  in  whose  swords  he  alone  found  protection,  and 
he  knew  that  Epernon  and  the  politiques  were  the  objects 
of  horror  to  Paris  and  to  the  League.  At  the  same  time  he 
looked  imploringly  towards  England  and  towards  the  great 
Huguenot  chieftain,  Elizabeth's  knight-errant.  He  had  a 
secret  interview  with  Sir  Edward  Stafford,  in  the  garden  of 
the  Bernardino  convent,  and  importuned  that  envoy  to  im- 
plore the  Queen  to  break  off  her  negotiations  with  Philip, 
and  even  dared  to  offer  the  English  ambassador  a  large 
reward,  if  such  a  result  could  be  obtained.  Stafford  was 
also  earnestly  requested  to  beseech  the  Queen's  influence 
with  Henry  of  Navarre,  that  he  should  convert  himself  to 
Catholicism,  and  thus  destroy  the  League. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  magniloquent  Mendoza,  who  was 
fond  of  describing  himself  as  "  so  violent  and  terrible  to  the 
French  that  they  wished  to  be  rid  of  him,'"  had — as  usual — 
been  frightening  the  j^oor  King,  who,  after  a  futile  attempt  at 
dignity,  had  shrunk  before  the  blusterings  of  the  ambassador. 
"  This  King,"  said  Don  Bernardino,  "  thought  that  he  could 
impose  upon  me  and  silence  me,  by  talking  loud,  but  as  I 
didn't  talk  softly  to  him,  he  has  undeceived  himself  .... 
I  have  had  another  interview  with  him,  and  found  him  softer 
than  silk,  and  he  made  me  many  caresses,  and  after  I  went 
out,  he  said  that  I  was  a  very  skilful  minister."  ^ 


>  "El  serlo  yo  tan  terible,  violente, 
y  sedi^ioso,  que  impido  no  se  estreche 
este  rey  muy  de  veras  con  V.  Maj** 
lo   qual  se   heria   si   faltasse  yo  deste 


»  "  Este  rev  creyo  que  me  espantara 
bizlera  callar  con  hallar  me  alto,  y  con 
el  no  rospondalle  yo  baxo,  se  ha 
desenganado.     Ha  tenido  despues   au- 


puesto."    Mendoza  to  PLilip  II.  30  Jan.    [   dieueia,    y   halle   lo    mas    blaiido  que 
1588.     (AjcU.  de  Sim,  [Paris.]  MS.)         j  un^*  seda,  y  me  hizo  mucbas   carjciaa 


15S8. 


LEAGUE'S  THREATS  AND  PLOTS  AGAINST  HENRY. 


425 


It  was  the  purpose  of  the  League  to  obtain  possession  of  the 
King's  person,  and,  if  necessary,  to  dispose  of  the  politiques 
by  a  general  massacre,  such  as  sixteen  years  before  had  been 
so  successful  in  the  case  of  Coligny  and  the  Huguenots.  So 
the  populace — more  rabid  than  ever — were  impatient  that 
their  adored  Balafre  should  come  to  Paris  and  begin  the  holy 
work. 

He  came  as  far  as  Gonesse  to  do  the  job  he  had  promised 
to  Philip,  but  having  heard  that  Henry  had  reinforced  him- 
self with  four  thousand  Swiss  from  the  garrison  of  Lagny,  he 
fell  back  to  Soissons.  The  King  sent  him  a  most  abject  mes- 
sage, imploring  him  not  to  expose  his  sovereign  to  so  much 
danger,  by  setting  his  foot  at  that  moment  in  the  capital. 
The  Balafre  hesitated,  but  the  populace  raved  and  roared  for 
its  darling.  The  Queen-Mother  urged  her  unhappy  son  to 
yield  his  consent,  and  the  Montpensier — fatal  sister  of  Guise, 
with  the  famous  scissors  ever  at  her  girdle^ — insisted  that 
her  brother  had  as  good  a  right  as  any  man  to  come  to  the 
city.  Meantime  the  great  chief  of  the  politiques,  the  hated  and 
insolent  Epernon,  had  been  appointed  governor  of  Normandy, 
and  Henry  had  accompanied  his  beloved  minion  a  part  of  the 
way  towards  Rouen.  A  plot  contrived  by  the  Montpensier 
to  waylay  the  monarch  on  his  return,  and  to  take  him  into 
the  safe-keeping  of  the  League,  miscarried,  for  tlie  King  re- 
entered the  city  before  the  scheme  was  ripe.  On  the  other 
hand,  Nicholas  Poulain,  bought  for  twenty  thousand  crowns 
by  the  politiques,  gave  the  King  and  his  advisers  full  informa- 
tion of  all  these  intrigues,  and,  standing  in  Henry's  cabinet, 
offered,  at  peril  of  his  life,  if  he  might  be  confronted  with 
the  conspirators — the  leaders  of  the  League  within  the  city — 
to  prove  the  truth  of  the  charges  which  he  had  made.^ 

For  the  whole  city  was  now  thoroughly  organized.     The 


que  yo  le  reconoci  con  las  palabras 
devidas,  y  despues  del  salir  de  hablalle, 
entiendo  que  dixo  que  yo  era  un 
miaistro  bien  arise,"  &c.  Don  B.  de 
Mendoza  to  Don  Juan  de  Idiaqmz, 
6  April,  1588.  (Arch,  de  Sim.  [Paris.] 
MS.) 


*  'L'Etoile,'  244. 

'  De  Thou,  X.  L.  89,  p.  251,  seq. 
Herrera  IlL  il8,  seq.  ' Proces  verbal ' 
de  Nicolas  Poulain,  &c.  320-;532.  Apud 
'  L'Etoile,  Registre  Journal  de  Henry 
IIL' 


426  THE   UNITKD   NETHERLANDS.  Chak  XVllI. 

number  of  its  districts  had  been  reduced  from  sixteen  to  five, 
the  better  to  bring  it  under  the  control  of  the  League  ;  and, 
while  it  could  not  be  denied  that  Mucio  had  been  doing  his 
master's  work  very  thoroughly,  yet  it  was  still  in  the  power 
of  the  King — through  the  treachery  of  Poulain — to  strike  a 
blow  for  life  and  freedom,  before  he  was  quite  taken  in  the 
trap.  But  he  stood  helpless,  paralyzed,  gazing  in  dreamy 
stupor — like  one  fascinated — at  the  destruction  awaiting  him. 

At  last,  one  memorable  May  morning,  a  traveller  alighted 

outside    the   gate   of  Saint    Martin,    and   proceeded   on   foot 

loth  May,  through  the  streets  of  Paris.     He  was  wrapped  in  a 

1588.  large  cloak,  which  he  held  carefully  over  his  face. 
When  he  had  got  as  far  as  the  street  of  Saint  Denis,  a  young 
gentleman  among  the  passers  by,  a  good  Leaguer,  accosted 
the  stranger,  and,  with  coarse  pleasantry,  plucked  the  cloak 
from  his  face,  and  the  hat  from  his  head.  Looking  at  the 
handsome,  swarthy  features,  marked  with  a  deep  scar,  and 
the  dark,  dangerous  eyes  which  were  then  revealed,  the  prac- 
tical jester  at  once  recognized  in  the  simple  traveller  the 
terrible  Balafre',  and  kissed  the  hem  of  his  garments  with  sub- 
missive rapture.  Shouts  of  "  Vive  Guise  "  rent  the  air  from  all 
the  bystanders,  as  the  Duke,  no  longer  afiecting  conceal- 
ment, proceeded  with  a  slow  and  stately  step  toward  the  resi- 
dence of  Catharine  de'  Medici.^  That  queen  of  compromises 
and  of  magic  had  been  holding  many  a  conference  with  the 
leaders  of  both  parties  ;  had  been  increasing  her  son's  stupe- 
faction by  her  enigmatical  counsels ;  had  been  anxiously 
consulting  her  talisman  of  goat's  and  human  blood,  mixed 
with  metals  melted  under  the  influence  of  the  star  of  her 
nativity,  and  had  been  daily  visiting  the  wizard  Ruggieri,  in 
whose  magic  circle — peopled  with  a  thousand  fantastic  heads 
— she  had  held  high  converse  with  the  world  of  spirits,  and 
derived  much  sound  advice  as  to  the  true  course  of  action  to  be 
pursued  between  her  son  and  Philip,  and  between  the  politicians 
and  the  League.     But,  in  spite  of  these  various  sources  of  in- 

'  'L'Etoile,'  250.  De  Tliou,  ubi  stip.  'Recit  du  Bourgeois  de  Paris.'  MS. 
Dupuys,  cited  by  Capetigue,  'Hist,  de  la  Reforme,'  &c.  IV.  378. 


1688.  MUCIO  ARRIVES  IN  PARIS.  427 

struction,  Catharine  was  somewhat  perplexed,  now  that  deci- 
sive action  seemed  necessary — a  dethronement  and  a  new 
massacre  impending,  and  judicious  compromise  difficult.  So 
after  a  hurried  conversation  with  Mucio,  who  insisted  on  an 
interview  with  the  King,  she  set  forth  for  the  Louvre,  the 
Duke  lounging  calmly  by  the  side  of  her  sedan  chair,  on 
foot,  receiving  the  homage  of  the  populace,  as  men,  women, 
and  children  together,  they  swarmed  around  him  as  he  walked, 
kissing  his  garments,  and  rending  the  air  with  their  shouts.^ 
For  that  wolfish  mob  of  Paris,  which  had  once  lapped  the 
blood  of  ten  thousand  Huguenots  in  a  single  night,  and  was 
again  rabid  with  thirst,  was  most  docile  and  fawning  to  the 
great  Balafre.  It  grovelled  before  him,  it  hung  upon  his  look, 
it  licked  his  hand,  and,  at  the  lifting  of  his  finger,  or  the 
glance  of  his  eye,  would  have  sprung  at  the  throat  of  King 
or  Queen-Mother,  minister,  or  minion,  and  devoured  them  all 
before  his  eyes.  It  was  longing  for  the  sign,  for  much  as  Paris 
adored  and  was  besotted  with  Guise  and  the  League,  even 
more,  if  possible,  did  it  hate  those  godless  politicians,  who  had 
grown  fat  on  extortions  from  the  poor,  and  who  had  converted 
their  substance  into  the  daily  bread  of  luxury. 

Nevertheless  the  city  was  full  of  armed  men,  Swiss  and 
German  mercenaries,  and  burgher  guards,  sworn  to  fidelity  to 
the  throne.  The  place  might  have  been  swept  clean,  at  that 
moment,  of  rebels  who  were  not  yet  armed  or  fortified  in  their 
positions.  The  Lord  had  delivered  Guise  into  Henry's  hands. 
"Oh,  the  madman  !"  cried  Sixtus  V.,  when  he  heard  that  the 
Duke  had  gone  to  Paris,  "  thus  to  put  himself  into  the  clutches 
of  the  King  whom  he  had  so  deeply  offended  !"  And,  "  Oh, 
the  wretched  coward,  the  imbecile  !"  he  added,  when  he  heard 
how  the  King  had  dealt  with  his  great  enemy.^ 

For  the  monarch  was  in  his  cabinet  that  May  morning, 
irresolutely  awaiting  the  announced  visit  of  the  Duke.  By 
his  side  stood  Alphonse  Corse,  attached  as  a  mastiff  to  his 
master,  and  fearing  not  Guise  nor  Leaguer,  man  nor  devil. 

>  De  Thoii,  '  L'Etoile,'  uU  sup.  "^  De  Thou,  x-  2Q6, 


428  TIIIC   UNITED    NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIIL 

"  Sire,  is  the  Duke  of  Guise  your  friend  or  enemy  ?"  said 
Alpliouse.     The  King  answered  by  an  expressive  shrug. 

"  Say  the  word,  Sire,"  continued  Alphonse,  "  and  I  pledge 
myself  to  bring  his  head  this  instant,  and  lay  it  at  your  feet."  ^ 

And  he  would  have  done  it.  Even  at  the  side  of  Catharine's 
sedan  chair,  and  in  the  very  teeth  of  the  worshipping  mob, 
the  Corsican  would  have  had  the  Balafre's  life,  even  though 
he  laid  down  his  own. 

But  Henry — irresolute  and  fascinated — said  it  was  not  yet 
time  for  such  a  blow." 

Soon  afterward,  the  Duke  was  announced.  The  chief 
of  the  League  and  the  last  of  the  Valois  met,  face  to  face, 
but  not  for  the  last  time.  The  interview  was  coldly  re- 
spectful on  the  part  of  Mucio,  anxious  and  embarrassed  on 
that  of  the  King.  When  the  visit,  which  was  merely 
one  of  ceremony,  was  over,  the  Duke  departed  as  he  came, 
receiving  the  renewed  homage  of  the  populace  as  he  walked 
to  his  hotel. 

That  night  precautions  were  taken.  All  the  guards  were 
doubled  around  the  palace  and  through  the  streets.  The 
Hotel  de  Ville  and  the  Place  de  la  Greve  were  made  secure, 
and  the  whole  city  was  filled  with  troops.  But  the  Place 
Maubert  was  left  unguarded,  and  a  rabble  rout — all  night 
long — was  collecting  in  that  distant  spot.  Four  companies 
lith  May,  ^f  burglier-guards  went  over  to  the  League  at  three 

1588.  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  rest  stood  firm  in  the 
cemetery  of  the  Innocents,  awaiting  the  orders  of  the  King. 
At  day-break  on  the  11th  the  town  was  still  quiet.  There 
was  an  awful  pause  of  expectation.  The  shops  remained 
closed  all  the  morning,  the  royal  troops  were  drawn  up  in 
battle-array,  upon  the  Greve  and  around  the  Hotel  de  Ville, 
but  they  stood  motionless  as  statues,  until  the  populace  began 
taunting  them  with  cowardice,  and  then  laughing  them  to 
scorn.  For  their  sovereign  lord  and  master  still  sat  paralyzed 
in  his  palace. 

>  '  L'EtoUe,'  248.  »  Ibid. 


1588.  HE  IS  RECEIVED  WITH  ENTHUSIASM.  429 

The  mob  had  been  surging  through  all  the  streets  and 
lanes,  until,  as  by  a  single  impulse,  chains  were  stretched 
across  the  streets,  and  barricades  thrown  up  in  all  the  prin- 
cipal thoroughfares.  About  noon  the  Duke  of  Guise,  who 
had  been  sitting  quietly  in  his  hotel,  with  a  very  few  armed 
followers,  came  out  into  the  street  of  the  Hotel  Montmorency, 
and  walked  calmly  up  and  down,  arm-in-arm  with  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Lyons,  between  a  double  hedge-row  of  spectators 
and  admirers,  three  or  four  ranks  thick.  He  was  dressed  in 
a  white  slashed  doublet  and  hose,  and  wore  a  very  large  hat.^ 
Shouts  of  triumph  resounded  from  a  thousand  brazen  throats, 
as  he  moved  calmly  about,  receiving,  at  every  instant,  ex- 
presses from  the  great  gathering  in  the  Place  Maubert, 

"  Enough,  too  much,  my  good  friends,"  he  said,  taking  off 
the  great  hat — ("  I  don't  know  whether  he  was  laughing  in  it," 
observed  one  who  was  looking  on  that  day) — "  Enough  of 
'  Long  live  Guise  !'     Cry  '  Long  live  the  King  !'  "  ^ 

There  was  no  response,  as  might  be  expected,  and  the 
people  shouted  more  hoarsely  than  ever  for  Madam  League 
and  the  Balafre.  The  Duke's  face  was  full  of  gaiety  ;  there 
was  not  a  shadow  of  anxiety  upon  it  in  that  perilous  and 
eventful  moment.     He  saw  that  the  day  was  his  own. 

For  now,  the  people,  ripe,  ready,  mustered,  armed,  barri- 
caded, awaited  but  a  signal  to  assault  the  King's  mercenaries, 
before  rushing  to  the  palace.  On  every  house-top  missiles 
were  j)rovided  to  hurl  upon  their  heads.  There  seemed  no 
escape  for  Henry  or  his  Germans  from  impending  doom,  when 
Guise,  thoroughly  triumphant,  vouchsafed  them  their  lives. 

"  You  must  give  me  these  soldiers  as  a  present,  my  friends," 
said  he  to  the  populace. 

And  so  the  armed  Swiss,  French,  and  German  troopers  and 
infantry,  submitted  to  be  led  out  of  Paris,  following  with 
docility  the  aide-de-camp  of  Guise,  Captain  St.  Paul,  who 
walked  quietly  before  them,  with  his  sword  in  its  scabbard, 
and  directing  their  movements  with  a  cane.  Sixty  of  them 
were  slain  by  the  mob,  who  could  not,  even  at  the  command 

1  '  L'Etoile,'  250.  a  Ibid. 


430 


THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIII. 


of  their  beloved  chieftain,  quite  forego  their  expected  banquet. 
But  this  was  all  the  blood  shed  on  the  memorable  day  of 
Barricades,  when  another  Bartholomew  massacre  had  been 
expected.' 

Meantime,  while  Guise  was  making  his  promenade  through 
the  city,  exchanging  embraces  with  the  rabble,  and  listening 
to  the  coarse  congratulations  and  obscene  jests  of  the  porters 
and  fishwomen,  the  poor  King  sat  crying  all  day  long  in 
the  Louvre.  The  Queen-Mother  was  with  him,  reproaching 
him  bitterly  with  his  irresolution  and  want  of  confidence  in 
her,  and  scolding  him  for  his  tears.  But  the  unlucky  Henry 
only  wept  the  more  as  he  cowered  in  a  corner. 

"  These  are  idle  tears,"  said  Catharine.  "  This  is  no  time 
for  crying.  And  for  myself,  though  women  weep  so  easily,  I 
feel  my  heart  too  deeply  wrung  for  tears.  If  they  came  to 
my  eyes  they  would  be  tears  of  blood."  - 

Next  day  the  last  Valois  walked  out  of  the  Louvre,  as  if 
for  a  promenade  in  the  Tuileries,  and  proceeded  straightway 
to  the  stalls,  where  his  horse  stood  saddled.  Du  Halde,  his 
equerry,  buckled  his  master's  spurs  on,  upside  down.  "  No 
matter,"  said  Henry,  "  I  am  not  riding  to  see  my  mistress.  I 
have  a  longer  journey  before  me."  ^ 

And  so,  followed  by  a  rabble  rout  of  courtiers,  without 
boots  or  cloaks,  and  mounted  on  sorry  hacks — the  King  of 
France  rode  forth  from  his  capital  post-haste,  and,  turning 
as  he  left  the  gates,  hurled  back  impotent  imprecations  upon 
Paris  and  its  mob.^  Thenceforth,  for  a  long  interval,  there 
was  no  king  in  that  country.     Mucio  had  done  his  work,  and 


'  '  L'EstoUe.'  De  Thou,  257-261. 
Herrera,  ubi  sup. 

-  "  La  Reyna  Madre  dizo  al  Rey 
quan  mal  avisado  havia  sido  que- 
xandosele  de  la  poca  confian(^a  que 
tenia  de  ella,  y  que  nunca  la  haria 
descubierto  sus  secretos,  ni  procurado 
su  dano  para  executar  semejante  resolu- 
cion  sin  su  parescer  y  esto  con  palabras 
de  tanto  sentimiento  que  el  Rey  se 
enterneeio  llorando,  y  ella  le  dizo  ser 
l^rimas  perdidas  aquellas,  por  no  ser 


tiempo  de  llorar ;  que  si  bien  las 
mugeres  lo  hazian  tan  facilmente,  que 
ella  tenia  tan  zerrado  el  pecho  que  no 
podria  llorar,  y  que  si  la  viniessen  a 
los  ojos  lagrimas,  serian  de  sangre." 
Relacion  de  lo  suboedido  a  Paris  desdc 
los  9  hasta  13  de  Mayo,  1588.  (Arch, 
de  Sim.  [Paris.]  MS.) 

=  '  L'Estoile,'  252. 

*  L'Estoile,  De  Thou,  Herrera,  zihi 
sup.  Pasquier,  vol.  ii.,  lettre  iv.,  331- 
334  (ed.  1723). 


1588.         THE  KING  FLIES,  AND  SPAIN  TRIUMPHS  IX  PARIS.        431 

earned  his  wages,  and  Philip  II.  reigned  in  Paris.  The  com- 
mands of  the  League  were  now  complied  with.  Heretics 
were  doomed  to  extermination.  The  edict  of  19th  igthjuiy 
July,  1588,  was  published  with  the  most  exclusive  '^^^^> 
and  stringent  provisions  that  the  most  bitter  Romanist  could 
imagine,'  and,  as  a  fair  beginning,  two  young  girls,  daughters 
of  Jacques  Forcade,  once  'jirocureur  au  parlement,'  were 
burned  in  Paris,  for  the  crime  of  Protestantism.^ 

The  Duke  of  Guise  was  named  Generalissimo  of  the  Kinc- 
dom  (26th  August,  1588).  Henry  gave  in  his  submission  to 
the  Council  of  Trent,  the  edicts,  the  Inquisition,  and  the  rest  of 
the  League's  infernal  machinery,  and  was  formally  reconciled 
to  Guise,  with  how  much  sincerity  time  was  soon  to  show.^ 

Meantime  Philip,  for  whom  and  at  whose  expense  all  this 
work  had  been  done  by  the  hands  of  the  faithful  Mucio,  was 
constantly  assuring  his  royal  brother  of  France,  through 
envoy  Longlee,  at  Madrid,  of  his  most  aifectionate  friendship, 
and  utterly  repudiating  all  knowledge  of  these  troublesome 
and  dangerous  plots.  Yet  they  had  been  especially  organized 
— as  we  have  seen — by  himself  and  the  Balafre,  in  order  that 
France  might  be  kept  a  prey  to  civil  war,  and  thus  rendered 
incapable  of  offering  any  obstruction  to  his  great  enterprise 
against  England.  Any  complicity  of  Mendoza,  the  Spanish 
ambassador  in  Paris,  or  of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  who  were  im- 
portant agents  in  all  these  proceedings,  with  the  Duke  of 
Guise,  was  strenuously  and  circumstantially  denied ;  and 
the  Balafre,  on  the  day  of  the  barricades,  sent  Brissac  to 
Elizabeth's  envoy.  Sir  Edward  Stafford,  to  assure  him  as  to 
his  personal  safety,  and  as  to  the  deep  affection  with  which 
England  and  its  Queen  were  regarded  by  himself  and  all  his 


'  The  King  bound  himself  by  oath 
to  extirpate  heresy,  to  remove  all  per- 
sons suspected  of  that  crime  from 
office,  and  never  to  lay  down  arms  so 
long  as  a  single  heretic  remained.  By 
secret  articles,  two  armies  against  the 
Huguenots  were  agreed  upon,  one  under 
the  Duke  of  Mayenne,  the  other  under 
some  general  to  be  appointed  by  the 
King.  The  Council  of  Trent  was  forth- 
with to  be  proclaimed,  and  by  a  re- 


finement of  malice  the  League  stipu- 
lated that  all  officers  appointed  in 
Paris  by  the  Duke  of  Guise  on  the  day 
after  the  barricades  should  resign 
their  powers,  and  be  immediately  re- 
appointed by  the  King  himself  De 
Tliou,  X.  1.  86;  pp.  324-325. 

'  Duplessis  Mornay,  iv.  246. 
'L'Estoile,'  258. 

'•'  De  Thou,  ubi  sup. 


432 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIII. 


friends.  Stafford  had  also  been  advised  to  accept  a  guard  for 
his  house  of  embassy.     His  reply  was  noble. 

"I  represent  the  majesty  of  England/' he  said,  "and  can 
take  no  safeguard  from  a  subject  of  the  sovereign  to  whom  I 
am  accredited." 

To  the  threat  of  being  invaded,  and  to  the  advice  to  close 
his  gates,  he  answered,  "  Do  you  see  these  two  doors  ?  Know 
then,  if  I  am  attacked,  I  am  determined  to  defend  myself  to 
the  last  droj)  of  my  blood,  to  serve  as  an  example  to  the 
universe  of  the  law  of  nations,  violated  in  my  person.  Do 
not  imagine  that  I  shall  follow  your  advice.  The  gates  of 
an  ambassador  shall  be  open  to  all  the  world." 

Brissac  returned  with  this  answer  to  Guise,  who  saw  that  it 
was  hopeless  to  attempt  making  a  display  in  the  eyes  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  but  gave  private  orders  that  the  ambas- 
sador should  not  be  molested,^ 

Such  were  the  consequences  of  the  day  of  the  barricades — 
and  thus  the  path  of  Philip  was  cleared  of  all  obstructions  on 
the  part  of  France.  His  Mucio  was  now  generalissimo. 
Henry  was  virtually  deposed.  Henry  of  Navarre,  poor  and 
good-humoured  as  ever,  was  scarcely  so  formidable  at  that 
moment  as  he  might  one  day  become.  When  the  news  of  the 
day  of  barricades  was  brought  at  night  to  that  cheerful 
monarch,  he  started  from  his  couch.  "  Ha,"  he  exclaimed  with 
a  laugh,  "but  they  havn't  yet  caught  the  Bearnese  !  "^ 

And  it  might  be  long  before  the  League  would  catch  the 
Bearnese  ;  but,  meantime,  he  could  render  slight  assistance 
to  Queen  Elizabeth. 

In  England  there  had  been  much  fruitless  negotiation  be- 
tween the  government  of  that  country  and  the  commissionem 
from  the  States-Greneral.  There  was  jjerpetual  altercation  on 
the  subject  of  Utrecht,  Leyden,  Sonoy,  and  the  other  causes  of 
contention  ;  the  Queen — as  usual — being  imperious  and  cho- 
leric, and  the  envoys,  in  her  ojjinion,  very  insolent.     But  the 


>  De  Thou,  X.  264-266. 
'  "  Etant  couche  sur  son  lit  vert  il 
Be  leva,  c't  tout  gaiment  dit  cea  mots; 


'  lis  ne  tienment  encore  le  Bearnois,'  * 

'L'Estoile,'  252, 


1588  STATES   EXPOSTULATE   WITH  THE   QUEEN.  433 

principal  topic  of  discussion  was  the  peace-negotiations,  which 
the  States-General,  both  at  home  and  through  their  delegation 
in  England,  had  been  doing  their  best  to  prevent  ;  steadily  re- 
fusing her  Majesty's  demand  that  commissioners,  on  their 
part,  should  be  appointed  to  participate  in  the  conferences  at 
Ostend.  Elizabeth  promised  that  there  should  be  as  strict 
regard  paid  to  the  interests  of  Holland  as  to  those  of  England, 
in  case  of  a  pacification,  and  that  she  would  never  forget  her 
duty  to  them,  to  herself,  and  to  the  world,  as  the  protectress 
of  the  reformed  religion.  The  deputies,  on  the  other  hand, 
warned  her  that  peace  with  Spain  was  impossible  ;  that  the 
intention  of  the  Spanish  court  was  to  deceive  her,  while  pre- 
paring her  destruction  and  theirs  ;  that  it  was  hopeless  to 
attempt  the  concession  of  any  freedom  of  conscience  from 
Philip  II.  ;  and  that  any  stipulations  which  might  be  made 
upon  that,  or  any  other  subject,  by  the  Spanish  commis- 
sioners, would  be  tossed  to  the  wind.  In  reply  to  the  Queen's 
loud  complaints  that  the  States  had  been  trifling  with  her,  and 
undutiful  to  her,  and  that  they  had  kept  her  waiting  seven 
months  long  for  an  answer  to  her  summons  to  participate  in 
the  negotiations,  they  replied,  that  up  to  the  15th  October  of 
the  previous  year,  although  there  had  been  flying  rumours  of 
an  intention  on  the  part  of  her  Majesty's  government  to 
open  those  communications  with  the  enemy,  it  had,  "  never- 
theless been  earnestly  and  expressly,  and  with  high  words 
and  oaths,  denied  that  there  was  any  truth  in  those  rumours." 
Since  that  time  the  States  had  not  once  only,  but  many  times, 
in  private  letters,  in  public  documents,  and  in  conversations 
with  Lord  Leicester  and  other  eminent  personages,  depre- 
cated any  communications  whatever  with  Spain,  asserting 
uniformly  their  conviction  that  such  proceedings  would  bring 
ruin  on  their  country,  and  imploring  her  Majesty  not  to  give 
ear  to  any  propositions  whatever.^ 

And  not  only  were  the  envoys,  regularly  appointed  by  the 
States-General,  most  active  in  England,  in  their  attempts  to 

»  Bor,  III.  xxiv.  223. 
VOL.  II. — 2  F 


434  THE  UNttRD  NKTIIERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIll. 

prevent  the  negotiations,  but  delegates  from  the  Nether- 
land  churches  were  also  sent  to  the  Queen,  to  reason  with  her 
on  the  subject,  and  to  utter  solemn  warnings  that  the  cause 
of  the  reformed  religion  would  be  lost  for  ever,  in  case  of 
a  treaty  on  her  part  with  Spain.  When  these  clerical 
envoys  reached  England  the  Queen  was  already  beginning 
to  wake  from  her  delusion  ;  although  her  commissioners  were 
still — as  we  have  seen — hard  at  work,  pouring  sand  through 
their  sieves  at  Ostend,  and  although  the  steady  protesta- 
tions of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  and  the  industrious  circulation 
of  falsehoods  by  Spanish  emissaries,  had  even  caused  her  wisest 
statesmen,  for  a  time,  to  participate  in  that  delusion. 

For  it  is  not  so  great  an  impeachment  on  the  sagacity  of 
the  great  Queen  of  England,  as  it  would  now  appear  to  those 
who  judge  by  the  light  of  subsequent  facts,  that  she  still 
doubted  whether  the  armaments,  notoriously  preparing  in 
Spain  and  Flanders,  were  intended  against  herself ;  and  that 
— even  if  such  were  the  case — she  still  believed  in  the  pos- 
sibility of  averting  the  danger  by  negotiation. 

So  late  as  the  beginning  of  May,  even  the  far-seeing  and 
anxious  Walsingham  could  say,  that  in  England  "  they  were 
doing  nothing  but  honouring  St.  George,  of  whom  the  Spanish 
Armada  seemed  to  be  afraid.  We  hear,"  he  added,  "  that 
they  will  not  be  ready  to  set  forward  before  the  midst  of  May, 
but  I  trust  that  it  will  he  May  come  twelvemonths.  The  King 
of  Spain  is  too  old  and  too  sickly  to  fall  to  conquer  kingdoms. 
If  he  be  well  counselled,  his  best  course  will  be  to  settle  his 
own  kingdoms  in  his  own  hands."  ^ 

And  even  much  later,  in  the  middle  of  July — when  the 
mask  was  hardly  maintained — even  then  there  was  no  cer- 
tainty as  to  the  movements  of  the  Armada  ;  and  Walsing- 
ham believed,  just  ten  days  before  the  famous  fleet  was  to 
appear  off  Plymouth,  that  it  had  dispersed  and  returned  to 


'  "Walsingham    to    Sir    Ed.    Norris,  I    Stowe,  "  it  was  said  by  some  of  honour- 

^■^''"'    icoo      /c   T>  rscc      i.ra\  able   Tauk   and    s-reat  judgment,    that 

— — ,  1588.     (fe.  P.  Oftice  MS.)  .,         i    i     «    4.     <•  4.1      ■         •      L  « 

2  May '  ^  '  \    the  whole  fleet  of  the  invasion  was  a 

"By    the     middle    of    July."    says  |    Popish  brag  and  a  French  tale."     1'oQ. 


1588. 


ENGLISH  STATESMEN  STILL  DECEIVED. 


435 


Spain,  never  to  re-appear.^  As  to  Parma's  intentions,  they 
were  thought  to  lie  rather  in  the  direction  of  Ostend  than  of  - 
England  ;  and  Elizabeth,  on  the  20th  July,  was  more  anxious 
for  that  city  than  for  her  own  kingdom.  "  Mr.  Ned,  I  am 
persuaded,"  she  wrote  to  Norris,  "  that  if  the  Spanish  fleet 
break,  the  Prince  of  Parma's  enterprise  for  England  will  fall 
to  the  ground,  and  then  are  you  to  look  to  Ostend.  Haste 
your  works."  - 

All  through  the  spring  and  early  summer,  Stafford,  in 
Paris,  was  kept  in  a  state  of  much  perplexity  as  to  the 
designs  of  Spain — so  contradictory  were  the  stories  circulated, 
and  so  bewildering  the  actions  of  men  known  to  be  hostile  to 
England.  In  the  last  days  of  April  he  intimated  it  as  a  com- 
mon opinion  in  Paris,  that  these  naval  preparations  of  Philip 
were  an  elaborate  farce  ;  "  that  the  great  elephant  would  bring 
forth  but  a  mouse  ;  that  the  great  processions,  prayers,  and 
pardons,  at  Kome,  for  the  prosperous  success  of  the  Armada 
against  England,  would  be  of  no  effect  ;  that  the  King  of 
Spain  was  laughing  in  his  sleeve  at  the  Pope,  that  he  could 
make  such  a  fool  of  him  ;  and  that  such  an  enterprise  was  a 
thing  the  King  never  durst  think  of  in  deed,  but  only  in  show 
to  feed  the  world." -^ 

Thus,  although  furnished  with  minute  details  as  to  these 
armaments,  and  as  to  the  exact  designs  of  Spain  against  his 
country,  by  the  ostentatious  statements  of  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sador in  Paris  himself,  the  English  envoy  was  still  inclined  to 
believe  that  these  statements  were  a  figment,  expressly  in- 
tended to  deceive.  Yet  he  was  aware  that  Lord  Westmore- 
land, Lord  Paget,  Sir  Charles  Paget,  Morgan,  and  other  English 
refugees,  were  constantly  meeting  with    Mendoza,  that   they 


'  Walsingliam  to  E.  Norris,     -  Julji 

1588.     (S.  r.  Office  MS.) 

"  And  for  the  navy  of  Spain,  we  liave 
lately  received  advertisements  that  by 
reason  of  their  great  wants,  as  well  of 
innriners,  us  of  nece.ssary  provision?, 
but  especially  through  the  infection 
fallen  among  their  men,  they  are  (breed 

VOL,       I.  — 14» 


to  return,    and    have    dispersed    them- 
selves." (! !) 

2  Leicester   to    K.    Norris.      MS.   by 

Queen     Elizabeth    (?)    -     July.     1588. 

20 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Sir   K.     Stafford    to    Walsingham. 

-   April,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


43G 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XV lit. 


were  told  to  get  themselves  in  readiness,  and  to  go  down — as 
well  appointed  as  might  be — to  the  Duke  of  Parma  ;  that  they 
had  been  "  sending  for  their  tailor  to  make  them  apparel,  and 
to  put  themselves  in  equipage  ; "  that,  in  particular,  West- 
moreland had  been  assured  of  being  restored  by  Philip  to  his 
native  country  in  better  condition  than  before.  The  Catholic 
and  Spanish  party  in  Paris  were  however  much  dissatisfied 
with  the  news  from  Scotland,  and  were  o-ettinfj;  more  and 
more  afraid  that  King  James  would  object  to  the  Spaniards 
getting  a  foot-hold  in  his  country,  and  that  "  the  Scots  would 
soon  be  playing  them  a  Scottish  trick."  ^ 

Stafford  was  plunged  still  more  inextricably  into  doubt  by 
the  accounts  from  Longlee  in  Madrid.^  The  diplomatist, 
who  had  been  completely  convinced  by  Philip  as  to  his  inno- 
cence of  any  participation  in  the  criminal  enterprise  of  Guise 
against  Henry  III.,  was  now  almost  staggered  by  the  unscru- 
pulous mendacity  of  that  monarch  with  regard  to  any  supposed 
designs  against  England.  Although  the  Armada  was  to  be 
ready  by  the  15th  May,  Longlee  was  of  opinion — notwith- 
standing many  bold  announcements  of  an  attack  upon  Eliza- 
beth— that  the  real  object  of  the  expedition  was  America. 
There  had  recently  been  discovered,  it  was  said,  "  a  new 
country,  more  rich  in  gold  and  silver  than  any  yet  found,  but 
so  full  of  stout  people  that  they  could  not  master  them."  ^ 
To  reduce  these  stout  people  beyond  the  Atlantic,  therefore, 
and  to  get  possession  of  new  gold  mines,  was  the  real  object  at 
which  Philip  was  driving,  and  Longlee  and  Stafford  were  both 
very  doubtful  whether  it  were  worth  the  Queen's  while  to 
exhaust  her  finances  in  order  to  protect  herself  against  an 
imaginary  invasion.  Even  so  late  as  the  middle  of  July,  six  to 
one  teas  offered  on  the  Paris  exchange  that  the  Spanish  fleet 
would   never   be   seen  in  the  English  seas,   and  those  that 


Stafford    to    "Walaingham, 


24  April 
4  May 


1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)^ 

'  Depechea  de   Longlee   envoye    de 
Henri   III.    en   Espague,    Mars,  AvrO, 


Mai,  1588.     Fonda  St.  Germain. 
Imp.  de  France,  MS.) 

'  Stafford    to    "Walsingham, 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


(Bih 

24  April 
4  May' 


1688.  DEPUTIES  FROM  NETIIERLAND  CHURCHES,  437 

offered  the  bets  were  known  to  be  well-wishers  to  the  Spanish 
party,  ^ 

Thus  sharp  diplomatists  and  statesmen  like  Longlee,  Staf- 
ford, and  Walsingham,  were  beginning  to  lose  their  fear  of 
the  great  bugbear  by  which  England  had  so  long  been  haunted. 
It  was  therefore  no  deep  stain  on  the  Queen's  sagacity  that 
that  she,  too,  was  willing  to  place  credence  in  the  plighted 
honour  of  Alexander  Farnese,  the  great  prince  who  prided 
himself  on  his  sincerity,  and  who,  next  to  the  King  his 
master,  adored  the  virgin  Queen  of  England. 

The  dej^uties  of  the  Netherland  churches  had  come,  with 
the  permission  of  Count  Maurice  and  of  the  States  General ; 
but  they  represented  more  strongly  than  any  other  envoys 
could  do,  the  English  and  the  monarchical  party.  They  were 
instructed  especially  to  implore  the  Queen  to  accept  the  sove- 
reignty of  their  country  ;  to  assure  her  that  the  restoration  of 
Philip — who  had  been  a  wolf  instead  of  a  shepherd  to  his 
flock — was  an  impossibility,  that  he  had  been  solemnly  and 
for  ever  deposed,  that  under  her  sceptre  only  could  the  Pro- 
vinces ever  recover  their  ancient  prosperity  ;  that  ancient  and 
modern  history  alike  made  it  manifest  that  a  free  republic 
could  never  maintain  itself,  but  that  it  must,  of  necessity,  run 
its  course  through  sedition,  bloodshed,  and  anarchy,  until 
liberty  was  at  last  crushed  by  an  absolute  despotism  ;  that 
equality  of  condition,  the  basis  of  democratic  institutions,  could 
never  be  made  firm  ;  and  that  a  fortunate  exception,  like  that 
of  Switzerland,  whose  historical  and  political  circumstances 
were  jieculiar,  could  never  serve  as  a  model  to  the  Nether- 
lands, accustomed  as  those  Provinces  had  ever  been  to  a 
monarchical  form  of  government ;  and  that  the  antagonism 
of  aristocratic  and  democratic  elements  in  the  States  had 
already  produced  discord,  and  was  threatening  destruction 
to  the  whole  country.  To  avert  such  dangers  the  sjjlen- 
dour  of  royal  authority  was  necessary,  according  to  the 
venerable  commands  of  Holy  Writ ;  and  therefore  the  Nether- 

»  Stcffora   to  Walsingham,  -July,  1588,     (S.  P  Office  MS.) 


438  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIII. 

land  churches  acknowledged  themselves  the  foster-children 
of  England,  and  begged  that  in  political  matters  also  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Provinces  might  be  accepted  as  the  subjects 
of  her  Majesty.  They  also  imi)lored  the  Queen  to  break  off 
these  accursed  negotiations  with  Spain,  and  to  provide  that 
henceforth  in  the  Netherlands  the  reformed  religion  might  be 
freely  exercised,  to  the  exclusion  of  any  other."  ^ 

Thus  it  was  very  evident  that  these  clerical  envoys,  although 
they  were  sent  by  permission  of  the  States,  did  not  come 
as  the  representatives  of  the  dominant  party.  For  that '  Beel- 
zebub,' Barneveld,  had  different  notions  from  theirs  as  to  the 
possibility  of  a  republic,  and  as  to  the  propriety  of  tolerating 
other  forms  of  worship  than  his  own.  But  it  was  for  such 
pernicious  doctrines,  on  religious  matters  in  particular,  that  he 
was  called  Beelzebub,  Pope  John,  a  papist  in  disguise,  and  an 
atheist ;  and  denounced,  as  leading  young  Maurice  and  the 
whole  country  to  destruction. 

On  the  basis  of  these  instructions,  the  deputies  drew 
up   a    memorial   of    pitiless   length,    filled   with    astounding 

12  July,   parallels  between  their  own  position  and  that  of  the 

1588.  Hebrews,  Assyrians,  and  other  distinguished  nations 
of  antiquity.  They  brought  it  to  Walsingham  on  the  12th  July, 
1588,  and  the  much-enduring  man  heard  it  read  from  beginning 
to  end.  He  expressed  his  approbation  of  its  sentiments,  but 
said  it  was  too  long.  It  must  be  put  on  one  sheet  of  paper, 
he  said,  if  her  Majesty  was  expected  to  read  it. 

"  Moreover,"  said  the  Secretary  of  State,  "  although  your 
arguments  are  full  of  piety,  and  your  examples  from  Holy 
Writ  very  apt,  I  must  tell  you  the  plain  truth.  Great  princes 
are  not  always  so  zealous  in  religious  matters  as  they  might 
be.  Political  transactions  move  them  more  deeply,  and  they 
depend  too  much  on  worldly  things.  However  there  is  no 
longer  much  danger,  for  our  envoys  will  return  from  Flanders 
in  a  few  days."  * 

•  Instructions  from  the  Churches  of  the  Netherlands  for  the  Deputies  to 
the  Queen  of  England,  apud  Bor,  III.  255-259. 

*  '  Report  of  the  Deputies,'  in  Bor,  III.  259. 


1588.  HOLD   CONFERENCE   WITH   THE   QUEEN.  439 

"  But,"  asked  a  deputy,  "  if  the  Spanish  fleet  does  not 
succeed  in  its  enterprise,  will  the  peace-negotiations  be 
renewed  ?" 

"  By  no  means,"  said  Walsingham  ;  "  the  Queen  can  never 
do  that,  consistently  with  her  honour.  They  have  scattered 
infamous  libels  against  her — so  scandalous,  that  you  would  be 
astounded  should  you  read  them.  Arguments  drawn  from 
honour  are  more  valid  with  princes  than  any  other." 

He  alluded  to  the  point  in  their  memorial  touching  the  free 
exercise  of  the  reformed  religion  in  the  Provinces. 

"  'Tis  well  and  piously  said,"  he  observed ;  "  but  princes  and 
great  lords  are  not  always  very  earnest  in  such  matters.  I 
think  that  her  Majesty's  envoys  will  not  press  for  the  free 
exercise  of  the  religion  so  very  much  ;  not  more  than  for  two 
or  three  years.  By  that  time — should  our  negotiations  suc- 
ceed— the  foreign  troops  will  have  evacuated  the  Netherlands 
on  condition  that  the  States-General  shall  settle  the  religious 
question."  ^ 

"  But,"  said  Daniel  de  Dieu,  one  of  the  deputies,  "  the 
majority  of  the  States  is  Pojnsh." 

"  Be  it  so,"  replied  Sir  Francis  ;  "  nevertheless  they  will 
sooner  permit  the  exercise  of  the  reformed  religion  than  take 
up  arms  and  begin  the  war  anew." 

He  then  alluded  to  the  proposition  of  the  deputies  to  exclude 
all  religious  worship  but  that  of  the  reformed  church — all 
false  religion — as  they  expressed  themselves. 

"  Her  Majesty,"  said  he,  "  is  well  disposed  to  permit  some 
exercise  of  their  religion  to  the  Papists.  So  far  as  regards  my 
own  feelings,  if  we  were  now  in  the  beginning  of  the  reforma- 
tion, and  the  papacy  were  still  entire,  I  should  willingly  con- 
cede such  exercise  ;  but  now  that  the  Papacy  has  been  over- 
thrown, I  think  it  would  not  be  safe  to  give  such  permission. 
When  we  were  disputing,  at  the  time  of  the  pacification  of 
Ghent,  whether  the  Popish  religion  should  be  partially  per- 
mitted, the  Prince  of  Orange  was  of  the  affirmative  opinion ; 

*  'Report  of  the  Deputies,'  in  Bor,  last  cited. 


440  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVia 

but  I,  who  was  tlien  at  Antwerp,  entertained  the  contrary 
conviction." 

"  But,"  said  one  of  the  deputies — pleased  to  find  that  Wal- 
singhani  was  more  of  their  way  of  thinking  on  religious  tolera- 
tion than  the  great  Prince  of  Orange  had  been,  or  than 
Maurice  and  Barncveld  then  were — "but  her  Majesty  will, 
we  hope,  follow  the  advice  of  her  good  and  faithful  coun- 
sellors." 

"  To  tell  you  the  truth,"  answered  Sir  Francis,  "  great 
princes  are  not  always  inspired  with  a  sincere  and  upright 
zeal  ;" — it  was  the  third  time  he  had  made  this  observation — 
"  although,  so  far  as  regards  the  maintenance  of  the  religion 
in  the  Netherlands,  that  is  a  matter  of  necessity.  Of  that 
there  is  no  fear,  since  otherwise  all  the  pious  would  depart, 
and  none  would  remain  but  Papists,  and,  what  is  more, 
enemies  of  England.  Therefore  the  Queen  is  aware  that  the 
religion  must  be  maintained."  ^ 

He  then  advised  the  deputies  to  hand  in  the  memorial  to 
her  Majesty,  without  any  long  speeches,  for  which  there  was 
then  no  time  or  opportunity  ;  and  it  was  subsequently 
arranged  that  they  should  be  presented  to  the  Queen  as  she 
would  be  mounting  her  horse  at  St.  James's  to  ride  to  Rich- 
mond. 

Accordingly  on  the  15th  July,  as  her  Majesty  came  forth 

at  the  gate,  with  a  throng  of  nobles  and  ladies — some  about 

15  July,    to  accompany  her  and  some  bidding  her  adieu — the 

1588.  deputies  fell  on  their  knees  before  her.  Notwith- 
standing the  advice  of  Walsingham,  Daniel  de  Dieu  was  bent 
tipon  an  oration. 

"  Oh  illustrious  Queen  !"  he  began,  "  the  churches  of  the 
United  Netherlands " 

He  had  got  no  further,  when  the  Queen,  interrupting,  ex- 
claimed, "  Oh  !  I  beg  you — at  another  time — I  cannot  now 
listen  to  a  speech.     Let  me  see  the  memorial." 

Daniel   de   Dieu   then   humbly  presented   that   document, 

*  •  Keport  of  the  Deputies.'     Bor,  ubi  sup. 


;588. 


AND   PRESENT   LONG    MEMORIALS. 


441 


which  her  Majesty  graciously  received,  and  then,  getting  on 
horseback,  rode  off  to  Richmond.^ 

The  memorial  was  in  the  nature  of  an  exhortation  to  sustain 
the  religion,  and  to  keep  clear  of  all  negotiations  with  idolaters 
and  unbelievers  ;  and  the  memorialists  supported  themselves 
by  copious  references  to  Deuteronomy,  Proverbs,  Isaiah, 
Timothy,  and  Psalms,  relying  mainly  on  the  case  of  Jehosa- 
phat,  who  came  to  disgrace  and  disaster  through  his  treaty 
with  the  idolatrous  King  Ahab.  With  regard  to  any  compo- 
sition with  Spain,  they  observed,  in  homely  language,  that  a 
burnt  cat  fears  the  fire  ;  and  they  assured  the  Queen  that,  by 
following  their  advice,  she  would  gain  a  glorious  and  immortal 
name,  like  those  of  David,  Ezekiel,  Josiah,  and  others,  whose 
fragrant  memory,  even  as  precious  incense  from  the  apothe- 
cary's, endureth  to  the  end  of  the  world.^ 

It  was  not  surprising  that  Elizabeth,  getting  on  horseback 
on  the  15th  July,  1588,  with  her  head  full  of  Tilbury  Fort  and 
Medina  Sidonia,  should  have  as  little  relish  for  the  affairs  of 
Ahab  and  Jehosophat,  as  for  those  melting  speeches  of  Dio- 
mede  and  of  Turnus,  to  which  Dr.  Valentine  Dale  on  his  part 
was  at  that  moment  invoking  her  attention. 

On  the  20th  July,  the  deputies  were  informed  by  Leicester 
that  her  Majesty  would  grant  them  an  interview,   juiy  20, 
and  that  they  must  come  into  his  quarter  of  the     ■^^^^• 
palace  and  await  her  arrival. 

Between  six  and  seven  in  the  evening  she  came  into  the 
throne-room,  and  the  deputies  again  fell  on  their  knees  before 
her.^ 

She  then  seated  herself — the  deputies  remaining  on  their 
knees  on  her  right  side  and  the  Earl  of  Leicester  standing  at 
her  left — and  proceeded  to  make  many  remarks  touching  her 
earnestness  in  the  pending  negotiations  to  provide  for  their 
religious  freedom.  It  seemed  that  she  must  have  received  a 
hint  from  Walsingham  on  the  subject. 


'    'Report    of   the    Deputies,'    259, 
260-262. 
*    '  Memorial      from      the      United 


Churches,'    &c.,    apud    Bor,    IIL    260' 
262,  seq. 

3  Bor,  in.  262,  263. 


442  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XTJIt 

"  I  shall  provide,"  she  said,  "  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
reformed  worship." 

De  Dieu. — "  The  enemy  will  never  concede  it." 

The  Queen.—"  I  think  differently." 

De  Dieu. — "  There  is  no  place  within  his  dominions  where 
he  has  permitted  the  exercise  of  the  pure  religion.  He  has 
never  done  so." 

The  Queen. — "  He  conceded  it  in  the  pacification  of  Ghent." 

De  Dieu. — "  But  he  did  not  keep  his  agreement.  Don 
John  had  concluded  with  the  States,  but  said  he  was  not  held 
to  his  promise,  in  case  he  should  repent ;  and  the  King  wrote 
afterwards  to  our  States,  and  said  that  he  was  no  longer  bound 
to  his  pledge." 

The  Queen. — ^^That  is  quite  another  thing." 

De  Dieu. — "  He  has  very  often  broken  his  faith." 

The  Queen. — "  He  shall  no  longer  be  allowed  to  do  so.  If 
he  does  not  keep  his  word,  that  is  my  affair,  not  yours.  It  is 
my  business  to  find  the  remedy.  Men  would  say,  see  in  what 
a  desolation  the  Queen  of  England  has  brought  this  poor 
people.  As  to  the  freedom  of  worship,  I  should  have  proposed 
three  or  four  years'  interval — leaving  it  afterwards  to  the 
decision  of  the  States." 

De  Dieu. — "  But  the  majority  of  the  States  is  Popish." 

The  Queen. — "  I  mean  the  States-Greneral,  not  the  States  of 
any  particular  Province." 

De  Dieu. — "  The  greater  part  of  the  States-General  is 
Popish." 

The  Queen. — "I  mean  the  three  estates — the  clergy,  the 
nobles,  and  the  cities."  The  Queen — as  the  deputies  observed 
— here  fell  into  an  error.  She  thought  that  prelates  of  the 
reformed  Church,  as  in  England,  had  seats  in  the  States- 
General.  Daniel  de  Dieu  explained  that  they  had  no  such 
position. 

The  Queen. — "  Then  how  were  you  sent  hither  .?" 

De  Dieu. — "  We  came  with  the  consent  of  Count  Maurice 
of  Nassau." 

The  Queen,—"  And  of  the  States  ?" 


1588.  MORE  COl^VERSATIONS  WITH  THE  QUEEN.  443 

De  Dieu. — "  We  came  with  their  knowledee." 

The  Queen. — "  Are  you  sent  only  from  Holhind  and  Zee- 
land  ?  Is  there  no  envoy  from  Utrecht  and  the  other  Pro- 
vinces .^  " 

Hehuichius. — "  We  two,"  pointing  to  his  colleague  Sos- 
singius,   "  are  from  Utrecht." 

The  Queen. — "  What  ?  Is  this  young  man  also  a  minister  .^  " 
She  meant  Helmichius,  who  had  a  very  little  beard,  and  looked 
young. 

Sossingius. — "  He  is  not  so  young  as  he  looks." 

The  Queen. — "  Youths  are  sometimes  as  able  as  old  men." 

De  Dieu. — "  I  have  heard  our  brother  preach  in  France 
more  than  fourteen  years  ago." 

The  Queen. — "  He  must  have  begun  young.  How  old  were 
you  when  you  first  became  a  preacher  ?  " 

Helmichius. —  "  Twenty-three  or  twenty-four  years  of  age." 

The  Queen. — "  It  was  with  us,  at  first,  considered  a  scandal 
that  a  man  so  young  as  that  should  be  admitted  to  the  pulpit. 
Our  antagonists  reproached  us  with  it  in  a  book,  called  '  Scan- 
dale  de  I'Angleterre,'  saying  that  we  had  none  but  school -boys 
for  ministers.  I  understand  that  you  pray  for  me  as  warmly 
as  if  I  were  your  sovereign  princess.  I  think  I  have  done  as 
m.uch  for  the  religion  as  if  I  were  your  Queen." 

Helmichius. — "  We  are  far  from  thinking  otherwise.  We 
acknowledge  willingly  your  Majesty's  benefits  to  our  churches." 

The  Queen. — "  It  would  else  be  ingratitude  on  your  part." 

Helmichius. — "  But  the  King  of  Spain  will  never  keep  any 
promise  about  the  religion." 

The  Queen. — "  He  will  never  come  so  far  :  he  does  nothing 
but  make  a  noise  on  all  sides.  Item,  I  don't  think  he  has 
much  confidence  in  himself." 

De  Dieu. — "  Your  Majesty  has  many  enemies.  The  Lord 
hath  hitherto  supported  you,  and  we  pray  that  he  may  continue 
to  uphold  your  Majesty." 

The  Queen. — "  I  have  indeed  many  enemies  ;  but  I  make 
no  great  account  of  them.     Is  there  anything  else  you  seek  ?  " 

De  Dieu. — "  There  is  a  special  point :  it  concerns  our,  or 


444  '^^^^    UNITED  NETUERLANDS.  Chap.  XVlIt. 

rather  your  Majesty's,  city  of  Flushing.  We  hope  that  Rus- 
selius — (so  he  called  Sir  William  Russell) — may  be  continued 
in  its  government,  although  he  wishes  his  discharge." 

"  Aha  !"  said  the  Queen,  laughing  and  rising  from  her  seat, 
"  I  shall  not  answer  you  ;  I  shall  call  some  one  else  to  answer 
you." 

She  then  summoned  Russell's  sister.  Lady  Warwick. 

"  If  you  could  speak  French,"  said  the  Queen  to  that  gentle- 
woman, "  I  should  bid  you  reply  to  these  gentlemen,  who  beg 
that  your  brother  may  remain  in  Flushing,  so  very  agree- 
able has  he  made  himself  to  them." 

The  Queen  was  pleased  to  hear  this  good  opinion  of  Sir 
William,  and  this  request  that  he  might  continue  to  be  governor 
of  Flushing,  because  he  had  uniformly  supported  the  Leicester 
party,  and  was  at  that  moment  in  high  quarrel  with  Count 
Maurice  and  the  leading  members  of  the  States. 

As  the  deputies  took  their  leave,  they  requested  an  answer 
to  their  memorial,  which  was  graciously  promised.^ 

Three  days  afterwards,  23rd  July,  Walsingham  gave  them 
a  written  answer  to  their  memorial — conceived  in  the  same 

23  July,    sense  as  had  been  the  expressions   of  her  Majesty 

^^^^-  and  her  counsellors.  Support  to  the  Netherlands 
and  stipulations  for  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion  were 
promised  ;  but  it  was  impossible  for  these  deputies  of  the 
churches  to  obtain  a  guarantee  from  England  that  the  Popish 
religion  should  be  excluded  from  the  Provinces,  in  case  of  a 
successful  issue  to  the  Queen's  negotiation  with  Spain.^ 

And  thus  during  all  those  eventful  days — the  last  tveeJcs  of 
July  and  the  first  weeks  of  August — the  clerical  deputation 
remained  in  England,  indulging  in  voluminous  protocols  and 
lengthened  conversations  with  the  Queen  and  the  principal 
members  of  her  government.  It  is  astonishing,  in  that 
breathless  interval  of  history,  that  so  much  time  could  be 
found  for  quill-driving  and  oratory. 

Nevertheless,  both  in  Holland  and  England,  there  had  been 

*  'Report  of  the  Deputies  of  the  Netherlaud  Churches,'  in  Bor,  III.  262,  seq. 
"  '  Report,'  Ac.  ubi  sup. 


1588.  NATIONAL  SPIRIT  OF  ENGLAND  AND  HOLLAND.  445 

other  work  than  protocoUing.  One  throb  of  patriotism  moved 
the  breast  of  both  nations.  A  longing  to  grapple,  once  for 
all,  with  the  great  enemy  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  in- 
spired both.  In  Holland,  the  States-General  and  all  the  men 
to  whom  the  people  looked  for  guidance,  had  been  long 
deprecating  the  peace-negotiations.  Extraordinary  supplies — 
more  than  had  ever  been  granted  before — were  voted  for  the 
expenses  of  the  campaign  ;  and  Maurice  of  Nassau,  fitly  em- 
bodying the  warlike  tendencies  of  his  country  and  race,  had 
been  most  importunate  with  Queen  Elizabeth  that  she  would 
accept  his  services  and  his  advice.^  Armed  vessels  of  every 
size,  from  the  gun-boat  to  the  galleon  of  1200  tons — then 
the  most  imposing  ship  in  those  waters — swarmed  in  all  the 
estuaries  and  rivers,  and  along  the  Dutch  and  Flemish  coast, 
bidding  defiance  to  Parma  and  his  armaments ;  and  offers 
of  a  large  contingent  from  the  fleets  of  Joost  de  Moor  and 
Justinus  de  Nassau,  to  serve  under  Seymour  and  Howard, 
were  freely  made  by  the  States-General. 

It  was  decided  early  in  July,  by  the  board  of  admiralty,  pre- 
sided over  by  Prince  Maurice,  that  the  largest  square-rigged 
vessels  of  Holland  and  Zceland  should  cruise  between  Ensfland 
and  the  Flemish  coast,  outside  the  banks  ;  that  a  squadron 
of  lesser  ships  should  be  stationed  within  the  banks  ;  and  that 
a  fleet  of  sloops  and  fly-boats  should  hover  close  in  shore, 
about  Flushing  and  Rammekens.  All  the  war-vessels  of  the 
little  republic  were  thus  fully  employed.  But,  besides  this 
arrangement,  Maurice  was  empowered  to  lay  an  embargo- 
under  what  penalty  he  chose  and  during  his  pleasure — on  all 
square-rigged  vessels  over  300  tons,  in  order  that  there  might 
be  an  additional  supply  in  case  of  need.  Ninety  ships  of  war 
under  Warmond,  admiral,  and  Van  der  Does,  vice-admiral  of 
Holland  ;  and  Justinus  de  Nassau,  admiral,  and  Joost  de  Moor, 
vice-admiral  of  Zeeland  ;  together  with  fifty  merchant- vessels 
of  the  best  and  strongest,  equipped  and  armed  for  active 
service,  composed  a  formidable  fleet,^ 

*  Bor,  III.  318,  319.  I    by  which   so  much  mischief  had  been 

'  So   soon    as   the    Sonoy   difficulty   |    created  should  be  terminated,  MaurjcQ 


446 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIII, 


The  States-General,  a  month  before,  had  sent  twenty-five 
or  thirty  good  ships,  under  Admiral  Rosendael,  to  join  Lord 
Henry  Seymour,  then  cruising  between  Dover  and  Calais. 
A  tempest  drove  them  back,  and  their  absence  from  Lord 
Henry's  fleet  being  misinterpreted  by  the  English,  the  States 
were  censured  for  ingratitude  and  want  of  good  faith.  But 
the  injustice  of  the  accusation  was  soon  made  manifest,  for 
these  vessels,  reinforcing  the  great  Dutch  fleet  outside  the 
banks,  did  better  service  than  they  could  have  done  in  the 
straits.  A  squadron  of  strong  well-armed  vessels,  having  on 
board,  in  addition  to  their  regular  equipment,  a  picked  force 
of  twelve  hundred  musketeers,  long  accustomed  to  this  pecu- 
liar kind  of  naval  warfare,  with  crews  of  grim  Zeelanders, 
who  had  faced  Alva  and  Valdez  in  their  day,  now  kept  close 
watch  over  Farnese,  determined  that  he  should  never  thrust 
his  face  out  of  any  haven  or  nook  on  the  coast  so  long  as  they 
should  be  in  existence  to  prevent  him.^ 

And  in  England  the  protracted  diplomacy  at  Ostend,  ill- 
timed  though  it  was,  had  not  paralyzed  the  arm  or  chilled 
the  heart  of  the  nation.  When  the  great  Queen,  arousing 
herself  from  the  delusion  in  which  the  falsehoods  of  Farnese 
and  of  Philip  had  lulled  her,  should  once  more  represent — as 
no  man  or  woman  better  than  Elizabeth  Tudor  could  repre- 
sent— the  defiance  of  England  to  foreign  insolence  ;  the  resolve 
of  a  whole  people  to  die  rather  than  yield  ;  there  was  a  thrill 
of  joy  through  the  national  heart.  When  the  enforced 
restraint  was  at  last  taken  off",  there  was  one  bound  towards 
the  enemy.  Few  more  magnificent  spectacles  have  been 
seen   in   history    than    the    enthusiasm    which    pervaded    the 


announced  bis  intention  to  the  Queen, 
''  a  combattre  I'ennemi  par  nier  et 
par  terre,  pour  Tempecber  qu'  il  ne 
prenne  terre."  "Je  supplie  V.  M.," 
he  continued,  "de  commander  a  M. 
I'admiral  Howard  de  tenir  corre- 
spondance  avec  moi,  comme  aussi  je 
ferai    avec    Sa   Seign''."      Maurice    de 

20 
Nassau  to  the  Queen,  —  April,  1588. 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  Ne    pouvant,    pour    mon    devoir 


V0U3  celer  qu'un  des  plus  grands 
empechements  que  je  trouve  en  nos 
affaires  de  pardera  est  cette  negotiation 
de  paix  qui  engendre  de  telles  con- 
fusions que  les  forces  ne  peuvent  etre 
employees  par  mer  et  par  terre  si  tot 
et  si  bien  que  je  desirerai.  Je  ferai 
toute  fois  toute  diligence  d'etre  prest 
assez  a  temps  pour  rompre  les  des- 
seins  du  Due  de  Parma,"  &c.  Same  to 
same,  same  date. 

'  Bor,  III,  xxiii.  319-321. 


1588.  DISSATISFACTION  WITH  QUEEN'S  COURSE.  447 

country  as  the  great  danger,  so  long  deferred,  was  felt  at  last 
to  be  closely  approaching.  The  little  nation  of  four  millions 
the  merry  England  of  the  sixteenth  century,  went  forward  to 
the  death-grapple  with  its  gigantic  antagonist  as  cheerfully  as 
to  a  long-expected  holiday.  Spain  was  a  vast  empire,  over- 
shadowing the  world  ;  England,  in  comparison,  but  a  pro- 
vince ;  yet  nothing  could  surpass  the  steadiness  with  which 
the  conflict  was  awaited. 

For,  during  all  the  months  of  suspense,  the  soldiers  and 
sailors,  and  many  statesmen  of  England,  had  deprecated, 
even  as  the  Hollanders  had  been  doing,  the  dangerous  delays 
of  Ostend.  Elizabeth  was  not  embodying  the  national  in- 
stinct, when  she  talked  of  peace,  and  shrank  penuriously  from 
the  expenses  of  war.  There  was  much  disappointment,  even 
indignation,  at  the  slothfulness  with  which  the  preparations 
for  defence  went  on,  during  the  period  when  there  was  yet 
time  to  make  them.  It  was  feared  with  justice  that  Eng- 
land, utterly  unfortified  as  were  its  cities,  and  defended  only 
by  its  little  navy  without,  and  by  untaught  enthusiasm 
within,  might,  after  all,  prove  an  easier  conquest  than  Hol- 
land and  Zeeland,  every  town  in  whose  territory  bristled  with 
fortifications.  If  the  English  ships — well-trained  and  swift 
sailors  as  they  were — were  unprovided  with  spars  and  cord- 
age, beef  and  biscuit,  powder  and  shot,  and  the  militia-men, 
however  enthusiastic,  were  neither  drilled  nor  armed,  was  it 
so  very  certain,  after  all,  that  successful  resistance  would  be 
made  to  the  great  Armada,  and  to  the  veteran  pikemen  and 
musketeers  of  Farnese,  seasoned  on  a  hundred  battle-fields, 
and  equipped  as  for  a  tournament  ?  There  was  generous  con- 
fidence and  chivalrous  loyalty  on  the  part  of  Elizabeth's 
naval  and  military  commanders  ;  but  there  had  been  deep 
regret  and  disappointment  at  her  course. 

Hawkins  was  anxious,  all  through  the  winter  and  spring,  to 
cruise  with  a  small  squadron  off  the  coast  of  Spain.  With  a 
dozen  vessels  he  undertook  to  "  distress  anything  that  went 
through  the  seas."  The  cost  of  such  a  squadron,  with  eighteen 
hundred  men,  to  be  relieved  every  four  months,  he  estimated  at 


448 


THE   UNITED   NETnERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIIf 


two  thousand  seven  hundred  pounds  sterling  the  month,  or  a 
shilling  a  day  for  each  man  ;  and  it  would  be  a  very  unlucky 
month,  he  said,  in  which  they  did  not  make  captures  to  three 
times  that  amount  ;  for  they  would  see  nothing  that  would 
not  be  presently  their  own.  "  We  might  have  peace,  but  not 
with  God,"  said  the  j)ious  old  slave-trader  ;  "  but  rather  than 
serve  Baal,  let  us  die  a  thousand  deaths.  Let  us  have  open 
war  with  these  Jesuits,  and  every  man  will  contribute,  fight, 
devise,  or  do,  for  the  liberty  of  our  country."  ^ 

And  it  was  oj^en  war  with  the  Jesuits  for  which  those  stout- 
hearted sailors  longed.  All  were  afraid  of  secret  mischief. 
The  diplomatists  —  who  were  known  to  be  flitting  about 
France,  Flanders,  Scotland,  and  England — were  birds  of  ill 
omen.  King  James  was  beset  by  a  thousand  bribes  and  ex- 
postulations to  avenge  his  mother's  death  ;  and  although  that 
mother  had  murdered  his  father,  and  done  her  best  to  dis- 
inherit himself,  yet  it  was  feared  that  Spanish  ducats  might 
induce  him  to  be  true  to  his  mother's  revenge,  and  false  to 
the  reformed  religion.^  Nothing  of  good  was  hoped  for  from 
France.  "  For  my  part,"  said  Lord  Admiral  Howard,  "  I 
have  made  of  the  French  King,  the  Scottish  King,  and  the 
King  of  Spain,  a  trinity  that  I  mean  never  to  trust  to  be 
saved  by,  and  I  would  that  others  were  of  my  opinion."  ^ 

The  noble  sailor,  on  whom  so  much  responsibility  rested, 
yet  who  was  so  trammelled  and  thwarted  by  the  timid  and 
parsimonious  policy  of  Elizabeth  and  of  Burghley,  chafed  and 
shook  his  chains  like  a  captive.  "  Since  England  was  Eng- 
land," he  exclaimed,  "  there  was  never  such  a  stratagem  and 
mask  to  deceive  her  as  this  treaty  of  peace.     I  pray  God  that 


'  Hawkins  to   "Walsingham,  —  Feb. 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

2  Eq  hora  bueiia  ayen  Uegado  el 
Conde  de  Morton  y  Coronel  Semple," 
says  Philip,  speaking  of  one  of  the 
hundred  attempts  of  the  Scotch  Ca- 
tholics employed  by  him  to  bring 
about  a  co-operation  on  the  part  of 
James  with  the  Spanish  designs  upon 
England,  "aunque  segun  los  avisos 
que   embiastea  de    Inglatierra    menos 


frutos  haran  que  se  prometian,  pues 
tienen  hereses  al  Rey  tan  de  su 
mano.  Pero  bien  es  que  hagaos  las 
dOigencias  que  se  pueden,  tentando 
si  la  sangre  de  su  madre  le  estimola 
a  la  vengan(,'a,"  Ac.  Philip  IT.  to 
Mendoza,  21  June,  1588.  (Arch,  de 
Simancas  [in  the  Arch,  de  I'Empire, 
at  Paris],  MS.) 

-rr^    ,     .  27J8I1 

3  Howard    to     Walsmgnam,    

°  6  Feh 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1588.  BITTER  COMPLAINTS  OF  LORD  HOWARD.  449 

we  do  not  curse  for  this  a  long  grey  beard  with  a  white  head 
witless,  that  will  make  all  the  world  think  us  heartless.  You 
know  whom  I  mean/'  ^  And  it  certainly  was  not  difficult  to 
understand  the  allusion  to  the  pondering  Lord-Treasurer. — 
''  Opus  est  aliquo  Dcedalo,  to  direct  us  out  of  the  maze,"-  said 
that  much  puzzled  statesman  ;  but  he  hardly  seemed  to  be 
making  himself  wings  with  which  to  lift  England  and  himself 
out  of  the  labyrinth.  The  ships  were  good  ships,  but  there 
was  intolerable  delay  in  getting  a  suf&cient  number  of  them 
as  ready  for  action  as  was  the  spirit  of  their  commanders. 

"  Our  ships  do  show  like  gallants  here,"  said  Winter  ;  "  it 
would  do  a  man's  heart  good  to  behold  them.  Would  to  God 
the  Prince  of  Parma  were  on  the  seas  with  all  his  forces,  and 
we  in  sight  of  them.  You  should  hear  that  we  would  make 
his  enterprise  very  unpleasant  to  him."  ^ 

And  Howard,  too,  was  delighted  not  only  with  his  own  little 
flag-ship  the  Ark-Royal — "  the  odd  ship  of  the  world  for  all 
conditions," — but  with  all  of  his  fleet  that  could  be  mustered. 
Although  wonders  were  reported,  by  every  arrival  from  the 
south,  of  the  coming  Armada,  the  Lord- Admiral  was  not  ap- 
palled. He  was  perha]3s  rather  imprudent  in  the  defiance  he 
flung  to  the  enemy.  "  Let  me  have  the  four  great  ships  and 
twenty  hoys,  with  but  twenty  men  a- piece,  and  each  with  but 
two  iron  pieces,  and  her  Majesty  shall  have  a  good  account 
of  the  Spanish  forces  ;  and  I  will  make  the  King  wish  his 
galleys  home  again.  Few  as  we  are,  if  his  forces  be  not  hun- 
dreds, we  will  make  good  sport  with  them."  ^ 

But  those  four  great  ships  of  her  Majesty,  so  much  longed 
for  by  Howard,  were  not  forthcoming.  He  complained  that 
the  Queen  was  "keeping  them  to  protect  Chatham  Church, 
withal,  when  they  should  be  serving  their  turn  abroad."^ 
The  Spajiish  fleet  was  already  reported  as  numbering  from 
210  sail,  with  36,000  men,*^  to  400  or  500  ships,  and  80,000 
Howard  to  Walsingham,  MS.  last  ,  j^^^^^^  ^^  Burghlcy,  '-^^,1588. 

10  Mar. 


(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  Howard  to  Walsingham,  —  March, 


cited. 

*  Burgliley  to  Willoughby,  —   Feb. 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  Sir     Will.     Winter     to     Hawkins,    |    1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

28  Feb.  ^  6  Ibid 

,1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

9  Mar. 

VOL.  II. — 2  G 


j50  the   united   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIIl 

soldiers  and  mariners  ;'  and  yet  Drake  was  not  ready  with 
his  squadron,  "Tlie  fault  is  not  in  him/'  said  Howard,  "  but 
I  pray  God  her  Majesty  do  not  repent  her  slack  dealing.  We 
must  all  lie  together,  for  we  shall  be  stirred  very  shortly  with 
heave  ho  !  I  fear  ere  long  her  Majesty  will  be  sorry  she  hath 
believed  some  so  much  as  she  hath  done."  ^ 

Howard  had  got  to  sea,  and  was  cruising  all  the  stormy 
month  of  March  in  the  Channel  with  his  little  unprepared 
squadron,  expecting  at  any  moment — such  was  the  profound 
darkness  which  enveloped  the  world  at  that  day — that  the 
sails  of  the  Armada  might  appear  in  the  offing.  He  made  a 
visit  to  the  Dutch  coast,  and  was  delighted  with  the  enthu- 
siasm with  which  he  was  received.  Five  thousand  people  a 
day  came  on  board  his  ships,  full  of  congratulation  and 
delight ;  and  he  informed  the  Queen  that  she  was  not  more 
assured  of  the  Isle  of  Sheppey  than  of  Walcheren.^ 

Nevertheless  time  wore  on,  and  both  the  army  and  navy  of 
England  were  quite  unprepared,  and  the  Queen  was  more 
reluctant  than  ever  to  incur  the  expense  necessary  to  the 
defence  of  her  kingdom.  At  least  one  of  those  galleys,  which, 
as  Howard  bitterly  complained,  seemed  destined  to  defend 
Chatham  Church,  was  importunately  demanded  ;  but  it  was 
already  Easter-Day  (17th  April),  and  she  was  demanded  in 
vain.  "  Lord  !  when  should  she  serve,"  said  the  Admiral,  "if 
not  at  such  a  time  as  this  ?  Either  she  is  fit  now  to  serve,  oi 
fit  for  the  fire.  1  hope  never  in  my  time  to  see  so  great  a 
cause  for  her  to  be  used.  I  dare  say  her  Majesty  will  look 
that  men  should  fight  for  her,  and  I  know  they  will  at  this 
time.  The  King  of  Spain  doth  not  keep  any  ship  at  home, 
either  of  his  own  or  any  other,  that  he  can  get  for  money. 
Well,  well,  I  must  pray  heartily  for  peace,"  said  Howard  with 
increasing  spleen,  "for  I  see  the  support  of  an  honourable 
war  will  never  appear.  Sparing  and  war  have  no  afiinity 
tosrether."  * 


28  April 

'  Drake  to  the  Queen,   ,   1.588. 

'      8  May  ' 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

11 
'^  Howard  to  Walsingham,  —  March, 

1588.  MS. 


9 

Howard  to  Walsingham,  —  March, 


1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

••  Same    to    sa 
S.  P.  Office  (MS.) 


Same    to    same.     —   April,    l.'iSS 


1588.  WANT  OF  PREPARATION  IN  ARMY  AND  NAVY.  451 

la  truth  Elizabeth's  most  faithful  subjects  were  appalled  at 
the  ruin  which  she  seemed  by  her  mistakeu  policy  to  be  ren- 
dering inevitable.  "  I  am  sorry,"  said  the  Admiral,  "  that 
her  Majesty  is  so  careless  of  this  most  dangerous  time.  I 
fear  me  much,  and  with  grief  I  think  it,  that  she  relieth  on  a 
hope  that  will  deceive  her,  and  greatly  endanger  her,  and 
then  it  will  not  be  her  money  nor  her  jewels  that  will  help  ; 
for  as  they  will  do  good  in  time,  so  they  will  help  nothing  for 
the  redeeming  of  time."  ' 

The  preparations  on  shore  were  even  more  dilatory  than 
those  on  the  sea.  We  have  seen  that  the  Duke  of  Parma, 
once  landed,  expected  to  march  directly  upon  London  ;  and  it 
was  notorious  that  there  were  no  fortresses  to  oppose  a  march 
of  the  first  general  in  Europe  and  his  veterans  upon  that 
unprotected  and  wealthy  metropolis.  An  army  had  been 
enrolled — a  force  of  86,016  foot,  and  13,831  cavalry  ;  but  it 
was-  an  Urmy  on  paper  merely.  Even  of  the  86,000,  only 
48,000  were  set  down  as  trained  ;  and  it  is  certain  that  the 
training  had  been  of  the  most  meagre  and  unsatisfactory 
iescription.^  Leicester  was  to  be  commander-in-chief;  but 
we  have  already  seen  that  nobleman  measuring  himself,  not 
Dauch  to  his  advantage,  with  Alexander  Farnese,  in  the  Isle 
of  Bommel,  on  the  sands  of  Blankenburg,  and  at  the  gates 
of  Sluys.  His  army  was  to  consist  of  27,000  infantry,  and 
2000  horse  ;  yet  at  midsummer  it  had  not  reached  half  that 
number.  Lord  Chamberlain  Hunsdon  was  to  protect  the 
Queen's  person  with  another  army  of  36,000  ;  but  this  force 
was  purely  an  imaginary  one  ;  and  the  lord-lieutenant  of  each 
county  was  to  do  his  best  with  the  militia.  But  men  were 
perpetually  escaping  out  of  the  general  service,  in  order  to 
make  themselves  retainers  for  private  noblemen,  and  be  kept 
at  their  expense.  "  You  shall  hardly  believe,"  said  Leicester, 
"  how  many  new  liveries  be  gotten  within  these  six  weeks, 
and  no  man  fears  the  penalty.     It  would  be  better  that  every 

Howard  to  'Walsingham,  MS.  last  cited. 
*  Miirden,  608-61.3.     '  Hardwicke  Papers,'  L  576.     Lingard,  viii.  273.     Camden, 
iu.  405.     Stowe,  750. 


452 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIH 


nobleman  did  as  Lord  Dacres,  than  to  take  away  from  the 
principal  service  such  as  are  set  down  to  serve."  ^ 

Of  enthusiasm  and  courage,  then,  there  was  enough,  while 
of  drill  and  discipline,  of  powder  and  shot,  there  was  a  defi- 
ciency. No  braver  or  more  competent  soldier  could  be  found 
than  Sir  Edward  Stanley — the  man  whom  we  have  seen  in 
his  yellow  jerkin,  helping  himself  into  Fort  Zutphen  with  the 
Spanish  soldier's  pike — and  yet  Sir  Edward  Stanley  gave  but 
a  son-y  account  of  the  choicest  soldiers  of  Chester  and  Lan- 
cashire, whom  he  had  been  sent  to  inspect.  "  I  find  them 
not,"  he  said,  "  according  to  your  expectation,  nor  mine  own 
liking.  They  were  appointed  two  years  past  to  have  been 
trained  six  days  by  the  year  or  more,  at  the  discretion  of  the 
muster-master,  but,  as  yet,  they  have  not  been  trained  one  day, 
so  that  they  have  benefited  nothing,  nor  yet  know  their 
leaders.  There  is  now  promise  of  amendment,  which,  I  doubt, 
will  be  very  slow,  in  respect  to  my  Lord  Derby's  absence.'-'  ^ 

My  Lord  Derby  was  at  that  moment,  and  for  many  months 
afterwards,  assisting  Valentine  Dale  in  his  classical  prolu- 
sions on  the  sands  of  Bourbourg.  He  had  better  have  been 
mustering  the  train-bands  of  Lancashire.  There  was  a 
general  indisposition  in  the  rural  districts  to  expend  money 
and  time  in  military  business,  until  the  necessity  should 
become  imperative.  Professional  soldiers  complained  bitterly 
of  the  canker  of  a  long  peace.  "  For  our  long  quietness, 
which  it  hath  pleased  God  to  send  us,"  said  Stanley,  "  they 
think  their  money  very  ill  bestowed  which  they  expend  on 
armour  or  weapon,  for  that  they  be  in  hope  they  shall  never 
have  occasion  to  use  it,  so  they  may  pass  muster,  as  they  have 
done  heretofore.  I  want  greatly  powder,  for  there  is  little  or 
none  at  all."^ 


24  July 

'  Leicester    to    Walsingham,    , 

3  Aug. 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Edward     Stanley     to     the     Privy 
28  Feb. 

Council,    ,     1588.      (S.   P.    Office 

9  March  ^ 

MS.) 
3  Ibid. 
AH    tlio   spring,     Sir    John     Xorris 


was  doing  what  he  could  to  exercise 
the  soldiers  in  Loudon.  The  cap- 
tains of  the  Artillery-Garden  had 
been  tolerably  well  drilled  for  several 
years,  but  the  rank  and  file  were 
ignorant  enough  of  the  art  of  war. 
"  There  has  been  a  general  muster  of 
men  fit  to  bear  arms  here,"  said  a 
resident   of    Lpndon    in   April,    "  and 


1588.  SANGUINE  STATEMENTS  OF  LEICESTER.  453 

The  day  was  fast  approaching  when  all  the  power  in  Eng- 
land would  be  too  little  for  the  demand.     But  matters  had 
not  very  much  mended  even  at  midsummer.     It  is  true  that 
6  Leicester,  who  was  apt  to  be  sanguine — particularly 

15  '  "  ^'    in  matters  under  his  immediate  control — spoke  of 

1588 

the  handful  of  recruits  assembled  at  his  camp  in 
Essex,  as  "soldiers  of  a  year's  experience,  rather  than  a 
month's  camping  ;  "  but  in  this  opinion  he  differed  from  many 
com2)etent  authorities,  and  was  somewhat  in  contradiction  to 
himself  Nevertheless  he  was  glad  that  the  Queen  had  de- 
termined to  visit  him,  and  encourage  his  soldiers. 

"  I  have  received  in  secret,"  he  said,  "  those  news  that 
please  me,  that  your  Majesty  doth  intend  to  behold  the  poor 
and  bare  company  that  lie  here  in  the  field,  most  willingly  to 
serve  you,  yea,  most  ready  to  die  for  you.  You  shall,  dear 
Lady,  behold  as  goodly,  loyal,  and  as  able  men  as  any  prince 
Christian  can  show  you,  and  yet  but  a  handful  of  your  own,  in 
comparison  of  the  rest  you  have.  What  comfort  not  only 
these  shall  receive  who  shall  be  the  happiest  to  behold  your- 
self I  cannot  express  ;  but  assuredly  it  will  give  no  small 
comfort  to  the  rest,  that  shall  be  overshined  with  the  beams 
of  so  gracious  and  princely  a  party,  for  what  your  royal 
Majesty  shall  do  to  these  will  be  accepted  as  done  to  all. 
Good  sweet  Queen,  alter  not  your  purpose,  if  Grod  give  you 
health.  It  will  be  your  pain  for  the  time,  but  your  pleasure 
to  behold  such  people.  And  surely  the  place  must  content 
you,  being  as  fair  a  soil  and  as  goodly  a  prospect  as  may  be 
seen  or  found,  as  this  extreme  weather  hath  made  trial,  which 


there  have  not  been  found  ten  thou- 
sand siifficient  men.  This  will  seem 
strange  to  you,  but  it  is  as  true  as  the 
Gospel  of  St.  John.  There  is  a  great 
want  of  powder,  and  no  hope  of  sup- 
ply, except  that  which  can  be  manu- 
factured in  England."  Avis  de  Lon- 
dres,  Avril,  1588.  (Arcli.  de  Simancas, 
MS.) 

The   encouragement   given    to    the 
peace-party  in  the    metropolis  by   the 


ment;  "and  if  the  Duke  of  Parma 
gives  the  least  hope  in  the  world  of 
it,  they  will  all  throw  down  their 
arms."  Much  encouragement,  too, 
was  given  to  Philip  by  the  alleged 
disloyalty  of  many  inhabitants  of 
liOndon.  "  There  is  an  infinity  of 
fellows  here,"  said  the  writer,  "  who 
desire  the  sacking  of  London  not  less 
than  the  Spaniards  themselves  do, 
and  are  doing  all   they  can  to  advance 


Ostend  negotiations  was  acting  like  a   I  the   Catholic   cause."     Avisos  de  Lon- 

poison.        "The      people      hero      are  I  dres,  21-25-28  Mayo,  1588.     (Arch,  da 

anxious    for    peace,"    wrote   a    secret  |  Simancas.  [Paris.]  MS.) 
correspondent  of  the  Spanish  govern-  ^ 


454  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XVIII 

doth  US  little  annoyance,  it  is  so  firm  and  dry  a  ground. 
Your  usher  also  liketh  your  lodging — a  proper,  secret,  cleanly 
house.  Your  camp  is  a  little  mile  off,  and  your  person  will 
be  as  sure  as  at  St.  James's,  for  my  life." ' 

But  notwithstanding  this  cheerful  view  of  the  position 
expressed  by  the  commander-in-chief,  the  month  of  July  had 
passed,  and  ihe  early  days  of  August  had  already  arrived  ;  and 
yet  the  camp  was  not  formed,  nor  anything  more  than  that 
mere  handful  of  troops  mustered  about  Tilbury,  to  defend  the 
road  from  Dover  to  London.  The  army  at  Tilbury  nevei 
exceeded  sixteen  or  seventeen  thousand  men,^ 

The  whole  royal  navy — numbering  about  thirty-four  vessels 
in  all — of  different  sizes,  ranging  from  1100  and  1000  tons  to 
30,  had  at  last  been  got  ready  for  sea.  Its  aggregate  tonnage 
was  11,820  ;^  not  half  so  much  as  at  the  present  moment — in 
the  case  of  one  marvellous  merchant-steamer— ^oa^s  upon  a 
single  keel. 

These  vessels  carried  837  guns  and  6279  men.  But  the 
navy  was  reinforced  by  the  patriotism  and  liberality  of 
English  merchants  and  private  gentlemen.  The  city  of 
London  having  been  requested  to  furnish  15  ships  of  war 
and  5000  men,  asked  two  days  for  deliberation,  and  then 
gave  30  ships  and  10,000  men  ^  of  which  number  2710  were 
seamen.  Other  cities,  particularly  Plymouth,  came  forward 
with  proportionate  liberality,  and  private  individuals,  nobles, 
merchants,  and  men  of  humblest  rank,  were  enthusiastic  in 
volunteering  into  the  naval  service,  to  risk  property  and  life 
in  defence  of  the  country.  By  midsummer  there  had  been  a 
total  force  of  197  vessels  manned,  and  partially  equipp&d, 
with  an  aggregate  of  29,744  tons,  and  15,785  seamen.  Of 
this  fleet  a  very  large  number  were  mere  coasters  of  less  than 
100  tons  eacli  ;  scarcely  ten  ships  were  above  500,  and  but 
one  above  1000  tons — the  Triumph,  Captain  Frobisher,  of 
1100  tons,  42  guns,  and  500  sailors.-^ 

Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  Lord  High- Admiral  of  Eng- 


'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,   —     July, 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
'  Stowe.  750. 


3  Barrow,  266,  267. 
*  Stowe,    743.      Compare   estimates 
in  Barrow,  268. 
'  'Tbid. 


1588.  ACTIVITY  OF  PARMA.  455 

land,  distinguished  for  his  martial  character,  public  spirit, 
and  admirable  temper,  rather  than  for  experience  or  skill  as 
a  seaman,  took  command  of  the  whole  fleet,  in  his  "  little  odd 
ship  for  all  conditions,"  the  Ark-Moyal,  of  800  tons,  425  sailors, 
and  55  guns. 

Next  in  rank  was  Vice- Admiral  Drake,  in  the  Revenge,  of 
500  tons,  250  men  and  40  guns.  Lord  Henry  Seymour, 
in  the  Rainhow,  of  precisely  the  same  size  and  strength, 
commanded  the  inner  squadron,  which  cruised  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  French  and  Flemish  coast. 

The  Hollanders  and  Zeelanders  had  undertaken  to  blockade 
the  Duke  of  Parma  still  more  closely,  and  pledged  themselves 
that  he  should  never  venture  to  show  himself  upon  the  open 
sea  at  all.  The  mouth  of  the  Scheldt,  and  the  dangerous 
shallows  off  the  coast  of  Newport  and  Dunkirk,  swarmed  with 
their  determined  and  well-seasoned  craft,  from  the  flybooter  or 
filibuster  of  the  rivers,  to  the  larger  armed  vessels,  built  to 
confront  every  danger,  and  to  deal  with  any  adversary. 

Farnese,  on  his  part,  within  that  well-guarded  territory, 
had,  for  months  long,  scarcely  slackened  in  his  preparations, 
day  or  night.  Whole  forests  had  been  felled  in  the  land  of  Waas 
to  furnish  him  with  transports  and  gun-boata,  and  with  such 
rapidity,  that — according  to  his  enthusiastic  historiographer — ■ 
each  tree  seemed  by  magic  to  metamorphose  itself  into  a 
vessel  at  the  word  of  command.^  Shipbuilders,  pilots,  and 
seamen,  were  brought  from  the  Baltic,  from  Hamburgh,  from 
Genoa.  The  whole  surface  of  the  obedient  Netherlands, 
whence  wholesome  industry  had  long  been  banished,  was  now 
the  scene  of  a  prodigious  baleful  activity.  Portable  bridges 
for  fording  the  rivers  of  England,  stockades  for  entrench- 
ments, rafts  and  oars,  were  provided  in  vast  numbers,  and 
Alexander  dug  canals  and  widened  natural  streams  to  facilitate 
his  operations.^  These  wretched  Provinces,  crippled,  im- 
poverished, languishing  for  peace,  were  forced  to  contribute 
out  of  their  poverty,  and  to  find  strength  even  in  their  ex- 

'  Strada,  II.  ix.  542.  I    21    Dec.    1587.      (Arch,    de   Sinianc'aa, 

^  Strada,  uhi  sup.     Parma  to  Philip,    ]    MS.)     Meteren,  xv.  270. 


456 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XVIIL 


haustiou,  to  furnish  the  machiuory  tor  destroying  their  own 
countrymen,  and  for  hurhng  to  perdition  their  most  healthful 


neiglibom*. 


And  this  approaching  destruction  of  England — now  gene- 
rally believed  in — was  like  the  sound  of  a  trumpet  throughout 
Catholic  Europe.  Scions  of  royal  houses,  grandees  of  azure 
blood,  the  bastard  of  Philip  II.,  the  bastard  of  Savoy,  the 
bastard  of  Medici,  the  Margrave  of  Burghaut,  the  Archduke 
Charles,  nephew  of  the  Emperor,  the  Princes  of  Ascoli  and  of 
Molfi,  the  Prince  of  Morocco,  and  others  of  illustrious  name, 
with  many  a  noble  English  traitor,  like  Paget,  and  Westmore- 
land, and  Stanley,  all  hurried  to  the  camp  of  Farnese,  as  to 
some  famous  tournament,  in  which  it  was  a  disgrace  to 
chivalry  if  their  names  were  not  enrolled.  The  roads  were 
trampled  with  levies  of  fresh  troops  from  Spain,  Naples, 
Corsica,  the  States  of  the  Church,  the  Milanese,  Germany, 
Burgundy. 

Bias  Capizucca  was  sent  in  person  to  conduct  reinforce- 
ments from  the  north  of  Italy.  The  famous  Terzio  of  Naples, 
under  Carlos  Pinelo,  arrived  3500  strong — the  most  splendid 
regiment  ever  known  in  the  history  of  war.  Every  man  had 
an  engraved  corslet  and  muskot-barrel,  and  there  were  many 
who  wore  gilded  armour,  while  their  waving  plumes  and 
festive  caparisons  made  them  look  like  holiday-makers,  rather 
than  real  campaigners,  in  the  eyes  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  various  cities  through  which  their  road  led  them  to 
Flanders.^  By  the  end  of  April  the  Duke  of  Parma  saw 
himself  at  the  head  of  60,000  men,  at  a  monthly  expense 
of  454,315  crowns  or  dollars.^  Yet  so  rapid  was  the  pro- 
gress of  disease — incident  to  northern  climates — among  those 
southern  soldiers,  that  we  shall  find  the  number  wofully 
diminished  before  they  were  likely  to  set  foot  upon  the 
English  shore. 

Thus    great    preparations,    simultaneously  with    pompous 


?   Carnero,     '  Guerras    de    Flandes ' 
(1625),  p.  222. 
»   'Relacion    Particular,'    &c.     29th 


April,    1588.       (Arch,     de    Simancaa, 
MS.)     Compare  Strada,  II.  ix.  540, 


1588.  THE  PAINFUL  SUSPENSE  CONTINUES.  457 

negotiations,  had  been  going  forward  month  after  month,  in 
England,  Holland,  Flanders.  Nevertheless,  winter,  spring, 
two-thirds  of  summer,  had  passed  away,  and  on  the  29th 
July,  1588,  there  remained  the  same  sickening  uncertainty, 
which  was  the  atmosphere  in  which  the  nations  had  existed 
for  a  twelvemonth. 

Howard  had  cruised  for  a  few  weeks  between  England  and 
Spain,  without  any  results,  and,  on  his  return,  had  found  it 
necessary  to  implore  her  Majesty,  as  late  as  July,  to  "  trust  no 
more  to  Judas'  kisses,  but  to  her  sword,  not  her  enemy's 
word."^ 

23  June 

*  Howard  to  Walsingham,  Yl^'  ^^^^'  "^  Barrow,  284 


458  THE  UNITliD   NETUERLANDS.  dud'.  XIX. 


CHAPTER     XIX. 

PliiJip  Second  in  his  Cabinet  —  His  System  of  "Work  and  Deception  —  Has  vast 
but  vague  Schemes  of  Conquest  —  The  Armada  sails  —  Description  of  the 
j'leet  —  The  Junction  with  Parma  unprovided  for  —  The  Gale  off  Finisterre 

—  Exploits  of  David  Gwynn  —  First  Engagements  in  the  English  Channel 

—  Considerable  Losses  of  the  Spaniards  —  General  Engagement  near  Port- 
laud  —  Superior  Seamanship  of  tlie  Englisli  —  Both  Fleets  off  Calais  — 
A  Night  of  Anxiety  —  Project  of  Howard  and  Winter  —  Impatience  of  the 
Spaniards  —  Fire-Ships  sent  against  the  Armada  —  A  great  Galeasse  dis- 
abled—  Attacked  and  captured  by  English  Boats  —  General  Engagement  of 
both  Fleets  —  Loss  of  several  Spanish  Ships  —  Armada  fhes,  followed  by  the 
English  —  English  insufficiently  provided  —  Are  obliged  to  relinquish  the 
Chase  —  A  great  Storm  disperses  the  Armada — Great  Energy  of  Parma  — 
Made  fruitless  by  Philip's  Dulnesa — .England  readier  at  Sea  than  on  Shore 

—  The  Lieutenant-General's  Complaints  —  His  Quarrels  w^ith  Norris  and 
VV^illiams — Harsh  Statements  as  to  the  English  Troops  —  "Want  of  Organi- 
zation in  England  —  Royal  Parsimony  and  Delay  —  Quarrels  of  English 
Admirals  —  England's  narrow  Escape  from  great  Peril — "Various  Rumours 
as  to  the  Armada's  Fate  — PhOip  for  a  long  Time  in  Doubt  —  He  believes 
himself  victorious  —  Is  tranquil  when  undeceived. 

It  is  now  time  to  look  in  upon  the  elderly  letter-writer  in  the 
Escorial,  and  see  how  he  was  playing  his  part  in  the  drama. 

His  counsellors  were  very  few.  His  chief  advisers  were 
rather  like  private  secretaries  than  cabinet  ministers ;  for 
Philip  had  been  withdrawing  more  and  more  into  seclusion 
and  mystery  as  the  wehwork  of  his  schemes  multiplied  and 
widened.  He  liked  to  do  his  work,  assisted  hy  a  very  few 
confidential  servants.  The  Prince  of  Eboli,  the  famous  Euy 
Gomez,  was  dead.  So  was  Cardinal  Granvelle.  So  were 
Erasso  and  Delgado.  His  midnight  council — -junta  de  nocJie 
- — for  thus,  from  its  original  hour  of  assembling,  and  the  aii 
9f  secrecy  in  which  it  was  enwrapped,  it  was  habitually  called 
— was  a  triumvirate.  Don  Juan  de  Idiaquez  was  chief 
secretary  of  state  and  of  war  ;  the  Count  de  Chinchon  wa"; 
minister  for  the  household,  for  Italian  affairs,  and  for  the 
kingdom  of  Aragon  ;  Don  Cristoval  de  Moura,  the  monarch's 
chief  favourite,  was  at  the  head  of  the  finance  department, 
and  administered  tlie  affairs  of  Portugal  and  Castile.' 

'  llerrera,  III.  ii.  43-45.  and  138. 


1588,  PHILIP  THE  SECOND  IN  HIS  CABINET.  459 

The  president  of  the  council  of  Italy,  after  Granvelle's 
death,  was  Quiroga,  cardinal  of  Toledo,  and  inquisitor-general.* 
Enormously  long  letters,  in  the  King's  name,  were  prepared 
cliiefly  by  the  two  secretaries,  Idiaquez  and  Moura.  In  their 
hands  was  the  vast  correspondence  with  Mendoza  and  Parma, 
and  Olivarez  at  Rome,  and  with  Mucio,  in  which  all  the  strata- 
gems for  the  subjugation  of  Protestant  Europe  were  slowly  and 
artistically  contrived.  Of  the  great  conspiracy  against  human 
liberty,  of  which  the  Pope  and  Philip  were  the  double  head, 
this  midnight  triumvirate  was  the  chief  executive  committee. 

These  innumerable  despatches,  signed  by  Philip,  were  not 
the  emanations  of  his  own  mind.  The  King  had  a  fixed  pur- 
pose to  subdue  Protestantism  and  to  conquer  the  world  ;  but 
the  plans  for  canying  the  purpose  into  effect  were  developed 
by  subtler  and  more  comprehensive  minds  than  his  own. 
It  was  enough  for  him  to  ponder  wearily  over  schemes  which 
he  was  supposed  to  dictate,  and  to  give  himself  the  appear- 
ance of  supervising  what  he  scarcely  comprehended.  And 
his  work  of  supervision  was  often  confined  to  pettiest  details. 
The  handwriting  of  Spain  and  Italy  at  that  day  was  beautiful, 
and  in  our  modern  eyes  seems  neither  antiquated  nor  ungrace- 
ful. But  Philip's  scrawl  was  like  that  of  a  clown  just 
admitted  to  a  writing-school,  and  the  whole  margin  of  a  fairly 
penned  despatch,  perhaps  fifty  pages  long,  laid  before  him 
for  comment  and  signature  by  Idiaquez  or  Moura,  would  be 
sometimes  covered  with  a  few  awkward  sentences,  which  it 
was  almost  impossible  to  read,  and  which,  when  deciphered, 
were  apt  to  reveal  suggestions  of  astounding  triviality.^ 

Thus  a  most  important  despatch — in  which  the  King,  with 
his  own  hand,  was  supposed  to  be  conveying  secret  intelligence 
to  Mendoza  concerning  the  Armada,  together  with  minute 
directions  for  the  regulation  of  Guise's   conduct  at  the  me- 


'  Ibid. 

"  No  man  -who  has  had  personal 
experience  in  the  Archives  of  Siman- 
cas,  or  who  has  studied  with  his  own 
eyes  the  great  collection  of  documents 
originally    belonging    to    that    deposi 


will  assert  that  the  description  in  the 
text  is  exaggerated.  The  paragraphs 
v/ritten  in  the  King's  own  hand  are 
almost  illegible,  and  evidently  written 
with  great  difficulty.  "When  deci- 
phered, they  are  found  to   be   always 


tory,     and      now     preserved     in     the   \  awkward,      generally     uugrammatical, 
4rcbives     of   the    Empire    at    Paris,    I  and  very  often  puerile. 


460 


TUE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


CuAP.  XIX. 


morablo  epoch  of  the  barricades — contained  but  a  single  com- 
ment from  the  monarch's  own  pen.  "  The  Armada  has 
been  in  Lisbon  about  a  month — quassi  un  mes  " — wrote  the 
secretary.     "  There  is  but  one  s  in  quasi,"  said  Philip.' 

Again,  a  despatch  of  Mendoza  to  the  King  contained  the 
intelligence  that  Queen  Elizabeth  was,  at  the  date  of  the 
letter,  residing  at  St.  James's.  Philip,  who  had  no  objection 
to  display  his  knowledge  of  English  aifairs — as  became  the 
man  who  had  already  been  almost  sovereign  of  England,  and 
meant  to  be  entirely  so — supplied  a  piece  of  information  in 
an  apostille  to  this  despatch.  "  St.  James  is  a  house  of 
recreation,"  he  said,  "  which  was  once  a  monastery.  There  is 
a  park  between  it,  and  the  palace  which  is  called  Huytal ; 
but  why  it  is  called  Huytal,  I  am  sure  I  don't  know."  ^  His 
researches  in  the  English  language  had  not  enabled  him 
to  recognize  the  adjective  and  substantive  out  of  which  the 
abstruse  compound  White-Hall  (Huyt-al),  was  formed. 

On  another  occasion,  a  letter  from  England  containing  im- 
portant intelligence  concerning  the  number  of  soldiers  en- 
rolled in  that  country  to  resist  the  Spanish  invasion,  the 
quantity  of  gunpowder  and  various  munitions  collected,  with 
other  details  of  like  nature,  furnished  besides  a  bit  of  infor- 
mation of  less  vital  interest.  "  In  the  windows  of  the  Queen's 
presence-chamber  they  have  discovered  a  great  quantity  of 
lice,  all  clustered  together,"  said  the  writer. 

Such  a  minute  piece  of  statistics  could  not  escape  the 
microscopic  eye  of  Philip.  So,  disregarding  the  soldiers  and 
the  gunpowder,  he  commented  only  on  this  last-mentioned 
clause  of  the  letter  ;  and  he  did  it  cautiously  too,  as  a  King 
surnamed  the  Prudent  should  : — 


'  Philip  II.  to  Mendozfl,  2  June, 
1588.  A  5G.  '5-.  (Arch,  de  Simancas. 
[Paris.]  MS.)     "Ha  un  S  in  quasi." 

^  "  La  reyna  se  avia  retirado  a  San 
Gemes,  que  es  a  las  espaldas  de  Huy- 
tal, la  cassa  de  Londres,  y  para  guarda 
de  su  persona  decian  haver  sefialada 
4  mil  hombres,  y  mil  cavalleros  que 
estuv  lessen  siempre  con  el  la,  y  a  causa 
da  estar  tan  medrosos  los  dc  Lon- 
dres, Uevaron  a  Don  Pedro  de  Valdez 


y  a  todos  los  de  mas  que  se  tomaron 
en  carros  a  Londres  para  que  viesse  el 
pueblo  que  avian  tornado  presos  espa- 
noles  con  vos  de  ser  deshecha  toda 
la  armada  de  V.  M^,"  &c. 

Note  in  Philip's  hand:  "Casa  de 
plazer  que  fue  monasterio— es  un 
parque  entre  ella  y  el  palacio  que  se 
llama  Huj-tal,  v  no  se  porque  vo." 
Mendoza  to  Philip  II.  20  Aug.  158a 
(Arch,  de  Simancas.  [Paris.]  MS.) 


1588.  HIS  SYSTEM  OF  WORK  AND  DECEPTION.  461 

"  But  perhaps  they  were  fleas/'  wrote  Philip/ 
Such  examples — and  many  more  might  be  given — suffi- 
ciently indicate  the  nature  of  the  man  on  whom  such  enormous 
responsibilities  rested,  and  who  had  been,  by  the  adulation  of 
his  fellow-creatures,  elevated  into  a  god.  And  we  may  cast 
a  glance  upon  him  as  he  sits  in  his  cabinet — buried  among 
those  piles  of  despatches — and  receiving  methodically,  at 
stated  hours,  Idiaquez,  or  Moura,  or  Chincon,  to  settle  the 
affairs  of  so  many  millions  of  the  human  race  ;  and  we  may 
watch  exactly  the  progress  of  that  scheme,  concerning  which 
so  many  contradictory  rumours  were  cii'culating  in  Europe. 
In  the  month  of  April  a  Walsingham  could  doubt,  even  in 
August  an  ingenuous  comptroller  could  disbelieve,  the  reality 
of  the  great  project,  and  the  Pope  himself,  even  while  pledg- 
ing himself  to  assistance,  had  been  systematically  deceived. 
He  had  supposed  the  whole  scheme  rendered  futile  by  the 
exploit  of  Drake  at  Cadiz,  and  had  declared  that  "  the  Queen 
of  England's  distaff  was  worth  more  than  Philip's  sword,  that 
the  King  was  a  poor  creature,  that  he  would  never  be  able  to 
come  to  a  resolution,  and  that  even  if  he  should  do  so,  it 
would  be  too  late  ;  "  ^  and  he  had  subsequently  been  doing 
his  best,  through  his  nuncio  in  France,  to  persuade  the  Queen 
to  embrace  the  Catholic  religion,  and  thus  save  herself  from 
the  impending  danger.  Henry  III.  had  even  been  urged  by 
the  Pope  to  send  a  special  ambassador  to  her  for  this  purpose 
— as  if  the  persuasions  of  the  wretched  Valois  were  likely  to 
be  effective  with  Elizabeth  Tudor — and  Burghley  had,  by 
means  of  spies  in  Rome,  ■v^ho  pretended  to  be  Catholics,  given 


■  "  En  les  fenetres  de  la  chambre 
de  presence  en  la  cour  de  la  Reyne 
on  a  trouve  fort  grand  nonibre  de 
poulx  qui  se  sont  coules  ensemble." 
There  is  a  Spanish  translation  ap- 
pended to  this  document,  and  on  the 
margin,  in  Philip's  hand,  is  written  : 
"Gran  numero  de  piojos  o  quiza 
pulgos."  Avisos  de  Londres,  1  April, 
1586.  (Arch,  de  Simancas  [Paris], 
MS.) 


muchos  Cat^o^  le  ha  escrito  haver  dicho 
el  Papa  quando  supo  lo  que  Draques 
avia  hecho  en  Gales,  quo  Su  Magd 
(Philip  II.)  era  persona  de  poco,  que 
nunca  se  acaveva  de  resolvcr,  y  quando 
lo  hiziesse  no  seria  en  tienipo — han 
aqui  no  solo  solemnizado  pero  publi- 
cado  afiadiendo  quo  valia  mas  la 
rueca  de  la  Reyna  de  Inglaterra  que 
la  espada  del  Rey  de  Espaiia,"  &c. 
&.C.      Mendoza  to   Idiaquez,    IG   July, 


Un    Vandini,    gran    vanquero    de      1587.      (Arch,    de    Simancas    [Paris], 
Roma,    que    tiene   correspondcncia  con      MS.) 
este     Rey     X™°    y    intelligencia     con  I 


462 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIX. 


out  intimations  that  the  Queen  was  seriously  contemplating 
such  a  step.^  Thus  the  Pope,  notwithstanding  Cardinal 
Allan,  the  famous  million,  and  the  bull,  was  thought  by 
Meudoza  to  be  growing  lukewarm  in  the  Spanish  cause,  and 
to  be  urging  upon  the  "  Englishwoman"  the  propriety  of  con- 
verting herself,  even  at  the  late  hour  of  May,  1588.^ 

But  Philip,  for  years,  had  been  maturing  his  scheme,  while 
reposing  entire  confidence — beyond  his  own  cabinet  doors — 
upon  none  but  Alexander  Farnese  ;  and  the  Duke — alone  of 
all  men — was  perfectly  certain  that  the  invasion  would,  this 
year,  be  attempted. 

The  captain-general  of  the  expedition  was  the  Marquis  of 
Santa  Cruz,  a  man  of  considerable  naval  experience,  and  of 
constant  good  fortune,  who,  in  thirty  years,  had  never  sus- 
tained a  defeat.^  He  had  however  shown  no  desire  to  risk 
one,  when  Drake  had  offered  him  the  memorable  challenge  in 
the  year  1587,  and  perhaps  his  reputation  of  the  invincible 
captain  had  been  obtained  by  the  same  adroitness  on  previous 
occasions.  He  was  no  friend  to  Alexander  Farnese,  and  was 
much  disgusted  when  informed  of  the  share  allotted  to  the 
Duke  in  the  great  undertaking.*  A  course  of  reproach  and 
2)erpetual  reprimand  was  the  treatment  to  which  he  was,  in 
consequence,  subjected,  which  was  not  more  conducive  to  the 
advancement  of  the  expedition  than  it  was  to  the  health  of 
the  captain-general.  Early  in  January  the  Cardinal  Arch- 
duke was  sent  to  Lisbon  to  lecture  him,  with  instructions  to 
turn  a  deaf  ear  to  all   his  remonstrances,  to  deal  with  him 


'  "  Me  he  visto  con  el  nuncio,  y  me 
ha  dicho  que  Su  Santi"!,  avia  meses, 
que  pidio  a  este  Rey  embiasse  a 
la  de  Inglaterra  lo  bien  que  le  estaria 
hazerse  Catolica,  y  esto  por  tener  Su 
S*^  avisos  poder  venir  en  ello  con 
semejantes  persuasiones  que  este  Rey 
I'scrivio  a  su  embax^e  q^Q  tiene  en 
Inglaterra  le  avisasse  si  estava  en  esta 
disposicion  la  Reyna,  el  qual  respondio 
el  Tesorero  Cecil  por  medio  ne  espiones 
que  tenia  en  Roma  fingiendo  ser 
Catolicos  avia  hecho  llegar  esta  voz 
a  Su  Sd  para  ganar  tiempo   y  entibiar 


le  en  persuadir  la  empresa  a  V. 
Mag^.  y  que  agora  de  nuevo  Su  8"^ 
avia  significado  al  Card'  de  Joyosa 
que  seria  muy  bien  que  este  Rey  em- 
biasse un  embax''^  extra^io  para  hazer 
este  officio  con  la  Ynglesa,"  &c.  &c. 
Mendoza  to  Philip  II.  8  May,  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas  [Paris],  MS.) 

=  Ibid. 

'  Herrera,  III.  iii.  70. 

*  Las  Advertencias  de  Su  Mag<l 
para  el  Marques  de  Santa  Cruz,  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 


i588.  HIS   VAST   BUT   VAGUE   SCHEMES   OF   CONQUEST.  463 

peremptorily,  to  forbid  his  writing  letters  on  the  subject  to 
his  Majesty,  and  to  order  him  to  accept  his  post  or  to  de- 
cline it  without  conditions,  in  which  latter  contingency  he  was 
to  be  informed  that  his  successor  was  already  decided  upon.' 

This  was  not  the  most  eligible  way  perhaps  for  bringing 
the  captain-general  into  a  cheerful  mood  ;  particularly  as  he 
was  expected  to  be  ready  in  January  to  sail  to  the  Flemish 
coast.-  Nevertheless  the  Marquis  expressed  a  hope  to  ac- 
complish his  sovereign's  wishes  ;  and  great  had  been  the 
bustle  in  all  the  dockyards  of  Naples,  Sicily,  and  Spain  ;  par- 
ticularly in  the  provinces  of  Guipuzcoa,  Biscay,  and  Anda- 
lusia, and  in  the  four  great  cities  of  the  coast.  War-ships  of 
all  dimensions,  tenders,  transports,  soldiers,  sailors,  sutlers, 
munitions  of  war,  provisions,  were  all  rapidly  concentrating 
in  Lisbon  as  the  great  place  of  rendezvous  ;  and  Philip  con- 
fidently believed,  and  as  confidently  informed  the  Duke  of 
Parma,  that  he  might  be  expecting  the  Armada  at  any  time 
after  the  end  of  January.^ 

Perhaps  in  the  history  of  mankind  there  has  never  been  a 
vast  project  of  conquest  conceived  and  matured  in  so  pro- 
tracted and  yet  so  desultory  a  manner,  as  was  this  famous 
Spanish  invasion.  There  was  something  almost  puerile  in 
the  whims  rather  than  schemes  of  Philip  for  carrying  out  his 
purpose.  It  was  probable  that  some  resistance  would  be 
offered,  at  least  by  the  navy  of  England,  to  the  subjugation 
of  that  country,  and  the  King  had  enjoyed  an  oppor- 
tunity, the  preceding  summer,  of  seeing  the  way  in  which 
English  sailors  did  their  work.  He  had  also  appeared  to 
understand  the  necessity  of  covering  the  passage  of  Farnese 
from  the  Flemish  ports  into  the  Thames,  by  means  of  the 
great  Spanish  fleet  from  Lisbon.  Nevertheless  he  never 
seemed  to  be  aware  that  Farnese  could  not  invade  England 
quite  by  himself,  and  was  perpetually  expecting  to  hear  that 
he  had  done  so. 

"  Holland  and  Zeeland,"  wrote  Alexander  to  Philip,  "  have 

>  MS.  last  cited. 
"  Orden    de    Su    Mag<i   que    se    embio    al    S'"'    Card'    Archiduque.       Enero^ 
1588.     (Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.)  '  Herrera,  III.  iii.  90,  91. 


4§4  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX, 

been  arming  with  their  accustomed  promptness  ;  England  haa 
made  great  preparations.  I  have  done  my  best  to  make  the 
impossible  possible  ;  but  your  letter  told  me  to  wait  for  Santa 
Cruz,  and  to  expect  him  very  shortly.  If,  on  the  contrary, 
you  had  told  me  to  make  the  passage  without  him,  I  would 
have  made  the  attempt,  although  we  had  every  one  of  us 
perished.  Four  ships  of  war  could  sink  eveiy  one  of  my  boats. 
Nevertheless  I  beg  to  be  informed  of  your  Majesty's  final 
order.  If  I  am  seriously  expected  to  make  the  passage  without 
Santa  Cruz,  I  am  ready  to  do  it,  although  I  should  go  all 
alone  in  a  cock-boat."  ^ 

But  Santa  Cruz  at  least  was  not  destined  to  assist  in  the 
conquest  of  England  ;  for,  worn  out  with  fatigue  and  vexation, 
goaded  by  the  reproaches  and  insults  of  Philip,  Santa  Cruz 
was  dead.^  He  was  replaced  in  the  chief  command  of  the 
fleet  by  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  a  grandee  of  vast  wealth, 
but  with  little  capacity  and  less  exjjerience.  To  the  iron 
marquis  it  was  said  that  a  golden  duke  ^  had  succeeded ;  but 
the  duke  of  gold  did  not  find  it  easier  to  accomj)lish  impossi- 
bilities than  his  predecessor  had  done.  Day  after  day,  through- 
out the  months  of  winter  and  spring,  the  King  had  been 
writing  that  the  fleet  was  just  on  the  point  of  sailing,  and  as 
frequently  he  had  been  renewing  to  Alexander  Farnese  the 
intimation  that  perhaps,  after  all,  he  might  find  an  opportunity 
of  crossing  to  England,  without  waiting  for  its  arrival.*  And 
Alexander,  with  the  same  regularity,  had  been  informing  his 
master  that  the  troops  in  the  Netherlands  had  been  daily 
dwindling  from  sickness  and  other  causes,  till  at  last,  instead 
of  the  30,000  efiective  infantry,  with  which  it  had  been 
originally  intended  to  make  the  enterprise,  he  had  not  more 
than  17,000  in  the  month  of  April.^  The  6000  Spaniards, 
whom  he  was  to  receive  from  the  fleet  of  Medina  Sidonia, 
would  therefore  be  the  very  mainspring  of  his  army.^     After 


'  "Aunque  huviesse  de  passar  solo 

ea  uua  zabra."     Parma  to  Philip,  21st 

Dec.  1587.  (Arch,  de  Simancas, 
MS.) 

»  Strada,    II.    ix.    549.  Philip   to 

Parma,  18  Feb.  1588.  (Arch,  de 
i»imaacda.  MS.) 


'  Strada,  ubi  sup. 

*  Philip   to   Parma,  6  March,  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

^  Parma  to  Philip,  20  March,  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

*  "El  niervo  principal."    (Ibid.) 


1688.  THE   ARMADA   SAILS.  465 

leaving  no  more  soldiers  in  the  Netherlands  than  were  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  obedient  Provinces 
against  the  rebels,  he  could  only  take  with  him  to  England 
23,000  men,  even  after  the  reinforcements  from  Medina. 
"  When  we  talked  of  taking  England  by  surj^rise,"  said  Alex- 
ander, "  we  never  thought  of  less  than  30,000.  Now  that  she 
is  alert  and  ready  for  us,  and  that  it  is  certain  we  must  fight 
by  sea  and  by  land,  50,000  would  be  few." '  He  almost  ridi- 
culed the  King's  suggestion  that  a  feint  might  be  made  by 
way  of  besieging  some  few  places  in  Holland  or  Zeeland.  The 
whole  matter  in  hand,  he  said,  had  become  as  public  as 
possible,  and  the  only  efficient  blind  was  the  peace-nego- 
tiation ;  for  many  believed,  as  the  English  deputies  were  now 
treating  at  Ostend,  that  peace  would  follow.^ 

At  last,  on  the  28th,  29th,  and  30th  May,  1588,  the  fleet, 
which  had  been  waiting  at  Lisbon  more  than  a  month  for 
favourable  weather,  set  sail  from  that  port,  after  having  been 
duly  blessed  by  the  Cardinal  Archduke  Albert,  viceroy  of 
Portugal.^ 

There  were  rather  more  than  one  hundred  and  thirty  shijjs 
in  all,  divided  into  ten  squadrons.^  There  was  the  squadron 
of  Portugal,  consisting  of  ten  galleons,  and  commanded  by 
the  captain-general,  Medina  Sidonia.  In  the  squadron  of 
Castile  were  fourteen  ships  of  various  sizes,  under  General 
Diego  Flores  de  Valdez.  This  officer  was  one  of  the  most 
experienced  naval  officers  in  the  Spanish  service,  and  was 
subsequently  ordered,  in  consequence,  to  sail  with  the  general- 
issimo in  his  flag-ship."^  In  the  squadron  of  Andalusia  were 
ten  galleons  and  other  vessels,  under  General  Pedro  de  Valdez. 
In  the  squadron  of  Biscay  were  ten  galleons  and  lesser  ships, 
under  General  Juan  Martinez  de  Recalde,  upper  admiral  of 


>  Parma  to  Philip,  31  Jan.  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

■•'  Same  to  same,  20  March,  158S. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

^  Philip  II.  to  Meudoza,  2-4  April, 
1588,  and  2  June,  1588.  (Arch,  de 
Simancas  [Paris],  MSS.)  Bor,  III. 
321,  322. 

VOL.  II. — 2  H 


*  Herrera,  III.  iii.  93,  seq.  Philip 
II.  to  Parma,  13  May,  1588,  aays  150, 
buc  there  were  many  small  vessels 
and  transports  equipped,  which  never 
left  Spain.  The  number  of  eftective 
ships  of  all  kinds  was  probably  leaa 
than  140. 

°  Herrera,  ubt  sup- 


466 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XtX- 


the  fleet.  In  the  squadron  of  Guipuzcoa  were  ten  galleons, 
undei-  General  Miguel  de  Oquendo.  In  the  squadron  of  Italy 
were  ten  ships,  under  General  Martin  de  Bertendona.  In  the 
squadron  of  Ureas,  or  store-ships,  were  twenty-three  sail,  under 
General  Juan  Gomez  de  Medina.  The  squadron  of  tenders, 
caravels,  and  other  vessels,  numbered  twenty-two  sail,  under 
General  Antonio  Hurtado  de  Mendoza.  The  squadron  of  four 
galeasses  was  commanded  by  Don  Hugo  de  Moncada.  The 
squadron  of  four  galeras,  or  galleys,  was  in  charge  of  Captain 
Diego  de  Medrado. 

Next  in  command  to  Medina  Sidonia  was  Don  Alonzo  de 
Leyva,  captain-general  of  the  light  horse  of  Milan.  Don 
Francisco  de  Bobadilla  was  marshal-general  of  the  camp. 
Don  Diego  de  Pimentel  was  marshal  cf  the  camp  to  the 
famous  Terzio  or  legion  of  Sicily.^ 

The  total  tonnage  of  the  fleet  was  59,120  -.  the  number  of 
guns  was  3165.  Of  Spanish  troops  there  were  19,295  on 
board  :  there  were  8252  sailors  and  2088  galley-slaves.  Be- 
sides these,  there  was  a  force  of  noble  volunteers,  belonging 
to  the  most  illustrious  houses  of  Spain,  with  their  attendants, 
amounting  to  nearly  2000  in  all.  There  was  also  Don  Martir 
Alaccon,  administrator  and  vicar-general  of  the  Holy  Inqui 
sition,  at  the  head  of  some  290  monks  of  the  mendicant  orders, 
priests  and  familiars."  The  grand  total  of  those  embarked 
was  about  30,000.  The  daily  expense  of  the  fleet  was  esti- 
mated by  Don  Diego  de  Pimentel  at  12,000  ducats  a-day,  and 
the  daily  cost  of  the  combined  naval  and  military  force  under 
Farnese  and  Medina  Sidonia  was  stated  at  30,000  ducats.-'' 

The  size  of  the  ships  ranged  from  1200  tons  to  300.  The 
galleons,  of  which  there  were  about  sixty,  were  huge  round- 
stemmed  clumsy  vessels,  with  bulwarks  three  or  four  feet  thick, 
and  built  up  at  stem  and  stern,  like  castles.  The  galeasses — 
of  which  there  were  four — were  a  third  larger  than  the  ordinary 


•  Herrera,  vJbi  sup.  Compare  Strada, 
II.  ix.  546,  seq.  Bor,  III.  xxv.  317,  seq. 
Meteren,  xv.  270.  Camden,  III.  410, 
stq.  Caruero,  226.  Coloma,  f.  5,  seq. 
Barrow,  266-270. 


"  Meteren,  uhi  sup. 

^  Examination  of  Don  Diego  ds 
Pimentel  before  the  council  of  Hol- 
land; apud  Bor.  III.  325,  seq. 


iSrtft.  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE   FLEET.  467 

galley,  and  were  rowed  each  by  three  hundred  galley-slaves. 
They  consisted  of  an  enormous  towering  fortress  at  the  stern, 
a  castellated  structure  almost  equally  massive  in  front,  with 
seats  for  the  rowers  amidships.  At  stem  and  stern  and 
between  each  of  the  slaves'  benches  were  heavy  cannon. 
These  galeasses  were  floating  edifices,  very  wonderful  to  con- 
template. They  were  gorgeously  decorated.  There  were 
splendid  state-apartments,  cabins,  chapels,  and  pulpits  in  each, 
and  they  were  amply  provided  with  awnings,  cushions,  stream- 
ers, standards,  gilded  saints,  and  bands  of  music'  To  take 
part  in  an  ostentatious  pageant,  nothing  could  be  better 
devised.  To  fulfil  the  great  objects  of  a  war-vessel — to  sail 
and  to  fight — they  were  the  worst  machines  ever  launched 
upon  the  ocean.  The  four  galleys  were  similar  to  the  ga- 
leasses in  every  respect  except  that  of  size,  in  which  they  were 
by  one-third  inferior. 

All  the  ships  of  the  fleet — galeasses,  galleys,  galleons,  and 
hulks — were  so  encumbered  with  top-hamper,  so  overweighted 
in  proportion  to  their  draught  of  water,  that  they  could  bear 
but  little  canvas,  even  with  smooth  seas  and  light  and  favour- 
able winds.  In  violent  tempests,  therefore,  they  seemed  likely 
to  suffer.  To  the  eyes  of  the  16th  century  these  vessels 
seemed  enormous.  A  ship  of  1300  tons  was  then  a  monster 
rarely  seen,  and  a  fleet,  numbering  from  130  to  150  sail,  with 
an  aggregate  tonnage  of  60,000,  seemed  suflScient  to  conquer 
the  world,  and  to  justify  the  arrogant  title,  by  which  it  had 
baptized  itself,  of  the  Invincible. 

Such  was  the  machinery  which  Philip  had  at  last  set  afloat, 
for  the  purpose  of  dethroning  Elizabeth  and  establishing  the 
inquisition  in  England.  One  hundred  and  forty  ships,  eleven 
thousand  Spanish  veterans,  as  many  more  recruits,  partly 
Spanish,  partly  Portuguese,  2000  grandees,  as  many  galley- 
slaves,  and  three  hundred  barefooted  friars  and  inquisitors. 

The  plan  was  simple.  Medina  Sidonia  was  to  proceed 
straight  from  Lisbon  to  Calais  roads :  there  he  was  to  wait  for 
the  Duke  of  Parma,  who  was  to  come  forth  from  Newport, 

'  Strada,  II.  ix.  546.     Meteren,  xv.  270. 


468  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

Sluys,  and  Dunkerk,  bringing  with  him  hia  17,000  veterans, 
and  to  assume  the  chief  command  of  the  whole  expedition. 
They  were  then  to  cross  the  channel  to  Dover,  land  the  army 
of  Parma,  reinforced  with  6000  Spaniards  from  the  fleet,  and 
with  these  23,000  men  Alexander  was  to  march  at  once  upon 
London.  Medina  Sidonia  was  to  seize  and  fortify  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  guard  the  entrance  of  the  harbours  against  any  inter- 
ference from  the  Dutch  and  English  fleets,  and — so  soon  as 
the  conquest  of  England  had  been  effected — he  was  to  proceed 
to  Ireland.'  It  had  been  the  wish  of  Sir  William  Stanley  that 
Ireland  should  be  subjugated  first,  as  a  basis  of  operations 
against  England  ;  but  this  had  been  overruled.  The  intrigues 
of  Mendoza  and  Farnese,  too,  with  the  Catholic  nobles  of 
Scotland,  had  proved,  after  all,  unsuccessful.  King.  James  had 
yielded  to  superior  offers  of  money  and  advancement  held  out 
to  him  by  Elizabeth,  and  was  now,  in  Alexander's  words,  a 
confirmed  heretic.^ 

There  was  no  course  left,  therefore,  but  to  conquer  England 
at  once.  A  strange  omission  had  however  been  made  in  the 
plan  from  first  to  last.  The  commander  of  the  whole  expedi- 
tion was  the  Duke  of  Parma  :  on  his  head  was  the  whole 
responsibility.  Not  a  gun  was  to  be  fired — if  it  could  be 
avoided — until  he  had  come  forth  with  his  veterans  to  make 
his  junction  with  the  Invincible  Armada  ofi"  Calais.  Yet  there 
was  no  arrangement  whatever  to  enable  him  to  come  forth 
— not  the  slightest  provision  to  effect  that  junction.  It 
would  almost  seem  that  the  letter-writer  of  the  Escorial  had 
been  quite  ignorant  of  the  existence  of  the  Dutch  fleets  off 
Dunkerk,  Newport,  and  Flushing,  although  he  had  certainly 
received  information  enough  of  this  formidable  obstacle  to 
his  plan. 

"  Most  joyful  I  shall  be,"  said  Farnese — writing  on  one  of 
the  days  when  he  had  seemed  most  convinced  by  Valentine 
Dale's  arguments,  and  driven  to  despair  by  his  postulates — 
"  to  see  myself  with  these  soldiers  on  English  ground,  where, 

'  Letters  of  Philip  and  of  Parma  I  '  Parma  to  Philip  II.  8  June,  158& 
already  cited.     (Arch,  de  Sim-  MS.)         J    (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 


1588.  THE  JUNCTION  WITH  PARMA  UNPROVIDED  FOR.  459 

with  GocVs  help,  I  hope  to  accomplish  your  Majesty's  de- 
mands."^ He  was  much  troubled  however  to  find  doubts 
entertained  at  the  last  moment  as  to  his  6000  Spaniards ;  and 
certainly  it  hardly  needed  an  argument  to  prove  that  the 
invasion  of  England  with  but  17,000  soldiers  was  a  somewhat 
hazardous  scheme.  Yet  the  pilot  Moresini  had  brought  him 
letters  from  Medina  Sidonia,  in  which  the  Duke  expressed 
hesitation  about  parting  with  these  6000  veterans,  unless  the 
English  fleet  should  have  been  previously  destroyed,  and  had 
also  again  expressed  his  hope  that  Parma  would  be  punctual 
to  the  rendezvous.^  Alexander  immediately  combated  these 
views  in  letters  to  Medina  and  to  the  King.  He  avowed  that 
he  would  not  depart  one  tittle  from  the  plan  originally  laid 
down.  The  6000  men,  and  more  if  j)ossible,  were  to  be  fur- 
nished him,  and  the  Spanish  Armada  was  to  protect  his  own 
flotilla,  and  to  keep  the  channel  clear  of  enemies.  No  other 
scheme  was  possible,  he  said,  for  it  was  clear  that  his  collection 
of  small  flat-bottomed  river-boats  and  hoys  could  not  even 
make  the  passage,  except  in  smooth  weather.  They  could 
not  contend  with  a  storm,  much  less  with  the  enemy's  ships, 
which  would  destroy  them  utterly  in  case  of  a  meeting,  without 
his  being  able  to  avail  himself  of  his  soldiers — who  would  be 
so  closely  packed  as  to  be  hardly  moveable — or  of  any  human 
help.  The  preposterous  notion  that  he  should  come  out  with 
his  flotilla  to  make  a  junction  with  Medina  ofl"  Calais,  was  over 
and  over  again  denounced  by  Alexander  with  vehemence  and 
bitterness,  and  most  boding  expressions  were  used  by  him  as 
to  the  probable  result,  were  such  a  delusion  persisted  in.'' 

Every  possible  precaution  therefore  but  one  had  been  taken. 
The  King  of  France — almost  at  the  same  instant  in  which 
Gruise  had  been  receiving  his  latest  instructions  from  the 
Escorial  for  dethroning  and  destroying  that  monarch — had 
been  assured  by  Philip  of  his  inalienable  affection  ;  had  been 
informed  of  the  object  of  this  great  naval  expedition — which 
was  not  by  any  means,  as  Mendoza  had  stated  to  Henry,  an 

>  Parma  to  Philip,  22  Juue,  1588.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  Ui,{.) 
^  Ibid.  3  Ibid. 


470 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIX. 


enterprise  against  France  or  England,  but  only  a  determined 
attempt  to  clear  the  sea,  once  for  all,  of  these  English  pirates 
who  had  done  so  much  damage  for  years  past  on  the  high 
seas — and  had  been  requested,  in  case  any  Spanish  ship  should 
be  driven  by  stress  of  weather  into  French  ports,  to  afford 
them  that  comfort  and  protection  to  which  the  vessels  of  so 
close  and  friendly  an  ally  were  entitled.' 

Thus  there  was  bread,  beef,  and  powder  enough — there  were 
monks  and  priests  enough — standards,  galley-slaves,  and  in- 
quisitors enough  ;  but  there  were  no  light  vessels  in  the 
Armada,  and  no  heavy  vessels  in  Parma's  fleet.  Medina 
could  not  go  to  Farnese,  nor  could  Farnese  come  to  Medina. 
The  junction  was  likely  to  be  difficult,  and  yet  it  had  never 
once  entered  the  heads  of  Philip  or  his  counsellors  to  provide 
for  that  difficulty.  The  King  never  seemed  to  imagine  that 
Farnese,  with  40,000  or  50,000  soldiers  in  the  Netherlands, 
a  fleet  of  300  transports,  and  power  to  dispose  of  very  large 
funds  for  one  great  purpose,  could  be  kept  in  prison  by  a  fleet 
of  Dutch  skippers  and  corsairs. 

With  as  much  sluggishness  as  might  have  been  expected 
from  their  clumsy  architecture,  the  ships  of  the  Armada  con- 
sumed nearly  three  weeks  in  sailing  from  Lisbon  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Cape  Finisterre.  Here  they  were  overtaken  by 
a  tempest,  and  were  scattered  hither  and  thither,  almost  at 
the  mercy  of  the  winds  and  waves  ;  ^  for  those  unwieldy  hulks 


'  "  Hableys  antes  al  Rey  de  mi 
parte,  y  conviniendo  hablarle,  le  direys 
que  el  atrevimiento  de  los  corsarios 
ingleses  me  ha  obligado  a  dessear 
limpiar  dellos  la  mar,  este  verano,  y 
que  assi  he  mandado  hazer  una  armada 
para  este  effecto,  en  la  qual  avra 
tmydado  de  hazer  todo  el  buen  trata- 
miento  que  es  razon  a  sus  buenos 
subditos  que  toparen,  de  que  le  he 
querido  dar  parte  y  pedir  le  como 
tambien  lo  hareys  en  mi  nombre,  y  si 
algunos  baxeles  de  mi  armada  aportaran 
con  temporal  a  sus  puertos,  ordene  que 
sean  tratados  con  forme  a  la  buena  paz 
y  hermandad  que  entre  nosotros  hay, 
quitandole  per  aqui  la  sospecha  destas 
fuerzas,  y  grangeandole  para  lo  que  se 


pretende,  y  este  oficio  bastara  por  agora, 
siu  llegar  a  mas  particularidades,"  &c 
Philip  II.  to  Mendoza,  24  April,  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Sim.  [Paris.]  A.  56,  148, 
MS.) 

This  letter  reached  Mendoza  m 
Paris  just  before  that  envoy,  accord- 
ing to  his  master's  instructions,  waa 
assisting  Guise  to  make  his  memorable 
stroke  of  the  '  barricades.' 

There  is  another  letter  of  the  same 
purport  nearly  three  months  later. 
Philip  II.  to  Mendoza,  18  July,  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Sim.  [Paris.]  A.  56,  159, 
MS.) 

'  Herrera,  Strada,  Bor,  Meteren, 
Camden.  Caruero,  Coloma,  Barrow, 
ubi  suj>. 


1588.  THE  GALE  OFF  FINISTERRE.  471 

were  ill  adapted  to  a  tempest  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay.  There 
were  those  in  the  Armada,  however,  to  whom  the  storm  was  a 
blessing.  David  Gwynn,  a  Welsh  mariner,  had  sat  in  the 
Spanish  hulks  a  wretched  galley-slave — as  prisoner  of  war — 
for  more  than  eleven  years,  hoping,  year  after  year,  for  a 
chance  of  escape  from  bondage.'  He  sat  now  among  the 
rowers  of  the  great  galley,  the  Vasana,  one  of  the  humblest 
instruments  by  which  the  subjugation  of  his  native  land  to 
Spain  and  Rome  was  to  be  effected. 

Very  naturally,  among  the  ships  which  suffered  most  in  the 
gale  were  the  four  huge  unwieldy  galleys — a  squadron  of  four 
under  Don  Diego  de  Medrado — with  their  enormous  turrets 
at  stem  and  stern,  and  their  low  and  open  waists.  The  chapels, 
pulpits,  and  gilded  Madonnas  proved  of  little  avail  in  a  hur- 
ricane. The  Diana,  largest  of  the  four,  went  down  with  all 
hands  ;  the  Princess  was  labouring  severely  in  the  trough  of 
the  sea,  and  the  Vasana  was  likewise  in  imminent  danger. 
So  the  master  of  this  galley  asked  the  Welsh  slave,  who  had 
far  more  experience  and  seamanship  than  he  possessed  himself, 
if  it  were  possible  to  save  the  vessel.  Gwynn  saw  an  oppor- 
tunity for  which  he  had  been  waiting  eleven  years.  He  was 
ready  to  improve  it.  He  pointed  out  to  the  captain  the  hope- 
lessness of  attempting  to  overtake  the  Armada.  They  should 
go  down,  he  said,  as  the  Diana  had  already  done,  and  as  the 
Princess  was  like  at  any  moment  to  do,  unless  they  took  in 
every  rag  of  sail,  and  did  their  best  with  their  oars  to  gain  the 
nearest  port.  But  in  order  that  the  rowers  might  exert  them- 
selves to  the  utmost,  it  was  necessary  that  the  soldiers,  who 
were  a  useless  incumbrance  on  deck,  should  go  below.  Thus 
only  could  the  ship  be  properly  handled.  The  captain,  anxious 
to  save  his  ship  and  his  life,  consented.  Most  of  the  soldiers 
were  sent  beneath  the  hatches  :  a  few  were  ordered  to  sit  on 
the  benches  among  the  slaves.  Now  there  had  been  a  secret 
understanding  for  many  days  among  these  unfortunate  men, 
nor  were  they  wholly  without  weapons.  They  had  been 
accustomed  to  make  toothpicks  and  other  trifling  articles  for 

»  Bor,  iii.  322,  seq. 


472  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

sale  out  of  broken  sword-blades  and  other  refu&e  bits  of  steel. 
There  was  not  a  man  among  them  who  had  not  thus  provided 
himself  with  a  secret  stiletto/ 

At  first  Gwynn  occupied  himself  with  arrangements  for 
weathering  the  gale.  So  soon  however  as  the  ship  had  been 
made  comparatively  easy,  he  looked  around  him,  suddenly 
threw  down  his  cap,  and  raised  his  hand  to  the  rigging.  It 
was  a  preconcerted  signal.  The  next  instant  he  stabbed  the 
captain  to  the  heart,  while  each  one  of  the  galley-slaves  killed 
the  soldier  nearest  him  ;  then,  rushing  below,  they  surprised 
and  overpowered  the  rest  of  the  troops,  and  put  them  all  to 
death.  ^ 

Coming  again  upon  deck,  David  Grwynn  descried  the  fourth 
galley  of  the  squadron,  called  the  Royal,  commanded  by  Com- 
modore Medrado  in  person,  bearing  down  upon  them,  before 
the  wind.  It  was  obvious  that  the  Vasana  was  already  an 
object  of  suspicion. 

''  Comrades,"  said  Grwynn,  "  God  has  given  us  liberty,  and 
by  our  courage  we  must  prove  ourselves  worthy  of  the 
boon."  3 

As  he  spoke  there  came  a  broadside  from  the  galley  Royal 
which  killed  nine  of  his  crew.  David,  nothing  daunted,  laid 
his  ship  close  alongside  of  the  Royal,  with  such  a  shock  that 
the  timbers  quivered  again.  Then  at  the  head  of  his  libe- 
rated slaves,  now  thoroughly  armed,  he  dashed  on  board  the 
galley,  and,  after  a  furious  conflict,  in  which  he  was  assisted 
by  the  slaves  of  the  Royal,  succeeded  in  mastering  the  vessel, 
and  putting  all  the  Spanish  soldiers  to  death.  This  done,  the 
combined  rowers,  welcoming  Gwynn  as  their  deliverer  from 
an  abject  slavery  which  seemed  their  lot  for  life,  willingly 
accepted  his  orders.  The  gale  had  meantime  abated,  and  the 
two  galleys,  well  conducted  by  the  experienced  and  intrepid 
Welshman,  made  their  way  to  the  coast  of  France,  and  landed 
at  Bayonne  on  the  31st,  dividing  among  them  the  property 
found  on  board  the  two  galleys.  Thence,  by  land,  the  fugi- 
tives, four  hundred   and    sixty-six   in   number — Frenchmen, 

*  Bor,  iiL  322,  seq.  -  IduL  *  Tbid, 


/588. 


EXPLOITS  OF  DAVID  GWYNN. 


473 


Spaniards,  Englishmen,  Turks,  and  Moors,  made  their  way  to 
Ruchelle.  Gwynn  had  an  interview  with  Henry  of  Navarre, 
and  received  from  that  chivalrous  king  a  handsome  present. 
Afterwards  he  found  his  way  to  England,  and  was  well  com- 
mended by  the  Queen.  The  rest  of  the  liberated  slaves 
dispersed  in  various  directions."  ^ 

This  was  the  first  adventure  of  the  invincible  Armada.  Of 
the  squadron  of  galleys,  one  was  already  sunk  in  the  sea,  and 
two  of  the  others  had  been  conquered  by  their  own  slaves. 
The  fourth  rode  out  the  gale  with  difficulty,  and  joined  the 
rest  of  the  fleet,  which  ultimately  re-assembled  at  Coruna  ; 
the  ships  having,  in  distress,  put  in  at  first  at  Vivera,  Ribadeo, 
Gijon,  and  other,  northern  ports  of  Spain,^  At  the  Groyne — as 
the  English  of  that  day  were  accustomed  to  call  Coruna — • 
they  remained  a  month,  repairing  damages  and  recruiting ; 
and  on  the  22nd  of  July"*  (N.S.)  the  Armada  set  sail.  Six 
days  later,  the  Spaniards  took  soundings,  thirty  leagues  from 
the  Scilly  Islands,  and  on  Friday,  the  29th  of  July,  off  the 
Lizard,^  they  had  the  first  glimpse  of  the  land  of  promise 
presented  them  by  Sixtus  V.,  of  which  they  had  at  last  come 
to  take  possession. 

On  the  same  day  and  night  the  blaze  and  smoke  of  ten 
thousand  beacon-fires  from  the  Land's  End  to  Margate,  and 
from  the  Isle  of  Wight  to  Cumberland,  gave  warning  to  every 
Englishman  that  the  enemy  was  at  last  upon  them.  Almost 
at  that  very  instant  intelligence  had  been  brought  from  the 
court  to  the  Lord-Admiral  at  Plymouth,  that  the  Armada, 
dispersed  and  shattered  by  the  gales  of  June,  was  not  likely 
to  make  its  appearance  that  year  ;  and  orders  had  conse- 
quently been  given  to  disarm  the  four  largest  ships,  and  send 


'  Bor,  Meteren,  xv.  272.  Compare 
Camden,  iv.  410,  who  had  heard,  how- 
ever, nothing  but  the  name  of  Gwynu, 
and  who  speaks  of  the  "  treachery  of 
the  Turkish  rowers."  (!) 

'  Herrera,  III.  iii.  94. 

*  Medina  Sidonia  from  his  gaUeon 
San  Martin  to  Parma,  25  July,  1588. 
LA.rch.  de  Sim.  MS.) 


The  dates  in  the  narrative  will  be 
always  given  according  to  the  New 
Style,  then  already  adopted  by  Spain, 
Holland,  and  France,  although  not  by 
England.  The  dates  thus  given  are, 
of  course,  ten  days  later  than  they 
appear  in  contemporary  English  re* 
cords. 

*  Herrera,  ubi  sup. 


474 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIX. 


them  into  dock.'  Even  Walsingham,  as  already  stated,  had 
participated  in  this  strange  delusion.^ 

Before  Howard  had  time  to  act  upon  this  ill-timed  sug- 
gestion— even  had  he  been  disposed  to  do  so — he  received 
authentic  intelligence  that  the  great  fleet  was  off  the  Lizard. 
Neither  he  nor  Francis  Drake  were  the  men  to  lose  time  in 
such  an  emergency,  and  before  that  Friday  night  was  spent, 
sixty  of  the  best  English  ships  had  been  warped  out  of  Ply- 
mouth harbour.  •'* 

On  Saturday,  30th  July,  the  wind  was  very  light  at  south- 
west, witli  a  mist  and  drizzling  rain,^  but  by  three  in  the 
afternoon  the  two  fleets  could  descry  and  count  each  other 
through  the  haze.^ 

By  nine  o'clock,  31st  July,  about  two  miles  from  Looe,* 
on  the  Cornish  coast,  the  fleets  had  their  first  meeting.  There 
were  136  sail  of  the  Spaniards,  of  which  ninety  were  large 
ships,  and  sixty-seven  of  the  English.'^  It  was  a  solemn  mo- 
ment. The  long-expected  Armada  presented  a  pompous, 
almost  a  theatrical  appearance.  The  ships  seemed  arranged 
for  a  pageant,  in  honour  of  a  victory  already  won.  Disposed 
in  form  of  a  crescent,  the  horns  of  which  were  seven 
miles  asunder,  those  gilded,  towered,  floating  castles,  with 
their  gaudy  standards  and  their  martial  music,  moved 
slowly  along  the  channel,  with  an  air  of  indolent  pomp. 
Their  captain-general,  the  golden  Duke,  stood  in  his  pri- 
vate shot-proof  fortress,^  on  the  deck  of  his  great  galleon 
the  Saint  Martin,  surrounded  by  generals  of  infantry,  and 
colonels  of  cavalry,  who  knew  as  little  as  he  did  himself 
of    naval     matters.      The     English    vessels,    on    the    othfr 


«  Meteren,  xv.  272.  Camden,  III. 
410.  Murdin,  615-621.  The  ships 
were  the  'Triumph,'  'White  Bear,' 
'Elizabeth  Jonas,'  and  'Victory.'  Lin- 
gard,  viii.  280. 

'    Walsingham    to    Sir   Ed.    Norris, 

-   Julv,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)     See 

page  42,  note  4. 
*   Herrera,     vAi    sup.     Howard     to 


71 

Walsingham,  —  July,  1588,  in  Barrow, 
288. 

*  Herrera,  101. 

'   Ibid.      Howard    to    Walsingham, 
ubi  sup. 

30  July 

*  R.  Tomson  to  ,  ,   168& 


(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
'  Ibid. 
•  Meteren,  xv.  274. 


9  Aug.* 


1 583.  FIRST  ENGAGEMENTS  IN  ENGLISH  CHANNEL.  475 

iiand — with  a  few  exceptions,  light,  swift,  and  easily  handled 
— could  sail  round  and  round  those  unwieldy  galleons, 
hulks,  and  galleys  rowed  by  fettered  slave-gangs.  The 
superior  seamanship  of  free  Englishmen,  commanded  by  such 
experienced  captains  as  Drake,  Frobisher,  and  Hawkins — 
from  infancy  at  home  on  blue  water — was  manifest  in  the 
very  first  encounter.  They  obtained  the  weather-gage  at 
once,  and  cannonaded  the  enemy  at  intervals  with  consider- 
able eifect,  easily  escaping  at  will  out  of  range  of  the  sluggish 
Armada,  which  was  incapable  of  bearing  sail  in  pursuit, 
although  provided  with  an  armament  which  could  sink  all  its 
enemies  at  close  quarters.  "  We  had  some  small  fight  with 
them  that  Sunday  afternoon,"  said  Hawkins.^ 

Medina  Sidonia  hoisted  the  royal  standard  at  the  fore,  and 
the  whole  fleet  did  its  utmost,  which  was  little,  to  ofier 
general  battle.  It  was  in  vain.  The  English,  following  at 
the  heels  of  the  enemy,  refused  all  such  invitations,  and 
attacked  only  the  rear-guard  of  the  Armada,  where  Kecalde 
commanded.  That  admiral,  steadily  maintaining  his  post, 
faced  his  nimble  antagonists,  who  continued  to  teaze,  to  mal- 
treat, and  to  elude  him,  while  the  rest  of  the  fleet  proceeded 
slowly  up  the  Channel  closely  followed  by  the  enemy.  And 
thus  the  running  fight  continued  along  the  coast,  in  full  view 
of  Plymouth,  whence  boats  with  reinforcements  and  volun- 
teers were  perpetually  arriving  to  the  English  ships,  until  the 
battle  had  drifted  quite  out  of  reach  of  the  town. 

Already  in  this  first  "  small  fight "  the  Spaniards  had 
learned  a  lesson,  and  might  even  entertain  a  doubt  of  their 
invincibility.  But  before  the  sun  set  there  were  more  serious 
disasters.  Much  powder  and  shot  had  been  expended  by  the 
Spaniards  to  very  little  purpose,  and  so  a  master-gunner  on 
board  Admiral  Oquendo's  flag-ship  was  reprimanded  for  care- 
less ball-practice.  The  gunner,  who  was  a  Fleming,  enraged 
with  his  captain,  laid  a  train  to  the  powder-magazine,  fired  it, 
and  threw  himself  into  the  sea.^     Two  decks  blew  up.     The 

,  _      ,  .        ,     -rrr  1  •     1-  ^^  '"'^    I       '  Rcport  of  Certain  Mariners,   Autr, 

>  Hawkins    to   Walsmgham,     ^-—,       ^^gg     ^^g  p_  q^^^  ^g  ^ 

1B88.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  \ 


476  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

great  castle  at  the  stern  rose  into  the  clouds,  carrying  with  it 
the  paymaster-general  of  the  fleet,  a  large  portion  of  treasure, 
and  nearly  two  hundred  men/  The  ship  was  a  wreck,  but  it 
was  possible  to  save  the  rest  of  the  crew.  So  Medina  Sidonia 
sent  light  vessels  to  remove  them,  and  wore  with  his  flag-ship, 
to  defend  Oquendo,  who  had  already  been  fastened  upon  by 
his  English  2)ursuer8.  But  the  Spaniards,  not  being  so  light 
in  hand  as  their  enemies,  involved  themselves  in  much  em- 
barrassment by  this  manoeuvre  ;  and  there  was  much  falling 
foul  of  each  other,  entanglement  of  rigging,  and  carrying 
away  of  yards.  Oquendo's  men,  however,  were  ultimately 
saved,  and  taken  to  other  ships.^ 

Meantime  Don  Pedro  de  Valdez,  commander  of  the  Anda- 
lusian  squadron,  having  got  his  galleon  into  collision  with  two 
or  three  Spanish  ships  successively,  had  at  last  carried  away 
his  fore-mast  close  to  the  deck,  and  the  wreck  had  fallen 
against  his  main-mast.  He  lay  crippled  and  helpless,  the 
Armada  was  slowly  deserting  him,  night  was  coming  on,  the 
sea  was  running  high,  and  the  English,  ever  hovering  near, 
were  ready  to  grapple  with  him.  In  vain  did  Don  Pedro  fire 
signals  of  distress.  The  captain-general,  even  as  though  the 
unlucky  galleon  had  not  been  connected  with  the  Catholic 
fleet — calmly  fired  a  gun  to  collect  his  scattered  ships,  and 
abandoned  Valdez  to  his  fate.  "  He  left  me  comfortless  in 
sight  of  the  whole  fleet,"  said  poor  Pedro,  "  and  greater  in- 
humanity and  unthankfulness  I  think  was  never  heard  of 
among  men."  ^ 

Yet  the  Spaniard  comported  himself  most  gallantly.  Fro- 
bisher,  in  the  largest  ship  of  the  English  fleet,  the  Triumph, 
of  1100  tons,  and  Hawkins  in  the  Victoi'y,  of  800,  cannonaded 
him  at  a  distance,  but,  night  coming  on,  he  was  able  to 
resist ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  following  morning  that  he  sur- 
rendered to  the  Revenge} 


'   Herrera,    III.    iii.    100-102.     Cam- 
den, III.  412.     Bor,  III.  323. 
''  Ibid. 
'  Valdez  to  Philip        ("  Englisbed"), 


Compare  Herrera,    Bor,    Camden,   vhi 
sup. 

*  MS.  letter  of  Valdez  before  cited. 
Bor,  Camden,  ubi  sup.      Meteren,  xv. 


31    Aug.    1588.      (.S.    P.    (  ffic     IMS.)  I   272.     Herrera,    HI.    iii.   100-102,  who 


1588.  CONSIDERABLE  LOSSES  Oh  THE  SPANIARDS.  477 

Drake  then  received  the  gallant  prisoner  on  board  his  flag- 
ship— much  to  the  disgust  and  indignation  of  Frobisher  and 
Hawkins,  thus  disappointed  of  their  prize-  and  ransom- 
money  ^ — treated  him  with  much  courtesy,  and  gave  his  word 
of  honour  that  he  and  his  men  should  be  treated  fairly  like 
good  prisoners  of  war.  This  j^ledge  was  redeemed,  for  it  was 
not  the  English,  as  it  was  the  Spanish  custom,  to  convert 
captives  into  slaves,  but  only  to  hold  them  for  ransom. 
Valdez  responded  to  Drake's  politeness  by  kissing  his  hand, 
embracing  him,  and  overpowering  him  with  magnificent  com- 
pliments.^ He  was  then  sent  on  board  the  Lord-Admiral, 
who  received  him  with  similar  urbanity,  and  expressed  his 
regret  that  so  distinguished  a  personage  should  have  been  so 
coolly  deserted  by  the  Duke  of  Medina.  Don  Pedro  then 
returned  to  the  Revenge,  where,  as  the  guest  of  Drake,  he 
was  a  witness  to  all  subsequent  events  up  to  the  10th  of 
August,  on  which  day  he  was  sent  to  London  with  some  other 
officers,^  Sir  Francis  claiming  his  ransom  as  his  lawful  due.^ 

Here  certainly  was  no  very  triumphant  beginning  for 
the  Invincible  Armada.  On  the  very  first  day  of  their  being 
in  presence  of  the  English  fleet — then  but  sixty-seven  in 
number,  and  vastly  their  inferior  in  size  and  weight  of 
metal — they  had  lost  the  flag-ships  of  the  Guipuzcoan  and 
of  the  Andalusian  squadrons,  with  a  general-admiral,  450 
officers  and  men,  and  some  100,000  ducats  of  treasure. 
They  had  been  out-manoeuvred,  out-sailed,  and  thoroughly 
maltreated  by  their  antagonists,  and  they  had  been  unable 
to  inflict  a  single  blow  in  return.  Thus  the  "  small  fight"  had 
been  a  cheerful  one  for  the  opponents  of  the  Inquisition, 
and  the  English  were  proportionably  encouraged. 

draws   entirely  from   the  journal  of  a  i   becomes    Col.     Reyton ;     while     Lord 
Spanish  officer  in  the  Armada,  and  who       High  Admiral   Howard,  of  Effingham, 

calls  the  two  famous  English  naval  com-  ,   figures    in    the    chronicles    as    Carlos 

manders,  Frobesquerio  and  Avesnisio.  I   Haurat,  Count  of  Contuberland.     Her- 

Many  English  names  look  almost  as      rera,  III.  p.  49. 

strangely   in    their    Spanish   dress   as  '       '  See  page  525,  note  \ 

these  two  familiar   ones  of  Frobisher  i       ^  Meteren,  Bor,  uhi  sup. 
ahd  Hawkins.     Thus  Dr.  Bartholomew  t^    i        *       -m-  i  •     u  '*  '^"''3' 

Clerk  is   called,    for   some   mysterious  ''  ^'^^"^     ^^     Walsmgham,       ^^— -, 

reason,    Dr.    t^uiberich;     Col.    Fatton  [  1588,  in  Barrow,  p.  303,  ■•  Ibid. 


478  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

On  Monday,  1st  of  August,  Medina  Sidouia  placed  the 
rear-guard — consisting  of  the  galeasses,  the  galleons  St. 
Matthew,  St.  Luke,  St.  James,  and  the  Florence  and  other 
shij)S,  forty-three  in  all — under  command  of  Don  Antonio  de 
Leyva.  He  was  instructed  to  entertain  the  enemy — so  con- 
stantly hanging  on  the  rear — to  accept  every  chance  of  battle, 
and  to  come  to  close  quarters  whenever  it  should  be  possible;. 
The  Spaniards  felt  confident  of  sinking  every  ship  in  the 
English  navy,  if  they  could  but  once  come  to  grappling  ;  but 
it  was  growing  more  obvious  every  hour  that  the  giving  or 
withholding  battle  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  their  foes. 
Meantime — while  the  rear  was  thus  protected  by  Leyva's 
division — the  vanguard  and  main  body  of  the  Armada,  led 
by  the  captain-general,  would  steadily  pursue  its  way,  accord- 
ing to  the  royal  instructions,  until  it  arrived  at  its  appointed 
meeting-place  with  the  Duke  of  Parma,  Moreover,  the  Duke 
of  Medina — dissatisfied  with  the  want  of  discipline  and  of 
good  seamanship  hitherto  displayed  in  his  fleet — now  took 
occasion  to  send  a  serjeant-major,  with  written  sailing  direc- 
tions, on  board  each  ship  in  the  Armada,  with  express  orders 
to  hang  every  captain,  without  appeal  or  consultation,  who 
should  leave  the  position  assigned  him  ;  and  the  hangmen 
were  sent  with  the  sergeant-majors  to  ensure  immediate 
attention  to  these  arrangements.'  Juan  Gril  was  at  the  same 
time  sent  ofi"  in  a  sloop  to  the  Duke  of  Parma,  to  carry  the 
news  of  the  movements  of  the  Armada,  to  request  information 
as  to  the  exact  spot  and  moment  of  the  junction,  and  to  beg 
for  pilots  acquainted  with  the  French  and  Flemish  coasts. 
"  In  case  of  the  slightest  gale  in  the  world,"  said  Medina,  "I 
don't  know  how  or  where  to  shelter  such  large  ships  as 
ours."  ^ 

Disposed  in  this  manner,  the  Spaniards  sailed  leisurely 
along  the  English  coast  with  light  westerly  breezes,  watched 
closely  by  the   Queen's  fleet,   which  hovered  at   a  moderate 

■  Herrera,  III.  iii.  105.     "  Sin  replica   i  naos   tan   grandes."      Medina    Sidonia 

ni  consulta,"  &c.  to    Parma,    2   Aug.    1588.     (Arch,    de 

"  "  Con  el  menor  temporal  del  niundo  Sim.  M^^"^ 
non  se  sabo  donde  se  pueden    abrigar    j 


1588.  GENERAL  ENGAGEMENT  NEAR  PORTLAND.  479 

distance  to  windward,  without  offering,  that  day,  any  obstruc- 
tion to  their  course. 

By  five  o'clock  on  Tuesday  morning,  2nd  of  August,  the 
Armada  lay  between  Portland  Bill  and  St.  Albans'  Head, 
when  the  wind  shifted  to  the  north-east,  and  gave  Tues.,  2  Aug. 
the  Spaniards  the  weather-gage.^  The  English  did  ^^^^• 
their  best  to  get  to  windward,  but  the  Duke,  standing  close 
into  the  land  with  the  whole  Armada,  maintained  his  ad- 
vantage. The  English  then  went  about,  making  a  tack  sea- 
ward, and  were  soon  afterwards  assaulted  by  the  Spaniards. 
A  long  and  spirited  action  ensued.  Howard  in  his  little  Ark- 
Royal — "  the  odd  ship  of  the  world  for  all  conditions  " — was 
ensaged  at  different  times  with  Bertendona,  of  the  Italian 
squadron,  with  Alonzo  de  Leyva  in  the  Ratta,  and  with  other 
large  vessels.  He  was  hard  pressed  for  a  time,  but  was  gal- 
lantly supported  by  the  Nonpareil,  Captain  Tanner  ;  and  after 
a  long  and  confused  combat,  in  which  the  St.  Mark,  the  St. 
Luke,  the  St.  Matthew,  the  St.  Philip,  the  St.  John,  the  St. 
James,  the  St.  John  Baptist,  the  St.  Martin,  and  many  other 
great  galleons,  with  saintly  and  apostolic  names,  fought  pell- 
mell  with  the  Lion,  the  Bear,  the  Bull,  the  Tiger,  the  Dread- 
nought, the  Revenge,  the  Victory,  the  Triumph,  and  other 
of  the  more  profanely-baptized  English  ships,  the  Spaniards 
were  again  baffled  in  all  their  attempts  to  close  with,  and  to 
board,  their  ever-attacking,  ever-flying  adversaries.  The  can- 
nonading was  incessant.  "  We  had  a  sharp  and  a  long  fight," 
said  Hawkins.^  Boat-loads  of  men  and  munitions  were  per- 
petually arriving  to  the  English,  and  many  high-born  volun- 
teers— like  Cumberland,  Oxford,  Northumberland,  Raleigh, 
Brooke,  Dudley,  Willoughby,  Noel,  William  Hatton,  Thomas 
Cecil,  and  others — could  no  longer  restrain  their  impatience, 
as  the  roar  of  battle  sounded  along  the  coasts  of  Dorset,  but 
flocked    merrily   on   board   the    ships   of    Drake,    Hawkins, 


1  Declaration  of  the  Proceedings  of 
the  two  Fleets,  July  19-31  (0.  S),  1588. 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.)    Herrera,  IIL  iu.  106. 

'  Hawkins    to    "Walsingham,  -^ 

°  '     10  Aug 


1588.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  Herrera, 
in.  iii.  106-108.  Bor,  III.  323. 
Meteren,  xv.  273.  Camden,  IIL  41^ 
413. 


480 


THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Ch.vp.  XIX, 


Howard,  can  J  Frobisher,  or  came  in  small  vessels  which  tliey 
had  chartered  for  themselves,  in  order  to  have  their  share  in 
the  delights  of  the  long-expected  struggle.^ 

The  action,  irregular,  desultory,  but  lively,  continued  nearly 
all  day,  and  until  the  English  had  fired  away  most  of  their 
powder  and  shot.-  The  Spaniards,  too,  notwithstanding  their 
years  of  preparation,  were  already  short  of  light  metal,  and 
Medina  Sidonia  had  been  daily  sending  to  Parma  for  a  supply 
of  four,  six,  and  ten  pound  balls.^  So  much  lead  and  gun- 
powder had  never  before  been  wasted  in  a  single  day  ;  for 
there  was  no  great  damage  inflicted  on  either  side.  The 
artillery-practice  was  certainly  not  much  to  the  credit  of 
either  nation. 

"  If  her  Majesty's  ships  had  been  manned  with  a  full  supply 
of  good  gunners,"  said  honest  William  Thomas,  an  old  artil- 
leryman, "  it  would  have  been  the  woefuUest  time  ever  the 
Spaniard  took  in  hand,  and  the  most  noble  victory  ever  heard 
of  would  have  been  her  Majesty's.  But  our  sins  were  the 
cause  that  so  much  powder  and  shot  were  spent,  so  long  time 
in  fight,  and  in  comparison  so  little  harm  done.  It  were 
greatly  to  be  wished  that  her  Majesty  were  no  longer  deceived 
in  this  way."  * 

Yet  the  English,  at  any  rate,  had  succeeded  in  displaying 
their  seamanship,  if  not  their  gunnery,  to  advantage.  In  vain 
the  unwieldly  hulks  and  galleons  had  attempted  to  grapple 
with  their  light- winged  foes,  who  pelted  them,  braved  them, 
damaged  their  sails  and  gearing,  and  then  danced  lightly  off 
into  the  distance  ;  until  at  last,  as  night  fell,  the  wind  came 
out  from  the  west  again,  and  the  English  regained  and  kept 
the  weather-gage. 

The  Queen's  fleet,  now  divided  into  four  squadrons,  under 


*  Herrera,  Bor,  Meteren,  Camden, 
ubi  sup. 

'  MS.  Letter  of  Hawkins  last  cited. 

3  Medina  Sidonia  to  Parma,  2  Aug. 
1588.  (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.)  Herrera, 
III.  iii.  108. 

*  William  Thomas,  master  gunner 
of   Flushing    (who    much   complained 


that  the  loss  of  its  charter  by  the 
worshipful  corporation  of  gunners, 
founded  by  Henry  VIIL,  had  caused 
its  decay,  and  much  mischief  in  con- 
.30  Sept. 

sequence),    to    Burghley,   '  1588L 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1588.  SUPERIOR  SEAMANSHIP  OF  THE  ENGLISH.  481 

Howard,  Drake,  Hawkins,  and  Frobisher,  amounted  to  ciear 
one  hundred  sail,  exclusive  of  Lord  Henry  Seymour's  division, 
which  was  cruising  in  the  Straits  of  Dover.  But  few  of  all 
this  number  were  ships  of  war  however,  and  the  merchant 
vessels,  although  zealous  and  active  enough,  were  not  thought 
very  effective.  "  If  you  had  seen  the  simple  service  done  by 
the  merchants  and  coast  ships,"  said  Winter,  "  you  would 
have  said  we  had  been  little  holpen  by  them,  otherwise  than 
that  they  did  make  a  show."  ^ 

All  night  the  Spaniards,  holding  their  course  towards 
Calais,  after  the  long  but  indecisive  conflict  had  terminated, 
were  closely  pursued  by  their  wary  antagonists.    On  „  .       „,  , 

■^  ^  ^  ''  °  T    1       ^  -A.ug.,  Wed. 

Wednesday,  3rd  of  August,  there  was  some  slight  4  Aug.,  Thurs. 
cannonading,  with  but  slender  results  ;  and  on 
Thursday,  the  4th,  both  fleets  were  off"  Dunnose,  on  the  Isle 
of  Wight.  The  great  hulk  Santaha  and  a  galleon  of  Por- 
tugal having  been  somewhat  damaged  the  previous  day,  were 
lagging  behind  the  rest  of  the  Armada,  and  were  vigorously 
attacked  by  the  Triumph  and  a  few  other  vessels.  Don 
Antonio  de  Leyva,  with  some  of  the  galeasses  and  large  gal- 
leons, came  to  the  rescue,  and  Frobisher,  although  in  much 
peril,  maintained  an  unequal  conflict,  within  close  range,  with 
great  spirit.^ 

Seeing  his  danger,  the  Lord  Admiral  in  the  Ark-Royal, 
accompanied  by  the  Golden  Lion,  the  White  Bear,  the  Eliza- 
beth, the  Victory,  and  the  Leicester,  bore  boldly  down  into  the 
very  midst  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  laid  himself  within  three 
or  four  hundred  yards  of  Medina's  flag-ship,  the  St.  3Iartin, 
while  his  comrades  were  at  equally  close  quarters  with  Vice- 
Admiral  Recalde  and  the  galleons  of  Oquendo,  Mexia,  and 
Almanza.  It  was  the  hottest  conflict  which  had  yet  taken 
place.'^  Here  at  last  was  thorough  English  work.  The  two 
great  fleets,  which  were  there  to  subjugate  and  to  defend  the 
realm    of  Elizabeth,    were    nearly    yard-arm   and    yard-arm 


'  Sir    "W.    "Winter    to    "Walsingham, 
-  Aug.  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
'  Declaration    of   the     Proceedings, 
VOL.  II. 2  I 


&c.     MS.   before  cited.     Bor,  Herrera, 
Meteren,  Camden,  ubi  sup. 
'  Ibid. 


482  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

toiietlier — all  Enjjland  on  the  lee.  Broadside  after  broadside 
of  great  guns,  volley  after  volley  of  arquebusry  from  maintop 
and  rigging,  were  warmly  exchanged,  and  nmch  damage  was 
inflicted  on  the  Spaniards,  whose  gigantic  ships  were  so  easy 
a  mark  to  aim  at,  while  from  their  turreted  heights  they  them- 
selves fired  for  the  most  part  harmlessly  over  the  heads  of 
their  adversaries.  The  leaders  of  the  Armada,  however,  were 
encouraged,  for  they  expected  at  last  to  come  to  even  closer 
quarters,  and  there  were  some  among  the  English  who  were 
mad  enough  to  wish  to  hoard. 

But  so  soon  as  Frobisher,  who  was  the  hero  of  the  day,  had 
extricated  himself  from  his  difficulty,  the  Lord-Admiral-— 
having  no  intention  of  risking  the  existence  of  his  fleet,  anc 
with  it  perhaps  of  the  English  crown,  upon  the  hazard  of  a 
single  battle,  and  having  been  himself  somewhat  damaged  in 
the  fight — gave  the  sign9.1  for  retreat,  and  caused  the  Ark- Royal 
to  be  towed  out  of  action.  Thus  the  Spaniards  were  frustrated 
of  their  hopes,  and  the  English,  having  inflicted  much  punish- 
ment at  comparatively  small  loss  to  themselves,  again  stood 
off  to  windward,  and  the  Armada  continued  its  indolent  course 
along  the  cliffs  of  Fresli water  and  Blackgang.' 

On  Friday,  5th  August,  the  English,  having  received  men 
and  munitions  from  shore,  pursued  their  antagonists  at  a 
Frid.,  5  Aug.  moderate  distance;  and  the  Lord- Admiral,  profiting 
1588  ]jy  ^^Q  pause — for  it  was  almost  a  flat  calm — sent 
for  Martin  Frobisher,  John  Hawkins,  Roger  Townsend,  Lord 
Thomas  Howard,  son  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  Lord  Ed- 
mund Sheffield,  and  on  the  deck  of  the  Roijal  Ark  confen-ed 
the  honour  of  knighthood  on  each  for  his  gallantry  in  the  action 
of  the  previous  day.'  Medina  Sidonia,  on  his  part,  was  again 
despatching  messenger  after  messenger  to  the  Duke  of  Parma, 
asking  for  small  shot,  pilots,  and  forty  fly-boats,  with  which 
to  pursue  the  teasing  English  clippers.^  The  Catholic  Ar- 
mada, he  said,  being  so  large  and  heavy,  was  quite   in  the 

'  Declaration,  &c.,  MS.  before  cited. 
""  Camden,  III.  414.     Bor,  III.  323,  324. 
•  Medina  Sidonia  to  Parma,  4  Aug.  1588.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 


1588.  BOTH  FLEETS  OFF  CALAIS.  483 

power  of  its  adversaries,  who  could  assault,  retreat,  fight,  or 
leave  off  fighting,  while  he  had  nothing  for  it  but  to  proceed, 
as  expeditiously  as  might  be,  to  his  rendezvous  in  Calais 
roads. 

And    in  Calais   roads    the    great   fleet — sailing   slowly  all 
next  day  in  company  with  the  English,  without  a  Sat.,  6  Aug. 
shot    being    fired    on    either  side — at   last   dropped       i^^s. 
anchor  on  Saturday  afternoon,  August  6th. 

Here  then  the  Invincible  Armada  had  arrived  at  its  ap- 
pointed resting-place.  Here  the  great  junction  of  Medina 
Sidonia  with  the  Duke  of  Parma  was  to  be  effected,  and  now 
at  last  the  curtain  was  to  rise  upon  the  last  act  of  the  great 
drama  so  slowly  and  elaborately  prepared. 

That  Saturday  afternoon.  Lord  Henry  Seymour  and  his 
squadron  of  sixteen  lay  between  Dungeness  and  Folkestone, 
waiting  the  approach  of  the  two  fleets.  He  spoke  several 
coasting-vessels  coming  from  the  west  ;  but  they  could 
give  him  no  information — strange  to  say — either  of  the 
Spaniards  or  of  his  own  countrymen.^  Seymour,  having 
hardly  three  days'  provision  in  his  fleet,  thought  that  there 
might  be  time  to  take  in  supplies,  and  so  bore  into  the  Downs. 
Hardly  had  he  been  there  half  an  hour,  when  a  pinnace 
arrived  from  the  Lord-Admiral,  with  orders  for  Lord  Henry's 
squadron  to  hold  itself  in  readiness.  There  was  no  longer 
time  for  victualling,  and  very  soon  afterwards  the  order  was 
given  to  make  sail  and  bear  for  the  French  coast.  The  wind 
was  however  so  light,  that  the  whole  day  was  spent  before 
Seymour  with  his  ships  could  cross  the  channel.  At  last, 
towards  seven  in  the  evening,  he  saw  the  great  Spanish  Ar- 
mada drawn  up  in  a  half-moon,  and  riding  at  anchor — the 
ships  very  near  each  other — ^a  little  to  the  eastward  of  Calais, 
and  very  near  the  shore.'  The  English,  under  Howard,  Drake, 
Frobisher,  and  Hawkins,  were  slowly  following,  and — so  soon 
as  Lord  Henry,  arriving  from  the  opposite  shore,  had  made 

'  Sir.  W.  Winter  to  Walaingham,  -  Aug.,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
» Ibid. 


4S4  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

his  junction  with  them — the  whole  combined  fleet  dropped 
anchor  likewise  very  near  Calais,  and  within  one  mile  and  a 
half  of  the  Spaniards.  That  invincible  force  had  at  last  almost 
reached  its  destination.  It  was  now  to  receive  the  cooperation 
of  the  great  Farnese,  at  the  head  of  an  anny  of  veterans, 
disciplined  on  a  hundred  battle-fields,  confident  from  countless 
victories,  and  arrayed,  as  they  had  been  with  ostentatious 
splendour,  to  follow  the  most  brilliant  general  in  Christendom 
on  his  triumphal  march  into  the  capital  of  England.  The 
long-threatened  invasion  was  no  longer  an  idle  figment  of 
politicians,  maliciously  spread  abroad  to  poison  men's  minds 
as  to  the  intentions  of  a  long-enduring  but  magnanimous,  and 
on  the  whole  friendly  sovereign.  The  mask  had  been  at  last 
thrown  down,  and  the  mild  accents  of  Philip's  diplomatists 
and  their  English  dupes,  interchanging  protocols  so  decorously 
month  after  month  on  the  sands  of  Bourbourg,  had  been 
drowned  by  the  peremptory  voice  of  English  and  Spanish 
artillery,  suddenly  breaking  in  upon  their  placid  conferences. 
It  had  now  become  supererogatory  to  ask  for  Alexander's 
word  of  honour  whether  he  had  ever  heard  of  Cardinal  Allan's 
pamphlet,  or  whether  his  master  contemplated  hostilities 
against  Queen  Elizabeth. 

Never,  since  England  was  England,  had  such  a  sight  been 
seen  as  now  revealed  itself  in  those  narrow  straits  between 
Dover  and  Calais.  Along  that  long,  low,  sandy  shore,  and  quite 
within  the  range  of  the  Calais  fortifications,  one  hundred  and 
thirty  Spanish  ships — the  greater  number  of  them  the  largest 
and  most  heavily  armed  in  the  world — lay  face  to  face,  and 
scarcely  out  of  cannon-shot,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  English 
sloops  and  frigates,  the  strongest  and  swiftest  that  the  island 
could  furnish,  and  commanded  by  men  whose  exploits  had 
runsc  through  the  world. 

Farther  along  the  coast,  invisible,  but  known  to  be  per- 
forming a  most  perilous  and  vital  service,  was  a  squadron  of 
Dutch  vessels  of  all  sizes,  lining  both  the  inner  and  outer 
edges  of  the  sandbanks  ofi"  the  Flemish  coasts,  and  swarming 
in  all  the  estuaries  and  inlets  of  that  intricate  and  dangerous. 


1589.  A  NIGHT   OF   ANXIETY.  485 

cruising-ground  between  Dunkerk  and  Walcheren.  Those 
fleets  of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  numbering  some  one  hundred 
and  fifty  galleons,  sloops,  and  fly-boats,  under  Warmond, 
Nassau,  Van  der  Does,  de  Moor,  and  Rosendael,  lay  patiently 
blockading  every  possible  egress  from  Newport,  or  Gravelines, 
or  Sluys,  or  Flushing,  or  Dunkerk,  and  longing  to  grapple 
with  the  Duke  of  Parma,'  so  soon  as  his  fleet  of  gunboats  and 
hoys,  packed  with  his  Spanish  and  Italian  veterans,  should 
venture  to  set  forth  upon  the  sea  for  their  long-prepared 
exploit. 

It  was  a  pompous  spectacle,  that  midsummer  night,  upon 
those  narrow  seas.  The  moon,  which  was  at  the  full,  was 
rising  calmly  upon  a  scene  of  anxious  expectation.  Would 
she  not  be  looking,  by  the  morrow's  night,  upon  a  subjugated 
England,  a  re-enslaved  Holland — upon  the  downfall  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty  ?  Those  ships  of  Spain,  which  lay  there 
with  their  banners  waving  in  the  moonlight,  discharging 
salvoes  of  anticipated  triumph  and  filling  the  air  with  strains 
of  insolent  music,  would  they  not,  by  daybreak,  be  moving 
straight  to  their  purpose,  bearing  the  conquerors  of  the  world 
to  the  scene  of  their  cherished  hopes  ? 

That  English  fleet,  too,  which  rode  there  at  anchor,  so 
anxiously  on  the  watch — would  that  swarm  of  nimble,  lightly- 
handled,  but  slender  vessels,  which  had  held  their  own  hitherto 
in  hurried  and  desultory  skirmishes— be  able  to  cope  with 
their  great  antagonist  now  that  the  moment  had  arrived  for 
the  death  grapple  ?  Would  not  Howard,  Drake,  Frobisher, 
Seymour,  Winter,  and  Hawkins,  be  swept  out  of  the  straits  at 
last,  yielding  an  open  passage  to  Medina,  Oquendo,  Recalde, 
and  Farnese  7  Would  those  Hollanders  and  Zeelanders, 
cruising  so  vigilantly  among  their  treacherous  shallows,  dare 
to  maintain  their  post,  now  that  the  terrible  '  Holofernese,' 
with  his  invincible  legions,  was  resolved  to  come  forth  .^ 

So  soon  as  he  had  cast  anchor,  Howard  despatched  a  pin- 
nace to  the  Vanguard^  with  a  message  to  Wint«5r  to  come  on 

'  Bor,  III.  321.  seq.     Meteren,  xv.  272,  273. 


486 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIX 


board  the  flag-ship.'  When  Sir  William  reached  the  Ark,  it 
was  already  nine  in  the  evening.  He  was  anxiously  consulted 
by  the  Lord-Admiral  as  to  the  course  now  to  be  taken. 
Hitherto  the  English  had  been  teasing  and  perplexing  an 
enemy,  on  the  retreat,  as  it  were,  by  the  nature  of  his  instruc- 
tions. Although  anxious  to  give  battle,  the  Spaniard  was 
forbidden  to  descend  upon  the  coast  until  after  his  junction 
with  Parma.  So  the  English  had  played  a  comparatively  easy 
game,  hanging  upon  their  enemy's  skirts,  maltreating  him  as 
they  doubled  about  him,  cannonading  him  from  a  distance, 
and  slipping  out  of  his  reach  at  their  pleasure.  But  he  was 
now  to  be  met  face  to  face,  and  the  fate  of  the  two  free  com- 
monwealths of  the  world  was  upon  the  issue  of  the  struggle, 
which  could  no  longer  be  deferred. 

Winter,  standing  side  by  side  with  the  Lord- Admiral  on 
the  deck  of  the  little  Ark-lioyal,  gazed  for  the  first  time  on 
those  enormous  galleons  and  galleys  with  which  his  companion 
was  already  sufficiently  familiar. 

"  Considering  their  hugeness,"  said  he,  "  'twill  not  be  pos- 
sible to  remove  them  but  by  a  device."  ^ 

Then  remembering,  in  a  lucky  moment,  something  that  he 
had  heard  four  years  before  of  the  fire  ships  sent  by  the  Ant- 
werpers  against  Parma's  bridge — the  inventor  of  which,  the 
Italian  Gianibelli,  was  at  that  very  moment  constructing  forti- 
fications on  the  Thames ''  to  assist  the  English  against  his  old 
enemy  Farnese — Winter  suggested  that  some  stratagem  of 
the  same  kind  should  be  attempted  against  the  Invincible 
Armada.*  There  was  no  time  nor  opportunity  to  prepare  such 
submarine  volcanoes  as  had  been  employed  on  that  memorable 
occasion  ;  but  burning  ships  at  least  might  be  sent  among 
the  fleet.  Some  damage  would  doubtless  be  thus  inflicted  by 
the  fire,  and  perhaps  a  panic,  suggested  by  the  memories  of  Ant- 
werp and  by  the  knowledge  that  the  famous  Mantuan  wizard 


*  Winter      to     'Walsingham,       MS. 
already  cited. 

Mbid 

*  Meteren,  xv.  272. 


4  Thus  distinctly  stated   by  Sir  "Wm. 
Winter,    in    his     admirable    letter    o( 
1 
—  Aug.    (MS.  already  cited.) 


i588. 


PROJECT   OF   HOWARD   AND   WINTER. 


487 


was  then  a  resident  of  England,  would  be  still  more  effective. 
In  Winter's  opinion,  the  Armada  might  at  least  he  compelled 
to  slip  its  cables,  and  he  thrown  into  some  confusion  if  the 
project  were  fairly  carried  out. 

Howard  approved  of  the  device,  and  determined  to  hold, 
next  morning,  a  council  of  war  for  arranging  the  details  of  its 
execution.' 

While  the  two  sat  in  the  cabin,  conversing  thus  earnestly, 
there  had  well  nigh  been  a  serious  misfortune.  The  ship. 
White  Bear,  of  1000  tons  burthen,  and  three  others  of  the 
English  fleet,  all  tangled  together,  came  drifting  with  the 
tide  against  the  Ark.  There  were  many  yards  carried  away, 
much  tackle  spoiled,  and  for  a  time  there  was  great  danger, 
in  the  opinion  of  Winter,  that  some  of  the  very  best  ships  in 
the  fleet  would  be  crippled  and  quite  destroyed  on  the  eve 
of  a  general  engagement.  By  alacrity  and  good  handling, 
however,  the  ships  were  separated,  and  the  ill-consequences 
of  an  accident — such  as  had  already  proved  fatal  to  several 
Spanish  vessels — were  fortunately  averted.^ 

Next  day,  Sunday,  7th  August,  the  two  great  fleets  were 
still  lying  but  a  mile  and  a  half  apart,  calmly  gazing  at  each 
other,  and  rising  and  falling  at  their  anchors  as  idly  gun.,  7  Aug. 
as  if  some  vast  summer  regatta  were  the  only  pur-  ^^^^• 
pose  of  that  great  assemblage  of  shipping.  Nothing  as  yet 
was  heard  of  Farnese.  Thus  far,  at  least,  the  Hollanders  had 
held  him  at  bay,  and  there  was  still  breathing- time  before 
the  catastrophe.  So  Howard  hung  out  his  signal  for  council 
early  in  the  morning,  and  very  soon  after  Drake  and  Hawkins, 
Seymour,  Winter,  and  the  rest,  were  gravely  consulting  in  his 
cabin.'* 


'  Winter's  Letter,  MS. 

It  has  been  stated  by  many  writers 
— Camden,  III.  415,  Meteren,  xv.  273, 
and  others — that  this  project  of  the 
fire-ships  was  directly  commanded  by 
the  Queen.  Others  attribute  the  de- 
vice to  the  Lord  Admiral  (Bor,  III. 
324),  or  to  Drake  (Strada,  ix.  559). 
while  Colonia  (1.  7)  prefers  to  rejjard 
tlie    whole   matter   as   quite  a  trifling 


accident,  "harto  pequeno  accidente;" 
but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  merit 
of  the  original  suggestion  belongs  ex- 
clusively to  Winter.  To  give  the 
glory  of  the  achievement  to  her  Ma- 
jesty, who  knew  nothing  of  it  what- 
ever, was  a  most  gratuitous  exhibition 
of  loyalty. 

'  Winter's  Letter,  MS. 

»  Ibid. 


488  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX 

It  was  decided  that  Winter's  suggestion  should  be  acted 
upon,  and  Sir  Henry  Palmer  was  immediately  despatched  iu 
a  pinnace  to  Dover,  to  bring  off  a  number  of  old  vessels  fit 
to  be  fired,  together  with  a  supply  of  light  wood,  tar,  rosin, 
sulphur,  and  other  combustibles,  most  adapted  to  the  purpose.^ 
But  as  time  wore  away,  it  became  obviously  impossible  for 
Palmer  to  return  that  night,  and  it  was  determined  to  make 
the  most  of  what  could  be  collected  in  the  fleet  itself.-  Other- 
wise it  was  to  be  feared  that  the  opportunity  might  be  for 
ever  lost.  Parma,  crushing  all  opposition,  might  suddenly 
appear  at  any  moment  upon  the  channel ;  and  the  whole 
Spanish  Armada,  placing  itself  between  him  and  his  enemies, 
would  engage  the  English  and  Dutch  fleets,  and  cover  his 
passage  to  Dover.  It  would  then  be  too  late  to  think  of  the 
burning  shijjs. 

On  the  other  hand,  upon  the  decks  of  the  Armada,  there 
was  an  impatience  that  night  which  increased  every  hour. 
The  governor  of  Calais,  M.  de  Gourdon,  had  sent  his  nephew 
on  board  the  flag-ship  of  Medina  Sidonia,  with  courteous 
salutations,  j^rofessions  of  friendship,  and  bountiful  refresh- 
ments. There  was  no  fear — now  that  Mucio  was  for  the  time 
in  the  ascendency — that  the  schemes  of  Philip  would  be  inter- 
fered with  by  France.  The  governor,  had,  however,  sent 
serious  warning  of  the  dangerous  position  in  which  the 
Armada  had  placed  itself.  He  was  quite  right.  Calais  roads 
were  no  safe  anchorage  for  huge  vessels  like  those  of  Spain  and 
Portugal ;  for  the  tides  and  cross-currents  to  which  they  were 
exposed  were  most  treacherous.^  It  was  calm  enough  at  the 
moment,  but  a  westerly  gale  might,  in  a  few  hours,  drive  the 
whole  fleet  hopelessly  among  the  sand-banks  of  the  dangerous 
Flemish  coast.  Moreover,  the  Duke,  although  tolerably  well 
furnished  with  charts  and  pilots  for  the  English  coast,  was 
comparatively  unprovided  against  the  dangers  which  might 
beset  him  off  Dunkerk,  Newport,  and  Flushing.  He  had  sent 
messengers,  day  after  day,  to  Farnese,  begging  for  assistance 

'  "Winter's  Letter,  MS  »  Ibid.  *  Herrera,  III.  iiL  108. 


i588.  IMPATIENCE   OF  THE   SPANIARDS.  489 

of  various  kinds,  but,  above  all,  imploring  his  instant  presence 
on  the  field  of  action/  It  was  the  time  and  place  for  Alexander 
to  assume  the  chief  command.  The  Armada  was  ready  to 
make  front  against  the  English  fleet  on  the  left,  while  on  the 
right,  the  Duke,  thus  protected,  might  proceed  across  the 
channel  and  take  possession  of  England. 

And  the  impatience  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  on  board  the 
fleet  was  equal  to  that  of  their  commanders.  There  was 
London  almost  before  their  eyes — a  huge  mass  of  treasure, 
richer  and  more  accessible  than  those  mines  beyond  the 
Atlantic  which  had  so  often  rewarded  Spanish  chivalry  with 
fabulous  wealth.  And  there  were  men  in  those  galleons  who 
remembered  the  sack  of  Antwerp,  eleven  years  before — men 
who  could  tell,  from  personal  experience,  how  helpless  was  a 
great  commercial  city,  when  once  in  the  clutch  of  disciplined 
brigands — men  who,  in  that  dread  'fury  of  Antwerp,'  had 
enriched  themselves  in  an  hour  with  the  accumulations  of  a 
merchant's  life-time,  and  who  had  slain  fathers  and  mothers, 
sons  and  daughters,  brides  and  bridegrooms,  before  each 
others'  eyes,  until  the  number  of  inhabitants  butchered  in 
the  blazing  streets  rose  to  many  thousands  ;  and  the  plunder 
from  palaces  and  warehouses  was  counted  by  millions,  before 
the  sun  had  set  on  the  '  great  fury.'  Those  Spaniards,  and 
Italians,  and  Walloons,  were  now  thirsting  for  more  gold,  for 
more  blood  ;  and  as  the  capital  of  England  was  even  more 
wealthy  and  far  more  defenceless  than  the  commercial  metro- 
polis of  the  Netherlands  had  been,  so  it  was  resolved  that  the 
London  '  fury '  should  be  more  thorough  and  more  productive 
than  the  'fury'  of  Antwerp,  at  the  memory  of  which  the 
world  still  shuddered.  And  these  professional  soldiers  had 
been  taught  to  consider  the  English  as  a  pacific,  delicate, 
effeminate  race,  dependent  on  good  living,  without  experience 
of  war,  quickly  fatigued  and  discouraged,^  and  even  more 
easily  to  be  plundered  and  butchered  than  were  the  excellent 
burghers  of  Antwerp. 


'  Medina  Sidonia  to  Parma,  2  Aug. 
1588,  4  Aug.  1588,  5  Aug.  1588. 
Parma  to  Pliilip  II.,  7  Aug.  1588, 
e   Aug.    1588.      (Arch,   do   Simancas, 


MSS.) 

^  Examination    of    Don     Diego    dj 
Pimentel,  in  Bor,  III.  325,  326. 


490  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chak  XIX 

j^.rid  so  these  southern  conquerors  looked  down  from  their 
great  galleons  and  galeasses  upon  the  English  vessels.  More 
than  three  quarters  of  them  were  merchantmen.  There 
was  no  comparison  whatever  between  the  relative  strength 
of  the  fleets.  In  number  they  were  about  equal  —  being 
each  from  one  hundred  and  thirty  to  one  hundred  and 
fifty  strong — but  the  Spaniards  had  twice  the  tonnage  of  the 
English,  four  times  the  artillery,  and  nearly  three  times  the 
number  of  men. 

Where  was  Farnese  ?  Most  impatiently  the  Golden  Duke 
paced  the  deck  of  the  Saint  Martin.  Most  eagerly  were 
thousands  of  eyes  strained  towards  the  eastern  horizon  to 
catch  the  first  glimpse  of  Parma's  flotilla.  But  the  day  wore 
on  to  its  close,  and  still  the  same  inexplicable  and  mysterious 
silence  prevailed.  There  was  utter  solitude  on  the  waters  in 
the  direction  of  G-ravelines  and  Dunkerk — not  a  sail  upon 
the  sea  in  the  quarter  where  bustle  and  activity  had  been 
most  expected.  The  mystery  was  profound,  for  it  had  never 
entered  the  head  of  any  man  in  the  Armada  that  Alexander 
could  not  come  out  when  he  chose.' 

And  now  to  impatience  succeeded  suspicion  and  indigna- 
tion ;  and  there  were  curses  upon  sluggishness  and  upon 
treachery.  For  in  the  horrible  atmosphere  of  duplicity,  in 
which  all  Spaniards  and  Italians  of  that  epoch  lived,  every 
man  suspected  his  brother,  and  already  Medina  Sidonia  sus- 
pected Farnese  of  playing  him  false.  There  were  whispers 
of  collusion  between  the  Duke  and  the  English  commissioners 
at  Bourbourg.  There  were  hints  that  Alexander  was  playing 
his  own  game,  that  he  meant  to  divide  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Netherlands  with  the  heretic  Elizabeth,  to  desert  his  great 
trust,  and  to  effect,  if  possible,  the  destruction  of  his  master's 
Armada,  and  the  downfall  of  his  master's  sovereignty  in  the 
north.  Men  told  each  other,  too,  of  a  vague  rumour,  concern- 
ing which  Alexander  might  have  received  information,  and  in 
which  many  believed,  that  Medina  Sidonia  was  the  bearer  of 
secret  orders  to  throw  Farnese  into  bondage,  so  soon  as  he 

'  Examination,  &c.,  last  cited. 


1588.  FIRE-SHIPS  SENT  AGAINST  THE  ARMADA.  491 

should  appear,  to  send  him  a  disgraced  captive  back  to  Spain 
for  punishment,  and  to  place  the  baton  of  command  in  the 
hand  of  the  Duke  of  Pastrana,  Philip's  bastard  by  the  Eboli.^ 
Thus,  in  the  absence  of  Alexander,  all  was  suspense  and 
suspicion.  It  seerhed  possible  that  disaster  instead  of  triumph 
was  in  store  for  them  through  the  treachery  of  the  commander- 
in-chief  Four  and  twenty  hours  and  more,  they  had  been 
lying  in  that  dangerous  roadstead,  and  although  the  weather 
had  been  calm  and  the  sea  tranquil,  there  seemed  something 
brooding  in  the  atmosphere. 

As  the  twilight  deepened,  the  moon  became  totally  obscured, 
dark  cloud-masses  spread  over  the  heavens,  the  sea  grew 
black,  distant  thunder  rolled,  and  the  sob  of  an  approaching 
tempest  became  distinctly  audible.^  Such  indications  of  a 
Avesterly  gale  were  not  encouraging  to  those  cumbrous  vessels, 
with  the  treacherous  quicksands  of  Flanders  under  their  lee. 

At  an  hour  past  midnight,  it  was  so  dark  that  it  was  difficult 
for  the  most  practiced  eye  to  pierce  far  into  the  gloom.  But  a 
faint  drip  of  oars  now  struck  the  ears  of  the  Spaniards  as 
they  watched  from  the  decks.  A  few  moments  afterwards 
the  sea  became  suddenly  luminous,  and  six  flaming  vessels 
appeared  at  a  slight  distance,  bearing  steadily  down  upon 
them  before  the  wind  and  tide.^ 

There  were  men  in  the  Armada  who  had  been  at  the  siege 
of  Antwerp  only  three  years  before.  They  remembered  with 
horror  the  devil-ships  of  Gianibelli,  those  floating  volcanoes, 
which  had  seemed  to  rend  earth  and  ocean,  whose  explosion 
had  laid  so  many  thousands  of  soldiers  dead  at  a  blow,  and 
which  had  shattered  the  bridge  and  floating  forts  of  Farnese, 
as  though  they  had  been  toys  of  glass.  They  knew,  too,  that 
the  famous  engineer  was  at  that  moment  in  England. 

In  a  moment  one  of  those  horrible  panics,  which  spread 
with  such  contagious  rapidity  among  large  bodies  of  men, 
seized  upon  the  Spaniards.     There  was  a  yell  throughout  the 

•  Strada,  II.  x.  567,  5G8.  I  Meteren,  xv.  273.     Bor,  III.  324,  .seq. 

'  Strada,  II.  x.  560.  Strada,    11.    x.    560,    561.      Caraden, 

'  Winter's      Letter,      MS.  already   j  III.  415. 

cited.     Compare  Herrera,  HI,  ui,  108,   i 


492 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIX 


fleet — "  the  fire-ships  of  Antwerp,  the  fire-ships  of  Antwerp  \" 
and  in  an  instant  every  cable  was  cut,  and  frantic  attempts 
were  made  by  each  galleon  and  galeasse  to  escape  what 
seemed  imminent  destruction.  The  confusion  was  beyond 
description.  Four  or  five  of  the  largest  ships  became  en- 
tangled with  each  other.  Two  others*  were  set  on  fire  by 
the  flaming  vessels,  and  were  consumed.  Medina  Sidonia, 
who  had  been  warned,  even  before  his  departure  from  Spain,^ 
that  some  such  artifice  would  probably  be  attempted,  and  who 
had  even,  early  that  morning,  sent  out  a  party  of  sailors  in  a 
pinnace^  to  search  for  indications  of  the  scheme,  was  not  sur- 
prised or  dismayed.  He  gave  orders — as  well  as  might  be — 
that  every  ship,  after  the  danger  should  be  passed,  was  to 
return  to  its  post,  and  await  his  further  orders.^  But  it  was 
useless,  in  that  moment  of  unreasonable  panic  to  issue  com- 
mands. The  despised  Mantuan,  who  had  met  with  so  many 
rebuffs  at  Philip's  court,  and  who — owing  to  ofiicial  incredulity 
■ — had  been  but  partially  successful  in  his  magnificent  enter- 
prise at  Antwerp,  had  now,  by  the  mere  terror  of  his  name, 
inflicted  more  damage  on  Philip's  Armada  than  had  hitherto 
been  accomplished  by  Howard  and  Drake,  Hawkins  and 
Frobisher,  combined. 

So  long  as  night  and  darkness   lasted,  the  confusion  and 

uproar  continued.    When  the  Monday  morning  dawned,  several 

,^     ,        of  the  Spanish  vessels  lav  disabled,  while  the  rest  of 

Monday,  ^  1 

Aug.  8.  the  fleet  was  seen  at  a  distance  of  two  leagues  from 
Calais,  driving  towards  the  Flemish  coast.  The 
threatened  gale  had  not  yet  begun  to  blow,  but  there  were 
fresh  squalls  from  the  W.S.W.,  which,  to  such  awkward 
sailers  as  the  Spanish  vessels,  were  difiicult  to  contend  with. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  English  fleet  were  all  astir,  and  ready 
to  pursue  the  Spaniards,  now  rapidly  drifting  into  the  North 


'  This  fact,  mentioned  by  no  his- 
torian, distinctly  appears  from  Winter's 
Letter,  so  often  cited.  ' '  We  per- 
ceived that  there  were  two  great  fires 
more  than  ours  (previously  stated  by 
him  as  six  in  number),  and  far  greater 
and  huger  than   any  our  fired  vessels 


could  make." 

'  "  Advertido  va  el  duque  del  in- 
tento  de  Drake  quanto  al  quemar  los 
navios."  Philip  IL  to  Mendoza,  21st 
June,  1588.  (Archives  de  Simancas 
[Paris],  MS.) 

=  Herrera,  III.  iii.  108.  *  Ibid, 


1588. 


A   GREAT   GALEASSE   DISABLED. 


493 


Sea.  In  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Calais,  the  flag- 
ship of  the  squadron  of  galeasses,  commanded,  by  Don  Hugo 
de  Moncada,  was  discovered  using  her  foresail  and  oars,  and 
endeavouring  to  enter  the  harbour.  She  had  been  damaged 
by  collision  with  the  St.  John  of  Sicily  and  other  ships,  during 
the  night's  panic,  and  had  her  rudder  quite  torn  away.^  She 
was  the  largest  and  most  splendid  vessel  in  the  Armada — the 
show-ship  of  the  fleet,  "  the  very  glory  and  stay  of  the 
Sj^anish  navy  ;"^  and  during  the  previous  two  days  she  had 
been  visited  and  admired  by  great  numbers  of  Frenchmen 
from  the  shore. 

Lord  Admiral  Howard  bore  down  upon  her  at  once,  but 
as  she  was  already  in  shallow  water,  and  was  rowing 
steadily  towards  the  town,  he  saw  that  the  Ark  could  not 
follow  with  safety.  So  he  sent  his  long-boat  to  cut  her 
out,  manned  with  fifty  or  sixty  volunteers,  most  of  them  "  as 
valiant  in  courage  as  gentle  in  birth  "  ^ — as  a  partaker  in  the 
adventure  declared.  The  Margaret  and  Joan  of  London,  also 
following  in  pursuit,  ran  herself  a-ground,  but  the  master 
despatched  his  pinnace  with  a  body  of  musketeers,  to  aid  in 
the  capture  of  the  galeasse.^ 

That  huge  vessel  failed  to  enter  the  harbour,  and  stuck 
fast  upon  the  bar.  .  There  was  much  dismay  on  board,  but 
Don  Hugo  prepared  resolutely  to  defend  himself.  The  quays 
of  Calais  and  the  line  of  the  French  shore  were  lined  with 
thousands  of  eager  spectators,  as  the  two  boats — rowing 
steadily  toward  a  galeasse,  which  carried  forty  brass  pieces 
of  artillery,  and  was  manned  with  three  hundred  soldiers  and 
four  hundred  and  fifty  slaves — seemed  rushing  upon  their 
own  destruction.  Of  these  daring  Englishmen,  patricians 
and  plebeians  together,  in  two  open  pinnaces,  there  were  not 
more  than  one  hundred  in  number,  all  told.  They  soon  laid 
themselves  close  to  the  Capitana,  far  below  her  lofty  sides, 
and  called   on  Don  Hugo  to  surrender.     The  answer  was  a 


'   'Declaration    of   the    Proceedings 
of  the  two  Fleets,'  MS.  already  cited. 


'  R.  Tomson   to 
(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


20  July 

, 1588. 

9  Aug. 

=>  Ibid.         *  Ibid 


494  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

smile  of  derision  from  the  haughty  Spaniard,  as  he  looked 
down  upon  them  from  what  seemed  an  inaccessible  height. 
Then  one  Wilton,  coxswain  of  the  Delight,  of  Winter's 
squadron,  clambered  up  to  the  enemy's  deck  and  fell  dead 
the  same  instant.*  Then  the  English  volunteers  opened  a 
volley  upon  the  Spaniards.  "  They  seemed  safely  ensconced 
in  their  ships,"  said  bold  Dick  Tomson,  of  the  Margaret  and 
Joan,  "  while  we  in  our  open  pinnaces,  and  far  under  them, 
had  nothing  to  shroud  and  cover  us."  Moreover  the  numbers 
were  seven  hundred  and  fifty  to  one  hundred.  But  the 
Spaniards,  still  quite  disconcerted  by  the  events  of  the  pre- 
ceding night,  seemed  under  a  spell.  Otherwise  it  would  have 
been  an  easy  matter  for  the  great  galeasse  to  annihilate  such 
puny  antagonists  in  a  very  short  space  of  time.^ 

The  English  pelted  the  Spaniards  quite  cheerfully,  how- 
ever, with  arquebus-shot,  whenever  they  showed  themselves 
above  the  bulwarks,  picked  off  a  considerable  number,  and 
sustained  a  rather  severe  loss  themselves.  Lieutenant  Preston, 
of  the  Ark-Royal,  among  others,  being  dangerously  wounded. 
*'  We  had  a  pretty  skirmish  for  half-an-hour,"  said  Tomson. 
At  last  Don  Hugo  de  Moncada,  furious  at  the  inefficiency  of 
his  men,  and  leading  them  forward  in  person,  fell  back  on  his 
deck  with  a  bullet  through  both  eyes.^  The  panic  was  in- 
stantaneous, for,  meantime,  several  other  English  boats — 
some  with  eight,  ten,  or  twelve  men  on  board — were  seen 
pulling  towards  the  galeasse ;  while  the  dismayed  soldiers 
at  once  leaped  overboard  on  the  land  side,  and  attempted 
to  escape  by  swimming  and  wading  to  the  shore.  Some  of 
them  succeeded,  but  the  greater  number  were  drowned.  The 
few  who  remained — not  more  than  twenty  in  all^ — hoisted 
two  handkerchiefs  upon  two  rapiers  as  a  signal  of  truce.^ 
The  English,  accepting  it  as  a  signal  of  defeat,   scrambled 


'  Winter   to   "Walsingham,   MS.   be- 
fore cited. 

Tomson's    Letter,    MS.      Compare 


III  415.     Strada,  II.  ix.  561.    Coloma, 
1.  7,  8.  •  Ibid. 

Coloma,  ubi  sup. 


Herrera,   III.  iii.    108.     Bor,  III.   324,  '  Tomson's      Letter,      MS.      before 

326.      Meteren,    xv.    273.      Camden,  '  cited. 


1588.  ATTACKED  AND  CAPTURED  BY  ENGLISH  BOATS.  495 

with  great  difficulty  up  the  lofty  sides  of  the  Capitana,  and, 
for  an  hour  and  a  half,  occupied  themselves  most  agreeably 
in  plundering  the  ship  and  in  liberating  the  slaves.^ 

It  was  their  intention,  with  the  flood-tide,  to  get  the  vessel 
off,  as  she  was  but  slightly  damaged,  and  of  very  great  value. 
But  a  serious  obstacle  arose  to  this  arrangement.  For  pre- 
sently a  boat  came  along-side,  with  young  M.  de  Gourdon 
and  another  French  captain,  and  hailed  the  galeasse.  There 
was  nobody  on  board  who  could  speak  French  but  Richard 
Tomson.  So  Richard  returned  the  hail,  and  asked  their 
business.^     They  said  they  came  from  the  governor. 

"  And  what  is  the  governor's  pleasure  ?"  asked  Tomson, 
when  they  had  come  up  the  side. 

"  The  governor  has  stood  and  beheld  your  fight,  and  re- 
joiced in  your  victory,"  was  the  reply  ;  "  and  he  says  that  for 
your  prowess  and  manhood  you  well  deserve  the  pillage  of 
the  galeasse.  He  requires  and  commands  you,  however,  not 
to  attempt  carrying  off  either  the  ship  or  its  ordnance  ;  for 
she  lies  a-ground  under  the  battery  of  his  castle,  and  within 
his  jurisdiction,  and  does  of  right  appertain  to  him." 

This  seemed  hard  upon  the  hundred  volunteers,  who,  in 
their  two  open  boats,  had  so  manfully  carried  a  shijj  of  1200 
tons,  40  guns,  and  750  men  ;  but  Richard  answered  diplo- 
matically. 

"  We  thank  M.  de  Grourdon,"  said  he,  "  for  granting  the 
pillage  to  mariners  and  soldiers  who  had  fought  for  it,  and 
we  acknowledge  that  without  his  good-will  we  cannot  carry 
away  anything  we  have  got,  for  the  ship  lies  on  ground 
directly  under  his  batteries  and  bulwarks.  Concerning  the 
ship  and  ordnance,  we  pray  that  he  would  send  a  pinnace  to 
my  Lord  Admiral  Howard,  who  is  here  in  person  hard  by, 
from  whom  he  will  have  an  honourable  and  friendly  answer, 
which  we  shall  all  obey." 

With  this  the  French  officers,  being  apparently  con- 
tent, were  about  to  depart ;    and  it  is  not  impossible  that 

'  Bor,  III.  325.  "  Tomson's  Letter,  MS.  before  cited 


496 


THE    UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIX. 


the  soft  answer  might  have  obtained  the  galeasse  and  the 
ordnance,  notwithstanding  the  arrangement  which  Philip  II. 
had  made  with  his  excellent  friend  Henry  III.  for  aid  and 
comfort  to  Spanish  vessels  in  French  ports.  Unluckily,  how- 
ever, the  inclination  for  plunder  being  rife  that  morning, 
some  of  the  Englishmen  hustled  their  French  visitors,  plun- 
dered them  of  their  rings  and  jewels,  as  if  they  had  been 
enemies,  and  then  permitted  them  to  depart.  They  rowed 
off  to  the  shore,  vowing  vengeance,  and  within  a  few  minutes 
after  their  return  the  battery  of  the  fort  was  opened  upon  the 
English,  and  they  were  compelled  to  make  their  escape  as 
they  could  with  the  plunder  already  secured,  leaving  the 
galeasse  in  the  possession  of  M.  de  Gourdon.^ 

This  adventure  being  terminated,  and  the  pinnaces  having 
returned  to  the  fleet,  the  Lord- Admiral,  who  had  been  lying 
off  and  on,-  now  bore  away  with  all  his*  force  in  pursuit  of  the 
Spaniards,  The  Invincible  Armada,  already  sorely  crippled, 
was  standing  n.n.e.  directly  before  a  fresh  topsail-breeze  from 
the  s.s.w.  The  English  came  up  with  them  soon  after  nine 
o'clock  A.M.  off  Gravelines,  and  found  them  sailing  in  a  half- 
moon,  the  admiral  and  vice-admiral  in  the  centre,  and  the 
flanks  protected  by  the  three  remaining  galeasses  and  by  the 
great  galleons  of  Portugal.' 

Seeing  the  enemy  approaching,  Medina  Sidonia  ordered 
his  whole  fleet  to  luff  to  the  wind,  and  prepare  for  action.^ 
The  wind  shifting  a  few  points,  was  now  at  w.n.w,,  so  that  the 
English  had  both  the  weather-gage  and  the  tide  in  their 
favour.  A  general  combat  began  at  about  ten,  and  it  was  soon 
obvious  to  the  Spaniards  that  their  adversaries  were  intending 
warm  work.  Sir  Francis  Drake  in  the  Revenge,  followed  by 
Frcbisher  in  the  Triumph,  Hawkins  in  the  Victory,  and  some 
smaller  vessels,  made  the  first  attack  upon  the  Spanish  flag- 
ships. Lord  Henry  in  the  Rainhotu,  Sir  Henry  Palmer  in  the 
Antelope,   and    others,    engaged    with   three   of    the   largest 


'  Tomson's  Letter,  MS.  before  cited. 
Compare  Herrera,  Bor,  Meteren,  Cam- 
den, Strada,  Coloma,  ubi  sup. 


'  Winter's  Letter,  MS.  before  cited 

» Ibid. 

*  Herrera,  III  iii.  110. 


1588.  GENERAL  ENGAGEMENT  OF  BOTH  FLEETS.  497 

galleons  of  the  Armada,  while  Sir  William  Winter  in  the 
Vanguard,  supported  by  most  of  his  squadron,  charged  the 
starboard  wing.* 

The  portion  of  the  fleet  thus  assaulted  fell  back  into  the 
main  body.  Four  of  the  ships  ran  foul  of  each  other,'  and 
Winter,  driving  into  their  centre,  found  himself  within 
musket-shot  of  many  of  their  most  formidable  ships. 

"  I  tell  you,  on  the  credit  of  a  poor  gentleman,"  he  said, 
"that  there  were  five  hundred  discharges  of  demi-cannon, 
culverin,  and  demi-culverin,  from  the  Vanguard  ;  and  when 
I  was  farthest  off  in  firing  my  pieces,  I  was  not  out  of  shot 
of  their  harquebus,  and  most  time  within  speech,  one  of 
another."  ^ 

The  battle  lasted  six  hours  long,  hot  and  furious  ;  for  now 
there  was  no  excuse  for  retreat  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Captain- 
General  to  return  to  his  station  off  Calais,  if  it  were  within 
his  power.  Nevertheless  the  English  still  partially  main- 
tained the  tactics  which  had  proved  so  successful,  and  reso- 
lutely refused  the  fierce  attempts  of  the  Spaniards  to  lay 
themselves  along-side.  Keeping  within  musket-range,  the 
well-disciplined  English  mariners  poured  broadside  after 
broadside  against  the  towering  ships  of  the  Armada,  which 
afforded  so  easy  a  mark  ;  while  the  Spaniards,  on  their  part, 
found  it  impossible,  while  wasting  incredible  quantities  of 
powder  and  shot,  to  inflict  any  severe  damage  on  their  ene- 
mies. Throughout  the  action,  not  an  English  ship  was 
destroyed,  and  not  a  hundred  men  were  killed.^  On  the 
other  hand,  all  the  best  ships  of  the  Spaniards  were  riddled 
through  and  through,  and  with  masts  and  yards  shattered, 
sails  and  rigging  torn  to  shreds,  and  a  north-west  wind  still 
drifting  them  towards  the  fatal  sand-banks  of  Holland,  they 
laboured  heavily  in  a  chopping  sea,  firing  wildly,  and  re- 
ceiving  tremendous   punishment   at   the  hands   of  Howard, 


'  Herrera,  last  cited.  "Winter's 
Letter,  MS.  Lord  H.  Seymour  to  the 
Queen,  in  Barrow,  305. 

VOL.  II. — 2  K 


*  Winter's  Letter,  MS. 

*  Ibid. 

*  Herrera,  IIL  iiL  110. 


498  THE  UNITEID  NETHBRLANDS.  Cbap.  XIX: 

Drake,  Seymour,  Winter,  and  their  followers.  Not  even 
master-gunner  Thomas  could  complain  that  day  of  "blind 
exercise"  on  the  part  of  the  English,  with  "  little  harm  done" 
to  the  enemy.  There  was  scarcely  a  ship  in  the  Armada  that 
did  not  suffer  severely  ;^  for  nearly  all  were  engaged  in  that 
memorable  action  off  the  sands  of  Gravelines.  The  Captain- 
General  himself.  Admiral  Recalde,  Alonzo  de  Leyva,  Oquendo, 
Diego  Flores  de  Valdez,  Bertendona,  Don  Francisco  de 
Toledo,  Don  Diego  de  Pimentel,  Telles  Enriquez,  Alonz") 
d3  Luzon,  Garibay,  with  most  of  the  great  galleons  and 
galeasses,  were  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  and  one  after 
the  other  each  of  those  huge  ships  was  disabled.  Three  sank 
before  the  fight  was  over,  many  others  were  soon  drifting 
helpless  wrecks  towards  a  hostile  shore,  and,  before  five 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  at  least  sixteen  of  their  best  ships 
had  been  sacrificed,  and  from  four  to  five  thousand  soldiers 
killed.2 

Nearly  all  the  largest  vessels  of  the  Armada,  therefore, 
having  been  disabled  or  damaged — according  to  a  Spanish 
eye-witness — and  all  their  small  shot  exhausted,  Medina 
Sidonia  reluctantly  gave  orders  to  retreat.  The  Captain- 
General  was  a  bad  sailor,  but  he  was  a  chivalrous  Spaniard  of 
ancient  Gothic  blood,  and  he  felt  deep  mortification  at  the 
plight  of  his  invincible  fleet,  together  with  undisguised  resent- 
ment against  Alexander  Farnese,  through  whose  treachery 
and  incapacity  he  considered  the  great  Catholic  cause  to 
have  been  so  foully  sacrificed.  Crippled,  maltreated,  and 
diminished  in  number,  as  were  his  ships,  he  would  have  still 
faced  the  enemy,  but  the  winds  and  currents  were  fast  driving 
him  on  a  lee- shore,  and  the  pilots,  one  and  all,  assured  him 


singham,  -  Aug.  1588.     (S.  V.  Office 
MS.) 

2  Bor,   III.   327.     Herrera,  ubi  sup. 
'  Declaration  of  the  Proceedings, '  MS. 


'  "God  hath  mightily  preserved 
her  Majesty's  forces  with  the  least 
losses  that  ever  hath  been  heard  of, 
being  within  the  compass  of  so  great 

volleys  of  shot,  both  small   and  great,    i   „         j  i.    -nr  i  •     i  ^     a         icoo 

I   verilv   believe    there   is    not    three-    |   toward  to  Walsmgham,  -  Aug.  1588. 

score     men.    lost     of     her     Maje^y's   j  ^   ^        iggg, 

forces."     Captam   J.   Fenner   to   Wal-  is 

in  Barrow,  306-310. 


1588.  LOSS  OF  SEVERAL  SPANISH  SHIPS.  499 

that  it  would  be  inevitable  destruction  to  remain.  After  a 
slight  and  very  ineffectual  attempt  to  rescue  Don  Diego  de  Pi- 
mentel  in  the  St.  Mattheiv — who  refused  to  leave  his  disabled 
ship — and  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo,  whose  great  galleon,  the 
St.  Philip,  Avas  fast  driving,  a  helpless  wreck,  towards  Zee- 
land,  the  Armada  bore  away  n.n.e.  into  the  open  sea,  leaving 
those,  who  could  not  follow,  to  their  fate.' 

The  St.  Mattheio,  in  a  sinking  condition,  hailed  a  Dutch 
fisherman,  who  was  offered  a  gold  chain  to  pilot  her  into 
Newport.  But  the  fisherman,  being  a  patriot,  steered  her 
close  to  the  Holland  fleet,  where  she  was  immediately  assaulted 
by  Admiral  Van  der  Does,  to  whom,  after  a  two  hours'  bloody 
fight,  she  struck  her  flag.-  Don  Diego,  marshal  of  the  camp 
to  the  famous  legion  of  Sicily,  brother  of  the  Marquis  of 
Tavera,  nephew  of  the  Viceroy  of  Sicily,  uncle  to  the  Viceroy 
of  Naples,  and  numbering  as  many  titles,  dignities,  and  high 
affinities  as  could  be  expected  of  a  grandee  of  the  first  class, 
was  taken,  with  his  officers,  to  the  Hague.^  "  I  was  the 
means,"  said  Captain  Borlase,  "  that  the  best  sort  were  saved, 
and  the  rest  were  cast  overboard  and  slain  at  our  entry.  He 
fought  with  us  two  hours,  and  hurt  divers  of  our  men,  but  at 
last  yielded." ' 

John  Van  der  Does,  his  captor,  presented  the  banner  of 
the  Saint  Mattheiv  to  the  great  church  of  Leyden,  where — 
such  was  its  prodigious  length — it  hung  from  floor  to  ceiling 
without  being  entirely  unrolled  ;^  and  there  it  hung,  from 
generation  to  generation,  a  worthy  companion  to  the  Spanish 
flags  which  had  been  left  behind  when  Valdez  abandoned  the 
siege  of  that  heroic  city  fifteen  years  before. 

The  galleon  St.  Philip,  one  of  the  four  largest  ships  in  the 
Armada,  dismasted  and  foundering,  drifted  towards  Newport, 
where  camp-marshal  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo  hoped  in 
vain  for  succour.  La  Motte  made  a  feeble  attempt  at  rescue, 
but  some  vessels  from  the  Holland  fleet,  being  much  more 


1  Herrera,  III.  iii.  109.  Meteren, 
XV.  27:5,  274.  Bor,  111.  :!25.  Camden, 
UI.  415,  416. 

«  Bor,  vi)i  sup.  '■>  Ibid. 

VOL.      I.  — 16» 


.3      . 

*  Borlase  to   "Walsingham,    —  Aug 

■>SS.     (S.  p.  Office  MS.) 
5  Bor,  Meteren,  ubi  sup. 


500  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

active,  seized  the  unfortunate  galleon,  and  carried  her  into 
Flushing,  The  captors  found  forty-eight  brass  cannon  and 
other  things  of  value  on  board,  but  there  were  some  casks  of 
Kibadavia  wine  which  was  more  fatal  to  her  enemies  than 
those  pieces  of  artillery  had  proved.  For  while  the  rebels 
were  refreshing  themselves,  after  the  fatigues  of  the  capture, 
with  large  draughts  of  that  famous  vintage,  the  St.  Philip^ 
which  had  been  bored  through  and  through  with  English  shot, 
and  had  been  rapidly  filling  with  water,  gave  a  sudden  lurch, 
and  went  down  in  a  moment,  carrying  with  her  to  the  bottom 
three  hundred  of  those  convivial  Hollanders.^ 

A  large  Biscay  galleon,  too,  of  Recalde's  squadron,  much 
disabled  in  action,  and  now,  like  many  others,  unable  to 
follow  the  Armada,  was  summoned  by  Captain  Cross,  of  the 
Hope,  48  guns,  to  surrender.  Although  foundering,  she  re- 
sisted, and  refused  to  strike  her  flag.  One  of  her  officers 
attempted  to  haul  down  her  colours,  and  was  run  through  the 
body  by  the  captain,  who,  in  his  turn,  was  struck  dead  by  a 
brother  of  the  officer  thus  slain.  In  the  midst  of  this  quarrel 
the  ship  went  down  with  all  her  crew.^ 

Six  hours  and  more,  from  ten  till  nearly  five,  the  fight  had 
lasted — a  most  cruel  battle,  as  the  Spaniard  declared.  There 
were  men  in  the  Armada  who  had  served  in  the  action  of 
Lepanto,^  and  who  declared  that  famous  encounter  to  have 
been  far  surpassed  in  severity  and  spirit  by  this  fight  ofi" 
Gravelines.  "  Surely  every  man  in  our  fleet  did  well,"  said 
Winter,  ''and  the  slaughter  the  enemy  received  was  great."* 


•  Coloma,  T.  8'^".  Compare  Me- 
teren,  Bor,  ubi  sup.  et  al. 

2  Meteren,  xv.  273^",  who  relates 
the  anecdote  on  tlie  authority  of  soma 
sailors  who  made  their  escape  by 
jumping  overboard,  and  who  were 
piclved  up  just  before  she  sank.  '  De- 
claration of  the  Proceedings,'  &c.  MS. 

8 

'  Howard    to    Walsingham,   -  Aug. 

1588.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  "Some 
make  little  account,"  says  the  Lord 
Admiral,  "  of  the  Spanish  forces  by 
sea,  but,  I  do  warrant  you,  all  the 
world  never  saw  such  a  force  as 
their's  was.     And   some  Spanish  there 


we  have  taken  that  were  in  the  fight 
of  Lepanto,  do  say,  that  the  worst  of 
our  four  fights  thai  we  have  had  with 
them  did  exceed  far  the  fight  they 
had  there ;  and  tliey  say  that  at  some 
of  our  figlits  we  had  twenty  times  as 
much  great  shot  there  played  than 
they  had  there." 

"  It  was  a  most  cruel  battle"  (cru- 
delissima  batalla)  says  Herrera,  from 
the  journal  of  a  Spaniard  present.  III. 
108. 

■•  "Winter's    Letter,     -      Aug.  1588. 
'     11 

MS.  before  cited. 


1588. 


ARMADA  FLIES  FOLLOWED  BY  THE  ENGLISH. 


501 


Nor  would  the  Spaniards  have  escaped  even  worse  punishment, 
had  not,  most  unfortunately,  the  penurious  policy  of  the 
Queen's  government  rendered  her  ships  useless  at  last,  even 
in  this  supreme  moment.  They  never  ceased  cannonading 
the  discomfited  enemy  until  the  ammunition  was  exhausted. 
"  When  the  cartridges  were  all  spent,"  said  Winter,  "  and  the 
munitions  in  some  vessels  gone  altogether,  we  ceased  fighting, 
but  followed  the  enemy,  who  still  kept  away."  ^  And  the 
enemy — although  still  numerous,  and  seeming  strong  enough, 
if  properly  handled,  to  destroy  the  whole  English  fleet — fled 
before  them.  There  remained  more  than  fifty  Spanish  vessels, 
above  six  hundred  tons  in  size,  besides  sixty  hulks  and  other 
vessels  of  less  account  ;  while  in  the  whole  English  navy  were 
but  thirteen  ships  of  or  above  that  burthen.  "  Their  force  is 
wonderful  great  and  strong,"  said  Howard,  "  but  we  pluck 
their  feathers  by  little  and  little."  ^ 

For  Medina  Sidonia  had  now  satisfied  himself  that  he  should 
never  succeed  in  boarding  those  hard-fighting  and  swift-sailing 
craft,  while,  meantime,  the  horrible  panic  of  Sunday  night 
and  the  succession  of  fights  throughout  the  following  day,  had 
completely  disorganized  his  followers.  Crippled,  riddled,  shorn, 
but  still  numerous,  and  by  no  means  entirely  vanquished,  the 
Armada  was  flying  with  a  gentle  breeze  before  an  enemy 
who,  to  save  his  existence,  could  not  have  fired  a  broadside. 

"  Though  our  powder  and  shot  was  well  nigh  spent,"  said 
the  Lord-Admiral,  "  we  put  on  a  brag  countenance  and  gave 
them  chase,  as  though  we  had  wanted  nothing."^  And  the 
brag  countenance  was  successful,  for  that  ''one  day's  ser- 
vice had  much  appalled  the  enemy,"  *  as  Drake  observed  ; 
and  still  the  Spaniards  fled  with  a  freshening  gale  all 
through  the  Monday  night.  "  A  thing  greatly  to  §  Aug., 
be  regarded,"  said  Fenner,  of  the  Nonpariel,  "is  i^^^- 
that  the  Almighty  had  stricken  them  with  a  wonderful  fear. 


'  Winter's  Letter,  MS.  last  cited. 

TT  -r^  29  July 

*  Howard     to    Walsingham, , 

°  '       8  Aug. 

1588.     (a  P.  Office  MS.) 


3  Same  to  same,    —  Aug.   1588,  in 

Barrow,  306,  307. 

*  Drake  to  Walsingham,  in  Barrow, 
301. 


502  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

I  liave  hardly  seen  any  of  their  companies  succoured  of  the 
extremities  which  befell  them  after  their  fights,  but  they 
have  been  left  at  utter  ruin,  while  they  bear  as  much  sail  as 
ever  they  possibly  can."  ' 

On  Tuesday  morning,  9th  August,  the  English  ships  were 
off  the  Isle  of  Walcheren,  at  a  safe  distance  from  the  shore 
Tues.,  Aug.  9,  "  The  wind  is  hanging  westerly,"  said  Richard  Tom- 
1588.  son,  of  the  Margaret  and  Joan,  "and  we  drive  our 
enemies  apace,  much  marvelling  in  what  port  they  will  direct 
themselves.  Those  that  are  left  alive  are  so  weak  and  heart- 
less that  they  could  be  well  content  to  lose  all  charges  and  to 
be  at  home,  both  rich  and  poor."  ^ 

"  In  my  conscience,"  said  Sir  William  Winter,  "  I  think 
the  Duke  would  give  his  dukedom  to  be  in  Spain  again."  ^ 

The  English  ships,  one  hundred  and  four  in  number,*  being 
that  morning  half-a-league  to  windward,  the  Duke  gave  orders 
for  the  whole  Armada  to  lay  to  and  await  their  approach. 
But  the  English  had  no  disposition  to  engage,  for  at  that 
moment  the  instantaneous  destruction  of  their  enemies  seemed 
inevitable.  Ill-managed,  panic-struck,  staggering  before 
their  foes,  the  Spanish  fleet  was  now  close  upon  the  fatal 
sands  of  Zeeland.  Already  there  were  but  six  and  a-half 
fathoms  of  water,  rapidly  shoaling  under  their  keels,  and  the 
pilots  told  Medina  that  all  were  irretrievably  lost,  for  the 
freshening  north-wester  was  driving  them  steadily  upon  the 
banks.  The  English,  easily  escaping  the  danger,  hauled 
their  wind,  and  paused  to  see  the  ruin  of  the  proud  Armada 
accomplished  before  their  eyes.  Nothing  but  a  change  of 
wind  at  the  instant  could  save  them  from  perdition.  There 
was  a  breathless  shudder  of  suspense,  and  then  there  came  the 
change.  Just  as  the  foremost  ships  were  about  to  ground  on 
the  Ooster  Zand,  the  wind  suddenly  veered  to  the  south-west, 
and  the  Spanish  ships  quickly  squaring  their  sails  to  the  new 
impulse^  stood  out  once  more  into  the  open  sea.^ 


>  Fenner    to   Walsingham,    -    Aug. 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Tomaon's  Letters,  MS.  before  cited. 


3  Winter's  Letter,  MS.  before  cited 

*  Herrera,  110. 

'■  Ibid.  Camden,  IIL  416. 


1588.  ENGLISH   INSUFFICIENTLY   PROVIDED.  503 

All  that  day  the  galleons  and  galeasses,  under  all  the  can- 
vas which  they  dared  to  spread,  continued  their  flight  before 
the  south-westerly  breeze,  and  still  the  Lord- Admiral,  main- 
taining the  brag  countenance,  followed,  at  an  easy  distance, 
the  retreating  foe.  At  4  p.  m.,  Howard  fired  a  signal  gun,  and 
ran  up  a  flag  of  council.  Winter  could  not  go,  for  he  had 
been  wounded  in  action,  but  Seymour  and  Drake,  Hawkins, 
Frobisher,  and  the  rest  were  present,  and  it  was  decided  that 
Lord  Henry  should  return,  accompanied  by  Winter  and  the 
rest  of  the  inner  squadron,  to  guard  the  Thames  mouth 
against  any  attempt  of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  while  the  Lord- 
Admiral  and  the  rest  of  the  navy  should  continue  the  pursuit 
of  the  Armada.^ 

Very  wroth  was  Lord  Henry  at  being  deprived  of  his  share 
in  the  chase.  "  The  Lord- Admiral  was  altogether  desirous 
to  have  me  strengthen  him,"  said  he,  "  and  having  done  so  to 
the  utmost  of  my  good-will  and  the  venture  of  my  life,  and 
to  the  distressing  of  the  Spaniards,  which  was  thoroughly  done 
on  the  Monday  last,  I  now  find  his  Lordship  jealous  and  loath 
to  take  part  of  the  honour  which  is  to  come.  So  he  has  used 
his  authority  to  command  me  to  look  to  our  English  coast, 
threatened  by  the  Duke  of  Parma.  I  pray  God  my  Lord- 
Admiral  do  not  find  the  lack  of  the  Rainbow  and  her  com- 
panions, for  I  protest  before  God  I  vowed  I  would  be  as  near 
or  nearer  with  my  little  ship  to  encounter  our  enemies  as  any 
of  the  greatest  ships  in  both  armies."^ 

There  was  no  insubordination,  however,  and  Seymour's 
squadron,  at  twilight  of  Tuesday  evening,  August  9th — ac- 
cording to  orders,  so  that  the  enemy  might  not  see  their 
departure — bore  away  for  Margate.^  But  although  Winter 
and  Seymour  were  much  disappointed  at  their  enforced  re- 
turn, there  was  less  enthusiasm  among  the  sailors  of  the  fleet. 
Pursuing  the  Spaniards  without  powder  or  fire,  and  without 
beef  and  bread  to  eat,  was  not  thought  amusing  by  the  Eng- 
lish crews.     Howard  had  not  three  days'  supply  of  food  in  hia 

*  "Winter's  Letter,  MS.  ^     .         ,coo      /on  r^cc      \ro\ 

•  Lord  H.  Seymour  to  Walsingham,       -  ^"^-  ^^^S.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

*  Winter's  Letter,  MS. 


504  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX 

lockers,  and  Seymour  and  his  squadron  had  not  food  for  one 
day.  Accordingly,  wlu>n  Seymour  and  Winter  took  their 
departure,  "  they  had  much  ado,"  so  Winter  said,  "  with  the 
staying  of  many  ships  that  would  have  returned  with  them, 
besides  their  own  company." '  Had  the  Spaniards,  instead 
of  being  panic-struck,  but  turned  on  their  pursuers,  what 
might  have  been  the  result  of  a  conflict  with  starving  and 
unarmed  men  ?  ^ 

Howard,  Drake,  and  Frobisher,  with  the  rest  of  the  fleet,  fol- 
lowed the  Armada  through  the  North  Sea  from  Tuesday  night 
(9th  August)  till  Friday  (the  12th),  and  still,  the  strong  south- 
wester  swept  the  Spaniards  before  them,  uncertain  whether  to 
seek  refuge,  food,  water,  and  room  to  repair  damages,  in  the 
realms  of  the  treacherous  King  of  Scots,  or  on  the  iron-bound 
coasts  of  Norway.  Medina  Sidonia  had  however  quite  aban- 
doned his  intention  of  returning  to  England,  and  was  only 
anxious  for  a  safe  return  to  Spain.  So  much  did  he  dread  that 
northern  passage,  unpiloted,  around  the  grim  Hebrides,  that  he 
would  probably  have  surrendered,  had  the  English  overtaken 
him  and  once  more  offered  battle.  He  was  on  the  point  of 
hanging  out  a  white  flag — as  they  approached  him  for  the 
last  time — but  yielded  to  the  expostulations  of  the  ecclesias- 
tics on  board  the  Saint  3Ia7-tin,  who  thought,  no  doubt,  that 
they  had  more  to  fear  from  England  than  from  the  sea, 
should  they  be  carried  captive  to  that  country,  and  who 
persuaded  him  that  it  would  be  a  sin  and  a  disgrace  to  sur- 
render before  they  had  been  once  more  attacked.'^ 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Devonshire  skipper.  Vice- Admiral 
Drake,  now  thoroughly  in  his  element,  could  not  restrain  his 
ailarity,  as  he  saw  the  Invincible  Armada  of  the  man  whose 
beard  he  had  so  often  singed,  rolling  through  the  German 

'  Winter'a  Letter,  MS.  |   the    English   to  retreat,    for   want   of 


"  Had  the  English  been  well  fur- 
nished with  victuals  and  munition," 
Bays  Stowe,  "  they  would  in  the  pur- 
suit have  brought  the  Spaniards  to 
their  mercy.  On  the  other  hand,  had 
the  Spaniards  but  two  days  longer 
continued  fight,  they  must  have  driven 


sliot  and  powder,  leaving  the  Spaniards 
masters  of  the  field,"  719. 

'  Meteren,  xv.  274,  on  the  autho- 
rity of  certain  Dutch  fishermen,  who 
had  been  impressed  on  board  tb« 
San  Mj,rtin.     Reyd,  viiL  147. 


1588.  ARE  OBLIGED  TO  RELINQUISH  THE  CHASE.  505 

Ocean,  in  fall  flight  from  the  country  which  was  to  have 
been  made,  that  week,  a  Spanish  province.  Unprovided  as 
were  his  ships,  he  was  for  risking  another  battle,  and  it  is 
quite  possible  that  the  brag  countenance  might  have  proved 
even  inore  successful  than  Howard  thought. 

"We  have  the  army  of  Spain  before  us,"  wrote  Drake, 
from  the  Revenge,  "and  hope  with  the  grace  of  God  to 
wrestle  a  pull  with  him.  There  never  was  any  thing  pleased 
me  better  than  seeing  the  enemy  flying  with  a  southerly  wind 
to  the  northward.  Grod  grant  you  have  a  good  eye  to  the 
Duke  of  Parma,  for  with  the  grace  of  God,  if  we  live,  I  doubt 
not  so  to  handle  the  matter  with  the  Duke  of  Sidonia  as 
he  shall  wish  himself  at  St.  Mary's  Port  among  his  orange 
trees."  ^ 

But  Howard  decided  to  wrestle  no  further  pull.  Having 
followed  the  Spaniards  till  Friday,  12th  of  August,  as  far  as 
the  latitude  of  bQ°  17'  the  Lord  Admiral  called  a     Friday, 

12  Auo" 

council.  It  was  then  decided,  in  order  to  save  Eng-  isss.^ 
lish  lives  and  ships,  to  put  into  the  Frith  of  Forth  for  water 
and  provisions,  leaving  two  ''  pinnaces  to  dog  the  fleet  until  it 
should  be  past  the  Isles  of  Scotland."*  But  the  next  day,  as 
the  wind  shifted  to  the  north-west,  another  council  decided  to 
take  advantage  of  the  change,  and  bear  away  for  the  North 
Foreland,  in  order  to  obtain  a  supply  of  powder,  shot,  and 
provisions.* 

Up  to  this  period,  the  weather,  though  occasionally  threat- 
ening, had  been  moderate.  During  the  week  which  succeeded 
the  eventful  night  off  Calais,  neither  the  Armada  nor  the 
English  ships  had  been  much  impeded  in  their  manoeuvres  by 
Btorms  of  heavy  seas.  But  on  the  following  Sunday,  14th  of 
August,  there  was  a  change.  The  wind  shifted  again  to  the 
south-west,  and,  during  the  whole  of  that  day  and  the  Mon- 
day, blew  a  tremendous  gale.*^     "  'Twas  a  more  violent  storm," 


31    July 

>  Drake     to     "Walsingbam, , 

10  A  us. 

1588,  in  Barrow,  304. 
»  Bor,  III  326. 

4 

'  Fenner  to  Walsingham,   —    Aug. 

14 


1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)     Howard  ta 

Walsingham,   —  Aug.  1588,  in  Barrow; 

306. 

"•  Fennera  Letter,  MS.  last  cited. 
'  Ibii 


506  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX 

said  Howard,  "  tlum  was  ever  seen  before  at  this  time  of  the 
year/"  The  retreating  English  fleet  was  scattered,  many 
ships  were  in  peril,  "  among  the  ill-favoured  sands  oiF  Nor- 
folk," but  within  four  or  five  days  all  arrived  safely  in  Mar- 
gate roads.^ 

Far  diffbrent  was  the  fate  of  the  Spaniards.  Over  theii 
Invincible  Armada,  last  seen  by  the  departing  English  mid- 
way between  the  coasts  of  Scotland  and  Denmark,  the  black- 
ness of  night  seemed  suddenly  to  descend.  A  mystery  hung 
for  a  long  time  over  their  fate.  Damaged,  leaking,  without 
pilots,  without  a  competent  commander,  the  great  fleet  en- 
tered that  furious  storm,  and  was  whirled  along  tlie  iron  crags 
of  Norway  and  between  the  savage  rocks  of  Faroe  and  the 
Hebrides.  In  those  regions  of  tempest  the  insulted  North 
wreaked  its  full  vengeance  on  the  insolent  Spaniards.  Dis- 
aster after  disaster  marked  their  perilous  track  ;  gale  after 
gale  swept  them  hither  and  thither,  tossing  them  on  sand- 
banks or  shattering  them  against  granite  cliffs.  The  coasts 
of  Norway,  Scotland,  Ireland,  were  strewn  with  the  wrecks  of 
that  pompous  fleet,  which  claimed  the  dominion  of  the  seas  ; 
with  the  bones  of  those  invincible  legions  which  were  to  have 
sacked  London  and  made  England  a  Spanish  vice-royalty. 

Through  the  remainder  of  the  month  of  August  there  was 
a  succession  of  storms.  On  the  2nd  September  a  fierce  south- 
wester  drove  Admiral  Oquendo  in  his  galleon,  together  with 
one  of  the  great  galeasses,  two  large  Venetian  ships,  the  Ratta 
and  the  Balauzara,  and  thirty-six  other  vessels,  upon  the 
Irish  coast,  where  nearly  every  soul  on  board  perished,  while 
the  few  who  escaped  to  the  shore — notwithstanding  their 
religious  affinity  with  the  inhabitants — were  either  butchered 
in  cold  blood,  or  sent  coupled  in  halters  from  village  to  village, 
in  order  to  be  shipped  to  England.^  A  few  ships  were  driven 
on  the  English  coast ;  others  went  ashore  near  Rochelle. 

Of  the  four  galeasses  and  four  galleys,  one  of  each  returned 


'  Howard   to   Walsingham,  —  Aug. 

1586.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
»  Ibid. 


'  Drake,  in  Stowe,  750,  seq.  Bar- 
row, 319.  Meteren,  xv.  274.  Bor,  III 
326,  327. 


r588. 


A  GREAT  STORM  DISPERSES  THE  ARMADA. 


507 


to  Spain.  Of  the  ninety-one  great  galleons  and  hulks,  fifty- 
eight  were  lost  and  thirty-three  returned.^  Of  the  tenders  and 
zabras,  seventeen  were  lost  and  eighteen  returned.  Of  one 
hundred  and  thirty-four  vessels,  which  sailed  from  Coruna 
in  July,  but  fifty-three,^  great  and  small,  made  their  escape  to 
Spain,  and  these  were  so  damaged  as  to  be  utterly  worthless. 
The  invincible  Armada  had  not  only  been  vanquished  but 
annihilated. 

Of  the  30,000  men  who  sailed  in  the  fleet,  it  is  probable 
that  not  more  than  10,000  ever  saw  their  native  land  again. 
Most  of  the  leaders  of  the  expedition  lost  their  lives.  Medina 
Sidonia  reached  Santander  in  October,  and,  as  Philip  for  a 
moment  believed,  "  with  the  greater  part  of  the  Armada," 
although  the  King  soon  discovered  his  mistake.^  Recalde, 
Diego  Flores  de  Valdez,  Oquendo,  Maldonado,  Bobadilla, 
Manriquez,  either  perished  at  sea,  or  died  of  exhaustion  imme- 
diately after  their  return.  Pedro  de  Valdez,  Vasco  de  Silva, 
Alonzo  de  Sayas,  Piemontel,  Toledo,  with  many  other  nobles, 
were  prisoners  in  England  and  Holland.  There  was  hardly  a 
distinguished  family  in  Spain  not  placed  in  mourning,  so  that,  to 
relieve  the  universal  gloom,  an  edict  was  published,  forbidding 
the  wearing  of  mourning  at  all.  On  the  other  hand,  a  mer- 
chant of  Lisbon,  not  yet  reconciled  to  the  Spanish  conquest 
of  his  country,  permitted  himself  some  tokens  of  hilarity  at 
the  defeat  of  the  Armada,  and  was  immediately  hanged  by 
express  command  of  Philip.  Thus — as  men  said — one  could 
neither  cry  nor  laugh  within  the  Spanish  dominions.* 

This  was  the  result  of  the  invasion,  so  many  years  pre- 
paring, and  at  an  expense  almost  incalculable.  In  the  year 
1588  alone,  the  cost  of  Philip's  armaments  for  the  subjugation 
of  England  could  not  have  been  less  than  six  millions  of  ducats, 


'  Metereu  and  Bor,  ubi  sup. 

*  Ibid.  Compare  Strada,  II.  ix. 
563,  who  SL'ts  before  bis  readers  the 
"  absurd  discrepancy "  between  the 
Englisli-Diiteh  and  the  Spanish  ac- 
counts of  these  losses.  According  (o 
the  Spaniards,  thirty-three  vessels 
were  lost  or  captured,  and  10,000  men 


were  missing.  According  to  their 
enemies,  only  10,000  men  and  about 
sixty  ships  escaped.  Meteren's  ac- 
count, XV.  274,  is  minute,  and  seems 
truthful,  and  is  followed  in  the  text. 

'  Philip  II.  to  Parma,  10  Oct.  15881 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

*  Reyd,  viii.  148. 


508 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIX 


and  there  was  at  least  as  large  a  sum  on  board  the  Armada 
itself,  although  the  Pope  refused  to  pay  his  promised  million.^ 
And  with  all  this  outlay,  and  with  the  sacrifice  of  so  many 
thousand  lives,  nothing  had  been  accomplished,  and  Spain,  in 
a  moment,  instead  of  seeming  terrible  to  all  the  world,  had 
become  ridiculous.^ 

"  Beaten  and  shufiled  together  from  the  Lizard  to  Calais, 
from  Calais  driven  with  squibs  from  their  anchors,  and  chased 
out  of  sight  of  England  about  Scotland  and  Ireland,"  ag  the 
Devonshire  skipper  expressed  himself,  it  must  be  confessed 
that  the  Spaniards  presented  a  sorry  sight.  "  Their  invincible 
and  dreadful  navy,"  said  Drake,  "  with  all  its  great  and  terrible 
ostentation,  did  not  in  all  their  sailing  about  England  so  much 
as  sink  or  take  one  ship,  bark,  pinnace,  or  cock-boat  of  ours, 
or  even  burn  so  much  as  one  sheep-cote  on  this  land."  ^ 

Meanwhile  Farnese  sat  chafing  under  the  unjust  reproaches 
heaped  upon  him,  as  if  he,  and  not  his  master,  had  been  respon- 
sible for  the  gigantic  blunders  of  the  invasion.^ 

"  As  for  the  Prince  of  Parma,"  said  Drake,  "  I  take  him  to 
be  as  a  bear  robbed  of  her  whelps."^  The  Admiral  was  quite 
right.  Alexander  was  beside  himself  with  rage.  Day  after 
day,  he  had  been  repeating  to  Medina  Sidonia  and  to  Philip 
that  his  flotilla  and  transports  could  scarcely  live  in  any  but 
the  smoothest  sea,  while  the  supposition  that  they  could  serve 
a  warlike  purpose  he  pronounced  absolutely  ludicrous.  He 
had  always  counselled  the  seizing  of  a  place  like  Flushing,  as 
a  basis  of  operations   against   England,  but   had  been  over- 


»  Philip  to  Parma,  10  Oct.  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

'  The  wits  of  Rome  were  very 
severe  upon  Philip.  "S'il  y  a  aucun," 
Baid  a  Pasquil  stuck  up  in  that  city, 
"qui  sache  des  nouvelles  de  I'armee 
d'Espagne,  perdue  en  mer  depuis 
trois  semaines  ou  environ,  et  qui 
puisse  apprendre  ce  qu'  elle  est  de- 
veuue,  qu'  il  en  vienne  a  revelation,  et 
s'  addresse  au  palais  St.  Pierre  ou  le 
St.  Pere  lui  fera  donner  son  vin." 
'L'Etoile,'  263. 

*  Drake,  in  Stowe,  before  cited. 


*  "  It  seems  the  Duke  of  Parma  is 
in  a  great  chafe,"  said  Seymour,  "to 
see  his  ships  in  durance  at  Dunkirk, 
also  to  find  such  discomfiture  of  the 
Spanish  fleet  hard  by  his  nose.  I  can 
say  no  more,  but  God  doth  show  hia 
mighty  hand  for  protecting  this  little 
island."      Seymour     to     Walsingham, 

Aug.  -,  1588.  (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

^  Drake   to  "Walsingham,    —      Aug 
1.588,  in  Barrow,  310. 


1588.  GREA.T  ENERGY  OF  PARMA.  509 

ruled  ;  and  he  had  at  least  reckoned  upon  the  Invincible 
Armada  to  clear  the  way  for  him,  before  he  should  be  expected 
to  take  the  sea.^ 

With  prodigious  energy  and  at  great  expense  he  had  con- 
structed or  improved  internal  water-communications  from 
Ghent  to  Sluys,  Newport,  and  Dunkerk.  He  had  thus  trans- 
ported all  his  hoys,  barges,  and  munitions  for  the  invasion, 
from  all  points  of  the  obedient  Netherlands  to  the  sea-coast, 
without  coming  within  reach  of  the  Hollanders  and  Zeelanders, 
who  were  keeping  close  watch  on  the  outside.  But  those 
Hollanders  and  Zeelanders,  guarding  every  outlet  to  the  ocean, 
occupying  every  hole  and  cranny  of  the  coast,  laughed  the 
invaders  of  England  to  scorn,  braving  them,  jeering  them, 
daring  them  to  come  forth,  while  the  Walloons  and  Spaniards 
shrank  before  such  amphibious  assailants,  to  whom  a  combat 
on  the  water  was  as  natural  as  upon  dry  land.  Alexander, 
upon  one  occasion,  transported  with  rage,  selected  a  band  of 
one  thousand  musketeers,  partly  Spanish,  partly  Irish,  and 
ordered  an  assault  upon  those  insolent  boatmen.  With  his 
own  hand — so  it  was  related — he  struck  dead  more  than  one 
of  his  own  officers  who  remonstrated  against  these  commands  ; 
and  then  the  attack  was  made  by  his  thousand  musketeers 
upon  the  Hollanders,  and  every  man  of  the  thousand  was 
slain.^ 

He  had  been  reproached  for  not  being  ready,  for  not  having 
embarked  his  men  ;  but  he  had  been  ready  for  a  month,  and 
his  men  could  be  embarked  in  a  single  day.  "  But  it  was 
impossible,"  he  said,  "  to  keep  them  long  packed  up  on  board 
vessels,  so  small  that  there  was  no  room  to  turn  about  in  :  the 
people  would  sicken,  would  rot,  would  die."  ^  So  soon  as  he 
had  received  information  of  the  anival  of  the  fleet  before 
Calais — which  was  on  the  8th  August — he  had  proceeded  the 

'  Parma's  Letters  to  Philip,  before  i  pequeiios  que  no  hay  plaza  para  re- 
cited passim.  (Arch,  de  Simancas,  volverse;  La  geute  se  enfermeria, 
MS.)  pudriera,    y     perderia."       Parma     to 

'  Bor,  III.  323,  324.     Strada,  II.  ix.  PhUip,    8    Aug.    1588.      (Arch,  de  Si- 

562.     Reyd,  viii.  147.  mancas,  MS.) 

3  "  Porque     los     baxeles     son     tan  ' 


510 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIX 


same  night  to  Newport  and  embarked  16,000  men,  and  before 
dawn  he  was  at  Dunkerk,  where  the  troops  stationed  in  that 
port  were  as  rapidly  placed  on  board  the  transports.'  Sir 
William  Stanley,  with  his  700  Irish  kernes,  were  among  the 
first  shipped  for  the  enterprise."  Two  days  long  these  regi- 
ments lay  heaped  together,  like  sacks  of  corn,  in  the  boats — 
as  one  of  their  officers  described  it  ^ — and  they  lay  cheerfully, 
hoping  that  the  Dutch  fleet  would  be  swept  out  of  the  sea  by 
the  Invincible  Armada,  and  patiently  expecting  the  signal  for 
setting  sail  to  England.  Then  came  the  Prince  of  Ascoli, 
who  had  gone  ashore  from  the  Spanish  fleet  at  Calais,  accom- 
panied by  serjeant-major  Gallinato  and  other  messengers 
from  Medina  Sidonia,  bringing  the  news  of  the  fire-ships  and 
the  dispersion  and  flight  of  the  Armada.^ 

"  God  knows,"  said  Alexander,  "  the  distress  in  which  this 
event  has  plunged  me,  at  the  very  moment  when  I  expected 
to  be  sending  your  Majesty  my  congratulations  on  the  success 
of  the  great  undertaking.  But  these  are  the  works  of  the 
Lord,  who  can  recompense  your  Majesty  by  giving  you  many 
victories,  and  the  fulfilment  of  your  Majesty's  desires,  when 
He  thinks  the  proper  time  arrived.  Meantime  let  Him  be 
praised  for  all,  and  let  your  Majesty  take  great  care  of  your 
health,  which  is  the  most  important  thing  of  all."  ^ 

Evidently  the  Lord  did  not  think  the  proper  time  yet  arrived 
for  fulfilling  his  Majesty's  desires  for  the  subjugation  of  Eng- 
land, and  meanwhile  the  King  might  find  what  comfort  he 
could  in  pious  commonplaces  and  in  attention  to  his  health. 

But  it  is  very  certain  that,  of  all  the  high  parties  concerned, 
Alexander  Farnese  was  the  least  reprehensible  for  the  over- 
throw of  Philip's  hopes.  No  man  could  have  been  more 
judicious — as  it  has  been  sufficiently  made  evident  in  the 
course  of  this  narrative — in  arranging  all  the  details  of  the 
great  enterprise,  in  pointing  out  all  the  obstacles,  in  providing 
for  all  emergencies.     No  man  could  have  been  more  minutely 


•  Parma    to    Philip,  10  Aug.  15J 
(Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 
'  Meteren,  xv.  273,  274. 


'  Strada,  II.  x.  559,  562. 
*  Parma    to    Philip,    10     Aug.     MS. 
last  cited.  "  Ibid. 


1588.  MADE   FRUITLESS   BY   PHILIP'S   DULNESS.  511 

faithful  to  his  master,  more  treacherous  to  all  the  world  beside. 
Energetic,  inventive,  patient,  courageous,  and  stupendously- 
false,  he  had  covered  Flanders  with  canals  and  bridges, 
had  constructed  flotillas,  and  equipped  a  splendid  army,  as 
thoroughly  as  he  had  puzzled  Comptroller  Croft.  And  not 
only  had  that  diplomatist  and  his  wiser  colleagues  been  hood- 
winked, but  Elizabeth  and  Burghley,  and,  for  a  moment,  even 
Walsingham,  were  in  the  dark,  while  Henry  III.  had  been  his 
passive  victim,  and  the  magnificent  Balafre'  a  blind  instrument 
in  his  hands.  Nothing  could  equal  Alexander's  fidelity  but 
his  perfidy.  Nothing  could  surpass  his  ability  to  command 
but  his  obedience.  And  it  is  very  possible  that  had  Philip 
followed  his  nephew's  large  designs,  instead  of  imposing  upon 
him  his  own  most  puerile  schemes,  the  result  for  England, 
Holland,  and,  all  Christendom  might  have  been  very  different 
from  the  actual  one.  The  blunder  against  which  Farnese 
had  in  vain  warned  his  master,  was  the  stolid  ignorance 
in  which  the  King  and  all  his  counsellors  chose  to  remain 
of  the  Holland  and  Zeeland  fleet.  For  them  Warmond  and 
Nassau,  and  Van  der  Does  and  Joost  de  Moor,  did  not  exist, 
and  it  was  precisely  these  gallant  sailors,  with  their  intrepid 
crews,  who  held  the  key  to  the  whole  situation. 

To  the  Queen's  glorious  naval  commanders,  to  the  dauntless 
mariners  of  England,  with  their  well-handled  vessels,  their 
admirable  seamanship,  their  tact  and  their  courage,  belonged 
the  joys  of  the  contest,  the  triumph,  and  the  glorious  pursuit ; 
but  to  the  patient  Hollanders  and  Zeelanders,  who,  with  their 
hundred  vessels,  held  Farnese,  the  chief  of  the  great  enter- 
prise, at  bay,  a  close  prisoner  with  his  whole  army  in  his  own 
ports,  daring  him  to  the  issue,  and  ready — to  the  last  plank  of 
their  fleet  and  to  the  last  drop  of  their  blood — to  confront  both 
him  and  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  an  equal  share  of  honour 
is  due.  The  safety  of  the  two  free  commonwealths  of  the 
world  in  that  terrible  contest  was  achieved  by  the  people  and 
the  mariners  of  the  two  states  combined. 

Great  was  the  enthusiasm  certainly  of  the  English  people 
as  the  volunteers  marched  through  London  to  the  place  of 


512 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Char  XIX. 


rendezvous,  and  tremendous  were  the  cheers  when  the  brave 
Queen  rode  on  horseback  along  the  hues  of  Tilbury.  Glowing 
pictures  are  revealed  to  us  of  merry  little  England,  arising  in 
its  strength,  and  dancing  forth  to  encounter  the  Spaniards,  as 
if  to  a  great  holiday.  "It  was  a  pleasant  sight,"  says  that 
enthusiastic  merchant-tailor  John  Stowe,  "  to  behold  the 
cheerful  countenances,  courageous  words,  and  gestures,  of  the 
soldiers,  as  they  marched  to  Tilbury,  dancing,  leaping  wherever 
they  came,  as  joyful  at  the  news  of  the  foe's  approach  as  if 
lusty  giants  were  to  run  a  race.  And  Bellona-like  did  the 
Queen  infuse  a  second  spirit  of  loyalty,  love,  and  resolution, 
into  every  soldier  of  her  army,  who,  ravished  with  their  sove- 
reign's sight,  prayed  heartily  that  the  Spaniards  might  land 
quickly,  and  when  they  heard  they  were  fled,  began  to 
lament." ' 

But  if  the  Spaniards  had  not  fled,  if  there  had  been  no 
English  navy  in  the  Channel,  no  squibs  at  Calais,  no  Dutch- 
men ofi"  Dunkerk,  there  might  have  been  a  difierent  picture 
to  paint.  No  man  who  has  studied  the  history  of  those  times, 
can  doubt  the  universal  and  enthusiastic  determination  of  the 
English  nation  to  repel  the  invaders.  Catholics  and  Pro- 
testants felt  alike  on  the  great  subject.  Philip  did  not  flatter 
himself  with  assistance  from  any  English  Papists,  save  exiles 
and  renegades  like  Westmoreland,  Paget,  Throgmorton,  Mor- 
gan, Stanley,  and  the  rest.  The  bulk  of  the  Catholics,  who 
may  have  constituted  half  the  population  of  England,  although 
malcontent,  were  not  rebellious  ;  and  notwithstanding  the 
precautionary  measures  taken  by  government  against  them, 
Elizabeth  proudly  acknowledged  their  loyalty.^ 


'  Stowe,  749. 

'  "Said  it  was  their  intention  to 
occupy  the  whole  kingdom  of  Eng- 
land— to  keep  the  English  Queen  a 
prisoner,  but  to  treat  her  as  a  Queen, 
until  the  King  should  otherwise  or- 
dain. Said  that  they  had  understood 
that  there  were  many  Cathohcs  in  Eng- 
land, but  that  they  made  not  much 
account  of  them,  knowing  that  the 
Queen  had  taken  care  that  they 
ahould   not  give   any   assistance,   and 


believing  that  most  of  them  would 
have  fought  for  their  native  land," 
&c.,  &c.  Answers  of  Don  Diego  de 
Pimentel  to  Interrogations  before 
Adrian  van  der  Myle,  John  van 
Olden-Barneveld,  Admiral  Villers,  and 
Famars,  in  Bor,  III.  xxiii.  325,  326. 

"This  invasion,  tending  to  the  re- 
ducing of  this  realm  to  the  subjection 
of  a  stranger — a  matter  so  greatly 
misliked  generally  by  the  subjects  of 
this  realm  of  all  sorts  and  of  all  reli- 


1588.  ENGLAND   READIER   AT   SEA   THAN    ON    SHORE.  513 

But  loyalty,  courage,  and  enthusiasm,  might  not  have  suf- 
ficed to  supply  the  want  of  numbers  and  discipline.  According 
to  the  generally  accepted  statement  of  contemporary  chroni- 
clers, there  were  some  75,000  men  under  arms  :  20,000  along 
the  southern  coast,  23,000  under  Leicester,  and  33,000  under 
Lord  Chamberlain  Hunsdon,  for  the  special  defence  of  the 
Queen's  person.^ 

But  it  would  have  been  very  difficult,  in  the  moment  of 
danger,  to  bring  anything  like  these  numbers  into  the  field. 
A  drilled  and  disciplined  army^ — whether  of  regulars  or  of 
militia-men — had  no  existence  whatever.  If  the  merchant- 
vessels,  which  had  been  joined  to  the  royal  fleet,  were  thought 
by  old  naval  commanders  to  be  only  good  to  make  a  show, 
the  volunteers  on  land  were  likely  to  be  even  less  effective 
than  the  marine  militia,  so  much  more  accustomed  than  they 
to  hard  work.  Magnificent  was  the  spirit  of  the  great  feudal 
lords  as  they  rallied  round  their  Queen.  The  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke offered  to  serve  at  the  head  of  three  hundred  horse  and 
five  hundred  footmen,  armed  at  his  own  cost,  and  all  ready 
to  "hazard  the  blood  of  their  hearts"  in  defence  of  her 
person.  "  Accept  hereof  most  excellent  sovereign,"  said  the 
Earl,  "  from  a  person  desirous  to  live  no  longer  than  he  may 
see  your  Highness  enjoy  your  blessed  estate,  maugre  the 
beards  of  all  confederated  leaguers."  ^ 

The  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  too,  was  ready  to  serve  at  the 
head  of  his  retainers,  to  the  last  drop  of  his  blood.  "  Though 
I  be  old,"  he  said,  "yet  shall  your  quarrel  make  me  young 
again.  Though  lame  in  body,  yet  lusty  in  heart  to  lend  your 
greatest  enemy  one  blow,  and  to  stand  near  your  defence, 
every  way  wherein -your  Highness  shall  employ  me.""^ 

But  there  was  perhaps  too  much  of  this  feudal  spirit.     The 


gions,  yea,  by  no  small  number  of  them 
that  are  known  to  be  addicted  to  the 
Romish  religion — who  are  resolutely 
bent  to  withstand  the  same  with  the 
employment  of  their  goods  and  hazard 
of  their  lives,"  Lc.  Queen  to  the 
Commissioners  at  Bourbourg  (signed, 
but    staid    by    her    M^esty's    order), 

VOL.  II. — 2  L  • 


July  ~,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
'  Camden,  III.  405. 

28  July 

*  Pembroke    to    the   Queen,  

'      7  Aug.' 

]  588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

0 
'  Shrewsbury  to  the  Queen,  —  Aug 
1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  "* 


514  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX 

lieutenant-general  complained  bitterly  that  there  was  a  most 
mischievous  tendency  among  all  the  militia-men  to  escape 
from  the  Queen's  colours,  in  order  to  enrol  themselves  as  re- 
tainers to  the  great  lords.^  This  spirit  was  not  favourable  to 
efficient  organization  of  a  national  army.  Even  had  the  com- 
mander-in-chief been  a  man  of  genius  and  experience  it 
would  have  been  difficult  for  him,  under  such  circumstances, 
to  resist  a  splendid  army,  once  landed,  and  led  by  Alexander 
Farnese,  but  even  Leicester's  most  determined  flatterers  hardly 
ventured  to  compare  him  in  military  ability  with  that  firet 
general  of  his  age.  The  best  soldier  in  England  was  un- 
questionably Sir  John  Norris,  and  Sir  John  was  now  marshal 
of  the  camp  to  Leicester.  The  ancient  quarrel  between  the 
two  had  been  smoothed  over,  and — as  might  be  expected — 
the  Earl  hated  Norris  more  bitterly  than  before,  and  was 
perpetually  vituperating  him,  as  he  had  often  done  in  the 
Netherlands.  Roger  Williams,  too,  was  entrusted  with  tbe 
important  duties  of  master  of  the  horse,  under  the  lieutenant- 
general,  and  Leicester  continued  to  bear  the  grudge  towards 
that  honest  Welshman,  which  had  begun  in  Holland.  These 
were  not  jjromising  conditions  in  a  camp,  when  an  invading 
army  was  every  day  expected  ;  nor  was  the  completeness  or 
readiness  of  the  forces  sufficient  to  render  harmless  the  quarrels 
of  the  commanders. 

The  Armada  had  arrived  in  Calais  roads  on  Saturday 
afternoon,  the  6th  August.  If  it  had  been  joined  on  that 
day,  or  the  next — as  Philip  and  Medina  Sidonia  fully  expected 
— by  the  Duke  of  Parma's  flotilla,  the  invasion  would  have  been 
made  at  once.  If  a  Spanish  army  had  ever  landed  in  Eng- 
land at  all,  that  event  would  have  occurred  jon  the  7tli  August. 
The  weather  was  not  unfavourable,  the  sea  was  smooth,  and  the 
circumstances  under  which  the  catastrophe  of  the  great  drama 
was  that  night  accomplished,  were  a  profound  mystery 
to  every  soul  in  England.  For  aught  that  Leicester,  or 
Burghley,  or  Queen  Elizabeth,  knew  at  the  time,  the  army  of 

'  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  '—2L   1538.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

3  Aug. 


i588.  THE  LIEUTENANT-GENERAL'S  COMPLAINTS.  515 

Farnese  might,  on  Monday,  have  been  marching  upon  London. 
Now,  on  that  Monday  morning,  the  army  of  Lord  Hunsdon 
was  not  assembled  at  all,  and  Leicester,  with  but  four  thou- 
sand men  under  his  command,  was  just  commencing  his  camp 
at  Tilbury.^  The  "  Bellona-like "  appearance  of  the  Queen 
on  her  white  palfrey,  with  truncheon  in  hand,  addressing  her 
troops  in  that  magnificent  burst  of  eloquence  which  has  so 
often   been   repeated,    was   not   till   eleven   days   afterwards, 

9 

August  —  ;-  not  till  the  great  Armada,  shattered  and  tempest- 
tossed,  had  been,  a  week  long,  dashing  itself  against  the 
cliffs  of  Norway  and  the  Faroes,  on  its  forlorn  retreat  to 
Spain. 

Leicester,  courageous,  self-confident,  and  sanguine  as  ever, 
could  not  restrain  his  indignation  at  the  parsimony  with  which 
his  own  impatient  spirit  had  to  contend.  "  Be  you  assured," 
said  he,  on  the  3rd  August,  when  the  Armada  was  off  the  Isle 
of  Wight,  "  if  the  Spanish  fleet  arrive  safely  in  the  narrow  seas, 
the  Duke  of  Parma  will  join  presently  with  all  his  forces, 
and  lose  no  time  in  invading  this  realm.  Therefore  I  beseech 
you,  my  good  Lords,  let  no  man,  by  hope  or  other  abuse, 
prevent  your  speedy  providing  defence  against  this  mighty 
enemy  now  knocking  at  our  gate."  ^ 

For  even  at  this  supreme  moment  doubts  were  entertained 
at  court  as  to  the  intentions  of  the  Spaniards. 

Next  day  he  informed  Walsingham  that  his  four  thousand 
men  had  arrived.    "  They  be  as  forward  men  and  willing  to  meet 
the  enemy  as  I  ever  saw,"  said  he.*    He  could  not  say    4  Aug. 
as  much  in  praise  of  the  commissariat.     "  Some  want      i^^s. 
the  captains  showed,"  he  observed,  "for  these  men  arrived  with- 
out one  meal  of  victuals,  so  that,  on  their  arrival,  they  had  not 


this     day."      Same     to     Walsingham, 
'^^-,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

4  Aug. 

'  Lingard,  viii.  285.                    24Juir 
'  Leicester  to    Privy  Council, 1 

•'  .S  Aug. 

1588.     (S  P.  Office  MS.)  gs  July 

the  ground    for  the  encamping  of  the   i       *  Same      to      Walsingham,     — - — i 
soldiers.     Yesterday  went    to  Chelms-       1588..     -S.  P.  Office  MS.)  *      "«■ 


'  "  I  have  a  most  apt  place  to  begin 
our  camp  in,  not  far  from  the  fort,  at 
a  place    called   West    Tilbury."      Lei- 

'M    July 

cester   to    Privv  Council,   — — '  1588. 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.)  ^^' 

"  I  did  peruse  and  make  choice  of 
le  ground  for  the  encamping  of  the 
)ldiers.     Yesterday  went    to  Chelms- 

Ibrd   to    order   all   the   soldiers    hither 


51C  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX 

one  barrel  of  beer  nor  loaf  of  bread — enough  after  twenty 
miles'  march  to  have  discouraged  them,  and  brought  them  to 
mutiny.  I  see  many  causes  to  increase  my  former  opinion  of 
the  dilatory  wants  you  shall  find  upon  all  sudden  hurley 
hurleys.  In  no  former  time  was  ever  so  great  a  cause,  and 
albeit  her  Majesty  hath  appointed  an  army  to  resist  her 
enemies  if  they  land,  yet  how  hard  a  matter  it  will  be 
to  gather  men  together,  I  find  it  now.  If  it  will  be  five 
days  to  gather  these  countrymen,  judge  what  it  will  be 
to  look  in  short  space  for  those  that  dwell  forty,  fifty,  sixty 
miles  ofi"." ' 

He  had  immense  difficulty  in  feeding  even  this  slender 
force.  "  I  made  proclamation,"  said  he,  "  two  days  ago,  in 
all  market  towns,  that  victuallers  should  come  to  the  camp 
and  receive  money  for  their  provisions,  but  there  is  not  one 
victualler  come  in  to  this  hour.  I  have  sent  to  all  the  justices 
of  peace  about  it  from  place  to  place.  I  speak  it  that  timely 
consideration  be  had  of  these  things,  and  that  they  be  not 
deferred  till  the  worst  come.  Let  her  Majesty  not  defer  the 
time,  upon  any  supposed  hope,  to  assemble  a  convenient  force  of 
horse  and  foot  about  her.  Her  Majesty  cannot  be  strong  enough 
too  soon,  and  if  her  navy  had  not  been  strong  and  abroad  as  it 
is,  what  care  had  herself  and  her  whole  realm  been  in  by  this 
time  !  And  what  care  she  will  be  in  if  her  forces  be  not  only 
assembled,  but  an  army  presently  dressed  to  withstand  the 
mighty  enemy  that  is  to  approach  her  gates." 

"  God  doth  know,  I  speak  it  not  to  bring  her  to  charges.  I 
would  she  had  less  cause  to  spend  than  ever  she  had,  and 
her  cofiers  fuller  than  ever  they  were  ;  but  I  will  prefer  her 
life  and  safety,  and  the  defence  of  the  realm,  before  all  sparing 
of  charges  in  the  present  danger."^ 

Thus,  on  the  5th  August,  no  army  had  been  assembled — 
not  even  the  body-guard  of  the  Queen — and  Leicester,  with 
four  thousand  men,  unprovided  with  a  barrel  of  beer  or  a  loaf 
of  bread,   was   about   commencing  his   entrenched   camp  at 

26  July 

1  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  -—" '  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  *  Ibid. 


1588.  HIS  QUARRELS  WITH  NORRIS  AND  WILLIAMS.  517 

Tilbury.  On  the  6th  August  the  Armada  was  in  Calais 
roads,  expecting  Alexander  Farnese  to  lead  his  troops  upon 
London  ! 

Norris  and  Williams,  on  the  news  of  Medina  Sidonia's 
approach,  had  rushed  to  Dover,  much  to  the  indignation  of 
Leicester,  just  as  the  Earl  was  beginning  his  entrenchments 
at  Tilbury.  "  I  assure  you  I  am  angry  with  Sir  John  Norris 
and  Sir  Roger  Williams,"  he  said.  "  I.  am  here  cook, 
caterer,  and  huntsman.  I  am  left  with  no  one  to  supjjly  Sir 
John's  place  as  marshal,  but,  for  a  day  or  two,  am  willing  to 
work  the  harder  myself  I  ordered  them  both  to  return  this 
day  early,  which  they  faithfully  promised.  Yet,  on  arriving 
this  morning,  I  hear  nothing  of  either,  and  have  nobody  to 
marshal  the  camp  either  for  horse  or  foot.  This  manner  of 
dealing  doth  much  mislike  me  in  them  both.  I  am  ill-used. 
'Tis  now  four  o'clock,  but  here's  not  one  of  them.  If  they 
come  not  this  night,  I  assure  you  I  will  not  receive  them  into 
office,  nor  bear  such  loose  careless  dealing  at  their  hands.  If 
you  saw  how  weakly  I  am  assisted  you  would  be  sorry  to  think 
that  we  here  should  be  the  front  against  the  enemy  that  is  so 
mighty,  if  he  should  land  here.  And  seeing  her  Majesty  hath 
appointed  me  her  lieutenant-general,  I  look  that  respect 
be  used  towards  me,  such  as  is  due  to  my  place."  ^ 

Thus  the  ancient  grudge  between  Leicester  and  the  Earl 
of  Sussex's  son  was  ever  breaking  forth,  and  was  not  likely  to 
prove  beneficial  at  this  eventful  season. 

Next  day  the  Welshman  arrived,  and  Sir  John  promised  to 
come  back  in  the  evening.  Sir  Roger  brought  woid  from  the 
coast  that  Lord  Henry  Seymour's  fleet  was  in  want  both  of 
men  and  powder.  "Good  Lord  !"  exclaimed  Leicester,  "how 
is  this  come  to  pass,  that  both  he  and  my  Loi-d-Admiral  are 
80  weakened  of  men.  I  hear  they  be  running  away.  I 
beseech  you,  assemble  your  forces,  and  play  not  away  this 
kingdom  by  delays.  Hasten  our  horsemen  hither  5  Aug. 
and  footmen If  the  Spanish  fleet  come  to      1588. 

25  July 
*  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  — — .  MS.  already  cited. 


518  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

the  narrow  seas  the  Prince  of  Parma  will  play  another  part 
than  is  looked  for."  ^ 

As  the  Armada  approached  Calais,  Leicester  was  informed 
that  the  soldiers  at  Dover  began  to  leave  the  coast.  It  seemed 
that  they  were  dissatisfied  with  the  penuriousness  of  the 
government.  "  Our  soldiers  do  break  away  at  Dover,  or  are 
not  pleased.  I  assure  you,  without  wages,  the  j)eople  wdll  not 
tarry,  and  contributions  go  hard  with  them.  Surely  I  find 
that  her  Majesty  must  needs  deal  liberally,  and  be  at  charges 
to  entertain  her  subjects  that  have  chargeably  and  liberally 
used  themselves  to  serve  her."^  The  lieutenant-general  even 
thought  it  might  be  necessary  for  him  to  proceed  to  Dover  in 
person,  in  order  to  remonstrate  with  these  discontented  troops  ; 
for  it  was  possible  that  those  ill- paid,  undisciplined,  and 
very  meagre  forces,  would  find  much  difficulty  in  opposing 
Alexander's  march  to  London,  if  he  should  once  succeed  in 
landing.  Leicester  had  a  very  indiflterent  opinion  too  of  the 
train-bands  of  the  metropolis.  "  For  your  Londoners,"  he  said, 
"  I  see  their  service  ivill  he  little,  except  they  have  their  own 
captains,  and  having  them,  I  look  for  none  at  all  hy  them, 
when  we  shall  meet  the  enemy."  ^  This  was  not  compli- 
mentary, certainly,  to  the  training  of  the  famous  Artillery 
Garden,  and  furnished  a  still  stronger  motive  for  defending 
the  road  over  which  the  capital  was  to  be  approached.  But 
there  was  much  jealousy,  both  among  citizens  and  nobles,  of 
any  authority  entrusted  to  professional  soldiers.  "  I  know 
what  burghers  be,  well  enough,"  said  the  Earl,  "  as  brave  and 
well-entertained  as  ever  the  Londoners  were.  If  they  should 
go  forth  from  the  city  they  should  have  good  leaders.  You 
know  the  imperfections  of  the  time,  how  few  leaders  you  have, 
and  the  gentlemen  of  the  counties  are  very  loth  to  have  any 
captains  placed  with  them.  So  that  the  beating  out  of  our 
best  captains  is  like  to  be  cause  of  great  danger."  * 

Sir  John  Smith,  a  soldier  of  experience,  employed  to  drill 
and  organize    some  of  the  levies,  expressed   still    more  dis- 

,    _     .  ,„  26    July      I  28  July 

'  Leicester   to  Walsingham,    >  '  Same  to  same,  >   1588.      (S. 

MS.  already  cited.  ^  -"-     |   p  ^^^^  j,g^  ^^  ,  ^^^ 


1588.        HARSH  STATEMENTS  AS  TO  THE  ENGLISH  TROOPS. 


519 


paraging  opinions  than  those  of  Leicester  concerning  the 
probable  efficiency  in  the  field  of  these  English  armies. '  The 
Earl  was  very  angry  with  the  knight,  however,  and  con- 
sidered him  imcompetent,  insolent,  and  ridiculous.  Sir  John 
seemed,  indeed,  more  disposed  to  keep  himself  out  of  harm's 
way,  than  to  render  service  to  the  Queen  by  leading  awkward 
recruits  against  Alexander  Farnese.  He  thought  it  better  to 
nurse  himself. 

"  You  would  laugh  to  see  how  Sir  John  Smith  has  dealt 
since  my  coming,"  said  Leicester.  "  He  came  to  me,  and  told 
me  that  his  disease  so  grew  upon  him  as  he  must  needs  go  to 
the  baths.  I  told  him  I  would  not  be  against  his  health,  but 
he  saw  what  the  time  was,  and  what  pains  he  had  taken  with 
his  countrymen,  and  that  I  had  j)^'Ovided  a  good  place  for 
him.  Next  day  he  came  again,  saying  little  to  my  offer  then, 
and  seemed  desirous,  for  his  health,  to  be  gone.  I  told  him 
what  place  I  did  appoint,  which  was  a  regiment  of  a  great 
part  of  his  countrymen.  He  said  his  health  was  dear  to  him, 
and  he  desired  to  take  leave  of  me,  which  I  yielded  unto. 
Yesterday,  being  our  muster-day,  he  came  again  to  me  to 
dinner  ;  but  such  foolish  and  vain-glorious  paradoxes  he  burst 
withal,  without  any  cause  offered,  as  made  all  that  knew  any- 
thing smile  and  answer  little,  but  in  sort  rather  to  satisfy  men 
present  than  to  argue  with  him."  - 

And  the  knight  went  that  day  to  review  Leicester's  choice 
troops^the  four  thousand  men  of  Essex — but  was  not  much 
more  deeply  impressed  with  their  proficiency  than  he  had 
been  with  that  of  his  own  regiment.  He  became  very  cen- 
sorious, 

"  After  the  muster,"  said  the  lieutenant-general,  "  he 
entered  again  into  such  strange  cries  for  ordering  of  men,  and 
for  the  fight  with  the  weapon,  as  made  me  think  he  was  not 
well.  God  forbid  he  should  have  charge  of  men  that  knoweth 
so  little,  as  I  dare  pronounce  that  he  doth."^ 


*  Hardwicke  Papers,  I.  575. 
iv.  47.     Lingard,  viii.  273. 


Strype, 


'   Leicester  to   Walsingham, 
1588,  MS.  already  cited.  ' 


28  July 


7  Aug. 

Ibid. 


520  '    THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

Yet  the  critical  knight  was  a  professional  campaigner, 
whose  opinions  were  entitled  to  respect ;  and  the  more  so,  it 
would  seem,  because  they  did  not  materially  vary  from  those 
which  Leicester  himself  was  in  the  habit  of  expressing.  And 
these  interior  scenes  of  discord,  tumult,  parsimony,  want  of 
organization,  and  unsatisfactory  mustering  of  troops,  were 
occurring  on  the  very  Saturday  and  Sunday  when  the  Armada 
lay  in  sight  of  Dover  cliffs,  and  when  the  approach  of  the 
Spaniards  on  the  Dover  road  might  at  any  moment  be  ex- 
pected. 

Leicester's  jealous  and  overbearing  temper  itself  was  also 
proving  a  formidable  obstacle  to  a  wholesome  system  of 
defence.  He  was  already  displeased  with  the  amount  of  au- 
thority entrusted  to  Lord  Hunsdon,  disposed  to  think  his  own 
rights  invaded,  and  desirous  that  the  Lord  Chamberlain 
should  accept  office  under  himself.  He  wished  saving  clauses 
as  to  his  own  authority  inserted  in  Hunsdon's  patent.  "  Either 
it  must  be  so,  or  I  shall  have  wrong,"  said  he,  "if  he  abso- 
lutely command  where  my  patent  doth  give  me  power.  You 
may  easily  conceive  what  absurd  dealings  are  likely  to  fall 
out,  if  you  allow  two  absolute  commanders."^ 

Looking  at  these  pictures  of  commander-in-chief,  officers, 
and  rank  and  file — as  painted  by  themselves — we  feel  an 
inex2)ressible  satisfaction  that  in  this  great  crisis  of  England's 
destiny,  there  were  such  men  as  Howard,  Drake,  Frobisher, 
Hawkins,  Seymour,  Winter,  Fenner,  and  their  gallant 
brethren,  cruising  that  week  in  the  Channel,  and  that  Nassau 
and  Warmond,  De  Moor  and  Van  der  Does,  were  blockading 
the  Flemish  coast. 

There  was  but  little  preparation  to  resist  the  enemy  once 
landed.  There  were  no  fortresses,  no  regular  army,  no  popu- 
lation trained  to  any  weapon.  There  were  patriotism,  loyalty, 
courage,  and  enthusiasm,  in  abundance  ;  but  the  commander- 
in-chief  was  a  queen's  favourite,  odious  to  the  people,  with 
very  moderate  abilities,  and  eternally  quarrelling  with  officers 
more  competent  than  himself ;  and  all  the  arrangements  were 

*  Leicester  to  Walsingham,  MS.  already  cited. 


1588.  WANT   OF   ORGANIZATIOX   IN   ENGLAND.  521 

SO  hopelessly  behind-hand,  that  although  great  disasters  might 
have  been  avenged,  they  could  scarcely  have  been  avoided. 

Remembering  that  the  Invincible  Armada  was  lying  in 
Calais  roads  on  the  6th  of  August,  hoping  to  cross  to  Dover 
the  next  morning,  let  us  ponder  the  words  addressed  on  that 
very  day  to  Queen  Elizabeth  by  the  Lieutenant-General  of 
England. 

"  My  most  dear  and  gracious  Lady,"  said  the  Earl,  "  it  is 
most  true  that  those  enemies  that  approach  your  kingdom 
and  person  are  your  undeserved  foes,  and  being  so,  and  hating 
you  for  a  righteous  cause,  there  is  the  less  fear  to  be  had  of 
their  malice  or  their  forces  ;  for  there  is  a  most  just  God  that 
beholdeth  the  innocence  of  that  heart.  The  cause  you  are 
assailed  for  is  His  and  His  Church's,  and  He  never  failed  any 
that  faithfully  do  put  their  chief  trust  in  His  goodness.  He 
hath,  to  comfort  you  withal,  given  you  great  and  mighty 
means  to  defend  yourself,  which  means  I  doubt  not  but  your 
Majesty  will  timely  and  princely  use  them,  and  your  good 
God  that  ruleth  all  will  assist  you  and  bless  you  with  vic- 
tory." 1 

He  then  proceeded  to  give  his  opinion  on  two  points  con- 
cerning which  the  Queen  had  just  consulted  him — the  pro- 
priety of  assembling  her  army,  and  her  desire  to  place  herself 
at  the  head  of  it  in  person. 

On  the  first  point  one  would  have  thought  discussion  super- 
fluous on  the  6th  of  August.  "  For  your  army,  it  is  more 
than  time  it  were  gathered  and  about  you,"  said  Leicester, 
"  or  so  near  you  as  you  may  have  the  use  of  it  at  a  few  hours' 
warning.  The  reason  is  that  your  mighty  enemies  are  at 
hand,  and  if  God  suffers  them  to  pass  by  your  fleet,  you  are 
sure  they  will  attempt  their  purpose  of  landing  with  all  expe- 
dition. And  albeit  your  navy  be  very  strong,  but,  as  we  have 
always  heard,  the  other  is  not  only  far  greater,  but  their 
forces  of  men  much  beyond  yours.  No  doubt  if  the  Prince 
of  Parma  come  forth,  their  forces  by  sea  shall  not  only  be 

27  July 

»  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  ,  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


522  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

greatly  augmented,  but  his  power  to  land  shall  the  easier  take 
effect  whensoever  he  shall  attempt  it.  Therefore  it  is  most 
requisite  that  your  Majesty  at  all  events  have  as  great  a  force 
every  way  as  you  can  devise  ;  for  there  is  no  dalliance  at 
such  a  time  nor  with  such  an  enemy.  You  shall  otherwise 
hazard  your  own  honour,  besides  your  person  and  country, 
and  must  offend  your  gracious  God  that  gave  you  these  forces 
and  power,  though  you  ivill  not  7ise  them  ivhen  you  should." ' 

It  seems  strange  enough  that  such  phrases  should  be  neces- 
sary when  the  enemy  was  knocking  at  the  gate  ;  but  it  is 
only  too  true  that  the  land-forces  were  never  organized  until 
the  hour  of  danger  had,  most  fortunately  and  unexpectedly, 
passed  by.  Suggestions  at  this  late  moment  were  now  given 
for  the  defence  of  the  throne,  the  capital,  the  kingdom,  and  the 
life  of  the  great  Queen,  which  would  not  have  seemed  prema- 
ture had  they  been  made  six  months  before,  but  which,  when 
offered  in  August,  excite  unbounded  amazement.  Alexander 
would  have  had  time  to  march  from  Dover  to  Durham  before 
these  directions,  now  leisurely  stated  with  all  the  air  of 
novelt}^,  could  be  carried  into  effect. 

"  Now  for  the  placing  of  your  army,"  says  the  lieutenant- 
general  on  the  memorable  Saturday,  6th  of  August,  "  no  doubt 
but  I  think  about  London  the  meetest,  and  I  suppose  that 
others  will  be  of  the  same  mind.  And  your  Majesty  should 
forthwith  give  the  charge  thereof  to  some  special  nobleman  about 
you,  and  likewise  place  all  your  chief  officers  that  every  man 
may  hnoio  ivhat  he  shall  do,  and  gather  as  many  good  horse 
above  all  things  as  you  can,  and  the  oldest,  best,  and  assuredest 
captains  to  lead  ;  for  therein  will  consist  the  greatest  hope  of 
good  success  under  God,  And  so  soon  as  your  army  is  assem- 
bled, let  them  hy  and  by  be  exercised,  every  man  to  know  his 
weapon,  and  that  there  be  all  other  things  prepared  in  readi- 
ness for  your  army,  as  if  they  should  march  upon  a  day's 
warning,  especially  carriages,  and  a  commissary  of  victuals, 
and  a  master  of  ordnance."^ 

Certainly,  with  Alexander  of  Parma  on  his  way  to  London^ 

'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  MS.  last  cited.  2  j^id. 


1588. 


ROYAL  PARSIMONY  AND  DELAY. 


523 


at  the  head  of  his  Italian  pikemen,  his  Spanish  musketeers, 
his  famous  veteran  legion — "  that  nursing  mother  of  great 
soldiers " ' — it  was  indeed  more  than  time  that  every  man 
should  know  what  he  should  do,  that  an  army  of  Englishmen 
should  be  assembled,  and  that  every  man  should  know  his 
weapon.  "  By  and  by"  was  easily  said,  and  yet  on  the  6th of 
August  it  was  by  and  by  that  an  army,  not  yet  mustered,  not 
yet  officered,  not  yet  provided  with  a  general,  a  commissary 
of  victuals,  or  a  master  of  ordinance,  was  to  be  exercised — ■ 
*'  every  man  to  know  his  weapon." 

English  courage  might  ultimately  triumph  over  the  mis- 
takes of  those  who  governed  the  country,  and  over  those 
disciplined  brigands  by  whom  it  was  to  be  invaded.  But 
meantime  every  man  of  those  invaders  had  already  learned 
on  a  hundred  battle-fields  to  know  his  weapon. 

It  was  a  magnificent  determination  on  the  part  of  Elizabeth 
to  place  herself  at  the  head  of  her  troops  ;  and  the  enthu- 
siasm which  her  attitude  inspired,  when  she  had  at  last 
emancipated  herself  from  the  delusions  of  diplomacy  and  the 
seductions  of  thrift,  was  some  recompense  at  least  for  the 
perils  caused  by  her  procrastination.  But  Leicester  could  not 
approve  of  this  hazardous  though  heroic  resolution. - 

The    danger   passed    away.       The    Invincible  Armada  was 


*  "  Aquel  tercio  viejo,  padre  de  todos 
lo8  demas,  y  samiuario  de  los  mayores 
solados  que  ha  visto  en  nuestro 
tiempo  Europa."     Coloma,  ii.  26*". 

'  Leicester  to  the  Queen,  MS.  before 
cited. 

"  Now  for  your  person, "  he  said, 
"  being  the  most  chunty  and  sacred 
thing  we  have  in  this  world  to  care 
for,  a  man  must  tremble  when  ho 
thinks  of  it,  especially  finding  your 
Majesty  to  iiave  that  princely  courage 
to  transport  yourself  to  the  uttermost 
confines  of  your  realm  to  meet  your 
enemies  and  defend  your  subjects, 
I  cannot,  most  dear  Queen,  consent  to 
that ;  for  upon  your  well-domg  con- 
sists all  and  some  for  your  whole  king- 
dom, and  therefore  preserve  it  above 
all !  Yet  will  I  not  that,  in  some  sort, 
so  princely  and  so  rare  a  magnanimity 
should  not  appear  to  your  people  and 
the  world  as  it  is,  and  thus  far,  if  it 


please  you,  you  may  do  it  to  draw 
yourself  to  your  house  at  Havering; 
and  your  army,  being  about  London, 
as  at  Stratford,  Eastham,  Hackney, 
and  the  villages  there  about,  shall  be 
alway  not  only  a  defence  but  a  ready 
supply  to  those  counties  of  Essex 
and  Kent,  if  need  be,  and  in  tlie  mean- 
time your  Majesty  may  comfort  this 
army  and  the  people  of  both  those 
counties,  and  may  see  both  the  camp 
and  the  forts.  It  is  not  above  fourteen 
miles  from  Havering,  and  a  very  con- 
venient place  for  your  Majesty  to  lio 
in  by  the  way.  To  rest  you  at  the 
camp,  I  trust  you  will  be  pleased  with 
your  poor  lieutenant's  cabin,  and 
within  a  mile  there  is  a  gentleman's 
house  where  you  may  also  lie.  Thus 
you  may  comfort  not  only  these  thou- 
sands, but  many  more  that  shall  hear 
of  it,  and  thus  iar,  but  no  farther,  can 
I  consent  to  adventure  your  person." 


524  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX 

driven  out  of  the  Chmtiel  by  the  courage,  the  splendid  sea- 
manship, and  the  enthusiasm  of  English  sailors  and  volun- 
teers. The  Duke  of  Parma  was  kept  a  close  prisoner  by  the 
fleets  of  Holland  and  Zeeland  ;  and  the  great  storm  of  the 
14th  and  15th  of  August  at  last  completed  the  overthrow  of 
the  Spaniards. 

It  was,  however,  supposed  for  a  long  time  that  they  would 
come  back,  for  the  disasters  which  had  befallen  them  in  the 
north  were  but  tardily  known  in  England.  The  sailors,  by 
whom  England  had  been  thus  defended  in  her  utmost  need, 
were  dying  by  hundreds,  and  even  thousands,  of  ship-fever,  in 
the  latter  days  of  August.  Men  sickened  one  day,  and  died 
the  next,  so  that  it  seemed  probable  that  the  ten  thousand 
sailors  by  whom  the  English  ships  of  war  were  manned,  would 
have  almost  wholly  disappeared,  at  a  moment  when  their 
services  might  be  imperatively  required.  Nor  had  there  been 
the  least  precaution  taken  for  cherishing  and  saving  these 
brave  defenders  of  their  country.  They  rotted  in  their  ships, 
or  died  in  the  streets  of  the  naval  ports,  because  there  were 
no  hospitals  to  receive  them.^ 

"  'Tis  a  most  pitiful  sight,"  said  the  Lord- Admiral,  "  to  see 
here  at  Margate  how  the  men,  having  no  place  where  they 
can  be  received,  die  in  the  streets.  I  am  driven  of  force 
myself  to  come  on  land  to  see  them  bestowed  in  some  lodg- 
ings ;  and  the  best  I  can  get  is  barns  and  such  outhouses,  and 
the  relief  is  small  that  I  can  provide  for  them  here.  It  would 
grieve  any  man's  heart  to  see  men  that  have  served  so  valiantly 
die  so  miserably." ' 

The  survivors,  too,  were  greatly  discontented  ;  for,  after 
having  been  eight  months  at  sea,  and  enduring  great  priva- 
tions, they  could  not  get  their  wages.  "  Finding  it  to  come 
thus  scantily,"  said  Howard,  "it  breeds  a  marvellous  altera- 
tion among  them."^ 

But  more  dangerous  tnan  the  pestilence  or  the  discontent 


*  Lord  Howard  to  the  Queen  ;  Same 
to  Walsingham ;  Same  to  Privy  Coun- 
cil !iA!!£      (S.  P.  Office  MSS.) 
1  Sept.       ^  ' 


,  10 

Howard    to    Burghley,     —     Aug. 

20 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Howard  to  Privy  Council, '• 

1  Sept. 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1588. 


QUARRELS  OF  ENGLISH  ADMIRALS. 


525 


was  the  misunderstanding  which  existed  at  the  moment 
between  the  leading  admirals  of  the  English  fleet.  Not  only 
was  Seymour  angry  with  Howard,  but  Hawkins  and  Frobisher 
were  at  daggers  drawn  with  Drake  ;  and  Sir  Martin — if  con- 
temporary affidavits  can  be  trusted — did  not  scruple  to  heap 
the  most  virulent  abuse  upon  Sir  Francis,  calling  him,  in 
language  better  fitted  for  the  forecastle  than  the  quarter- 
deck, a  thief  and  a  coward,  for  appropriating  the  ransom  of 
Don  Pedro  Valdez,  in  which  both  Frobisher  and  Hawkins 
claimed  at  least  an  equal  share  with  himself^ 


»  "The    -th  day   of  August,  1588, 

20  oil 

I  arrived  at  Harwick,"  says  Matthew 
Starke,  mariner  on  board  the  '  Re- 
venge,' flag  ship  of  Sir  Francis  Drake, 
"and  delivered  letters  sent  by  the 
Lord-Admiral  to  the  Lord  ShefiSeld. 
....  I  found  with  him  Sir  John  Haw- 
kins, Sir  Martin  Frobisher,  witli  divers 
others.  .  .  .  Then  Sir  Martin  Fro- 
bisher began  some  speeches  concern-* 
ing  the  service  done  in  this  action,  and 
said: — Sir  Francis  Drake  reporteth 
that  no  man  hath  done  any  good  ser- 
vice but  ho,  but  he  shall  well  under- 
stand that  others  have  done  as  good 
service  as  he,  and  better  too.  He 
came  bragging  up  at  the  first  indeed, 
and  gave  them  his  prow  and  his  broad- 
side, and  then  kept  his  luff,  and  was 
glad  that  he  was  gone  again,  like  a 
cowardly  knave  or  traitor — I  rest 
doubtful  which,  but  the  one  I  will 
swear. 

"'Further,  said  he,  he  hath  done 
good  service  indeed,  for  he  took  Don 
Pedro ;  for  after  he  had  seen  her  in 
the  evening  that  she  had  spent  her 
masts,  then,  like  a  coward,  he  kept  by 
her  all  night,  because  he  would  have 
the  spoil.  He  thinketh  to  cozen  us 
of  our  shares  of  15,000  ducats,  but  we 
will  have  our  shares,  or  I  will  make 
him  spend  the  best  blood  in  his  belly, 
for  he  hath  done  enough  of  those 
cozening  cheats  already. 

"  '  He  hath  used  certain  speeches  of 
me  (continued  Sir  Martin)  which  I 
will  make  him  eat  again,  or  I  will 
make  him  spend  the  best  blood  in  his 
belly.  Furthermore,  he  reporteth  that 
no  man  hath  done  so  good  service 
aa   he,   but    he  lieth  in  his  teeth,  for 


there  are  others  that  have  done  as 
good,  and  better  too. 

"  '  Then  he  demanded  of  me  if  we  (in 
the  '  Revenge  ')  did  not  see  Don  Pedro 
overnight  or  no.  Unto  which  I  an- 
swered No.  Then  he  told  me  that 
I  lied,  for  she  was  seen  to  all  the  fleet. 
Unto  which  I  answered  I  would  lay 
my  head  thac  not  any  one  man  in  the 
fleet  did  see  her  until  it  was  morning, 
that  we  were  within  two  or  three 
cables'  lengths  of  her.  Whereunto  he 
answered.  Aye,  marry,  you  were  with- 
in two  or  three  cables'  lengths,  for 
you  were  no  farther  off  all  night,  but 
lay  a-hull  by  her.  Whereunto  I  an- 
swered No,  for  we  bear  a  good  sail  aU 
night,  off  and  on. 

"  '  Then  he  asked  me  to  what  end 
we  stood  off  from  the  fleet  all  niglit. 
I  answered  that  we  had  descried  three 
or  four  hulks,  and  to  that  end  we 
wrought,  not  knowing  what  they  were. 
Then  said  he.  Sir  Francis  was  ap- 
pointed to  bear  a  hgiit  all  that  night, 
which  light  we  looked  for,  but  there 
was  none  to  be  seen ;  and  in  the  morn- 
ing, when  we  should  have  dealt  with 
them,  there  was  not  about  five  or  six 
near  to  the  admiral,  by  reason  we  saw 
not  his  light.  After  this,  and  many 
more  speeches  which  I  am  not  able  to 
remember,  the  Lord  SlK-ffield  de- 
manded of  mo  what  I  was.  Unio  which 
I  answered  I  had  been  in  the  action 
with  Sir  Francis  in  the  '  Revenge ' 
this  seven  or  eight  mouths.  Then  he 
demanded  of  me,  what  art  tliou — -a 
soldier?  And  I  answered  I  am  a 
mariner,  hke  your  Honour.  Then  said 
he,  I  have  no  more  to  say  unto  jou. 
You  may  depart.' 

"  Ail  this  I  do  confess  to  be  true,  aa 


526 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIX, 


And  anxious  enough  was  the  Lord- Admiral,  with  his  sailors 
perishing  by  pestilence,  with  many  of  his  ships  so  weakly 
manned  that — as  Lord  Henry  Seymour  declared — there  were 
not  mariners  enough  to  weigh  the  anchors,^  and  with  the  great 
naval  heroes,  on  whose  efforts  the  safety  of  the  realm  depended, 
wrangling  like  fisherwomen  among  themselves,  when  rumours 
came,  as  they  did  almost  daily,  of  the  return  of  the  Spanish 
Armada,  and  of  new  demonstrations  on  the  part  of  Farnese. 
He  was  naturally  unwilling  that  the  fruits  of  English  valour 
on  the  seas  should  now  be  sacrificed  by  the  false  economy  of 
the  government.  He  felt  that,  after  all  that  had  been  endured 
and  accomplished,  the  Queen  and  her  counsellors  were  still 
ttapable  of  leaving  England  at  the  mercy  of  a  renewed  attempt. 
"  I  know  not  what  you  think  at  the  court,"  said  he  ;  "  but  I 
think,  and  so  do  all  liere,  that  there  cannot  be  too  great  forces 
maintained  for  the  next  five  or  six  weeks.  God  knoweth 
whether  the  Spanish  fleet  will  not,  after  refreshing  themselves 
in  Norway,  Denmark,  and  the  Orkneys,  return.  I  think  they 
dare  not  go  back  to  Spain  with  this  dishonour  to  their  King 
and  overthrow  of  the  Pope's  credit.  Sir,  sure  bind,  sure  find. 
A  kingdom  is  a  grand  wager.  Security  is  dangerous,  and,  tf 
God  had  not  been  our  best  friend,  we  should  have  found  it  so."^ 

Nothing  could  be  more  replete  with  sound  common  sense 
than  this  simple  advice,  given  as  it  was  in  utter  ignorance  of 
the  fate  of  the  Armada,  after  it  had  been  lost  sight  of  by  the 
English  vessels  ofi"  the  Frith  of  Forth,  and  of  the  cold  refresh- 


it  was  spoken  by  Sir  Martin  Frobisher, 
and  ilo  acknowledge  it  in  the  presence 
of  these  parties  whose  names  are  here- 
under written.  Captain  Piatt :  Captain 
Vaughan  ;  Mr.  Grange,  master  of  the 
Arke ;  John  Graye,  master  of  the 
Revenge ;    Captain  8pendeloe. 

"  Moreover,  he  said  that  Sir  Francis 
was    the    cause    of  all    these   troubles, 
he  showed  himself 
By   mc,    Matthew 

Starke.    Aug.    -,   1588."     (S.  P.  Office 

20 

MS.) 

~  23  Aug. 

»  Seymour  to  'WalsiDgham, 

2  Sept. 


and  in   this   action 
the    most    coward. 

10 


1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

'  Howard   to  Walsingham,   —  Aug. 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"  Some  haply  may  say  that  winter 
cometh  on  apace,"  said  Drake,  "but 
my  poor  opinion  is  that  1  dare  not  ad- 
vise her  Majesty  to  hazard  a  kingdom 
with  the  saving  of  a  little  charge. 
The  Duke  of  Parma  is  nigh,  and  will 
not  let  to  send  daily  to  the  Duke  of 
Sidonia,  if  he  may  find  him."     Drake 

to  Walsingham,  -   Aug.  1588.     (S.  P. 

Office  MS.) 


1588.        ENGLAND'S  NARROW  ESCAPE  FROM  GREAT  PERIL.        527 

ment  which  it  had  found  m  Norway  and  the  Orkneys.  But 
Burghley  had  a  store  of  pithy  apophthegms,  for  which  he 
knew  he  could  always  find  sympathy  in  the  Queen's  breast, 
and  with  which  he  could  answer  these  demands  of  admirals 
and  generals.  "  To  spend  in  time  convenient  is  wisdom  ;"  he 
observed — "  to  continue  charges  without  needful  cause  bringeth 
repentance  ;" — "  to  hold  on  charges  without  knowledge  of  the 
certainty  thereof  and  of  means  how  to  support  them,  is  lack 
of  wisdom  ;"  ^  and  so  on. 

Yet  the  Spanish  fleet  might  have  returned  into  the  Channel — 
for  aught  the  Lord-Treasurer  on  the  22nd  August  knew — or 
the  Dutch  fleet  might  have  relaxed  in  its  vigilant  watching 
of  Farnese's  movements.  It  might  have  then  seemed  a  most 
plentiful  lack  of  wisdom  to  allow  English  sailors  to  die  of 
plague  in  the  streets  for  want  of  hospitals,  and  to  grow  mu- 
tinous for  default  of  pay.  To  have  saved  under  such,  circum- 
stances would  perhaps  have  brought  repentance. 

The  invasion  of  England  by  Spain  had  been  most  por- 
tentous. That  the  danger  was  at  last  averted  is  to  be  ascribed 
to  the  enthusiasm  of  the  English  nation — both  patricians  and 
plebeians — to  the  heroism  of  the  little  Englith  fleet,  to  the 
spirit  of  the  naval  commanders  and  volunteers,  to  the  stanch 
and  effective  support  of  the  Hollanders,  and  to  the  hand  of 
God  shattering  the  Armada  at  last  ;  but  very  little  credit  can 
be  conscientiously  awarded  to  the  diplomatic  or  the  military 
efforts  of  the  Queen's  government.^      Miracles  alone,  in  the 


'    Memorial     in     Burghley's    hand, 

"  Aug.  1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

''  An  exception  is  always  to  be  made 
in  favour  of  the  Secretary  of  State. 
Although  stunned  for  a  moment  by 
the  superhuman  perfidy  of  Philip  and 
Farnese,  and  deceived  by  false  intel- 
ligence as  to  the  conditions  of  the 
Armada  after  the  gale  near  Coruna, 
Walsingham  had  been  ever  watchful, 
and  constantly  uttering  words  of  solemn 
warning.  "  Plain  dealing  is  best  among 
friends,"    said   Seymour.     "  I    will  not 


English  navy  with  tlieir  enemies.  But 
that  your  place  and  most  necessary 
attendance  about  her  Majesty  cannot 
be  spared,  your  value  and  deserts 
opposite  tbe  enemy  had  showtd  itself." 
"  For  m3-self,"  added  the  bold  sailor, 
who  was  much  dissatisfied  at  the  pro- 
spect of ''being  penned  and  moored  in 
roads,"  instead  of  cruizing  after  the 
Spaniards,  "  I  have  not  spared  my 
body,  which,  I  thank  God,  is  able  to 
go  through  thick  and  thin.  .  .  .  Spare 
me  not  while  I  am  abroad,  for  when 
God  shall  return  me,  T  will  be  kin  to 


rtalter  you,  but  you  have  fought  more   j    the   bear.      T    will   hold    to   the   stake 
With  your  pen  than  many  here  in  our  '  betbre   I    come   abroad  again."     Lord 


528  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX 

opinion  of  Koger  Williams,  had  saved  England  on  this  occa- 
sion from  perdition.^ 

Towards  the  end  of  August,  Admiral  de  Nassau  paid  a  visit 
to  Dover  with  forty  ships,  "  well  appointed  and  furnished."  * 
He  dined  and  conferred  with  Seymour,  Palmer,  and  other 
officers — Winter  being  still  laid  up  with  his  wound — and 
expressed  the  opinion  that  Medina  Sidonia  would  hardly 
return  to  the  Channel,  after  the  banquet  he  had  received  from 
her  Majesty's  navy  between  Calais  and  Gravelines.  He  also 
gave  the  information  that  the  States  had  sent  fifty  Dutch 
vessels  in  pursuit  of  the  Spaniards,  and  had  compelled  all  the 
herring-fishermen  for  the  time  to  serve  in  the  ships  of  war, 
although  the  prosperity  of  the  country  depended  on  that 
industry.  "I  find  the  man  very  wise,  subtle,  and  cunning," 
said  Seymour  of  the  Dutch  Admiral,  "and  therefore  do  I 
trust  him."^ 

Nassau  rej)resented  the  Duke  of  Parma  as  evidently  dis- 
couraged, as  having  already  disembarked  his  troops,  and  as 
very  little  disposed  to  hazard  any  further  enterprise  against 
England.  "  I  have  left  twenty-five  Kromstevens,"  said  he, 
"  to  prevent  his  egress  from  Sluys,  and  I  am  immediately 
returning  thither  myself.  The  tide  will  not  allow  his  vessels 
at  present  to  leave  Dunkerk,  and  I  shall  not  fail — before  the 
next  full  moon — to  place  myself  before  that  place,  to  prevent 
their  coming  out,  or  to  have  a  brush  with  them  if  they  venture 
to  put  to  sea."  * 

But  after  the  scenes  on  which  the  last  full  moon  had  looked 
down  in  those  waters,  there  could  be  no  further  pretence  on 
the  part  of  Farnese  to  issue  from  Sluys  and    Dunkerk,  and 


H.  Seymour  to  "Walsingham,  from  the 

IK 

Rainbow,  -  Aug.  1588.     (S.  P.  Office 

23  Aug. 
MS.)      Same  to  same, MS. 

'  2  Sept. 

'  R.  Williams  to  "Walsingham,  July, 
1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

■•  "  Cependant  je  no  fauldrai  de  me 
retourner  contre  la  procbaine  lune 
devaut  Dunquerque  pour  empecher  la 
sortie  a  ceux  dedaus,  ou  de  me  meler 
avec  eux  s'ils  se  deliberent  se  mettre 
en   mer."     Just,    de    Nassau    to    Wal- 


^  Seymour  to   Walsingham,  -  Aug.  |  singham,  —  Aug.  1588.     (S.   P.   OfiQce 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.)  '  I   MS.) 

14 

»  Seymour  to   Walsingham,  —  Aug.  j 


1588.  VARIOUS  RUMoORS  AS  TO  THE  ARMADA'S  FATE.  529 

England  and  Holland  were  thenceforth  saved  from  all  naval 
enterprises  on  the  part  of  Spain. 

Meantime,  the  same  uncertainty  which  prevailed  in  England 
as  to  the  condition  and  the  intentions  of  the  Armada  was  still 
more  remarkable  elsewhere.  There  was  a  systematic  decep- 
tion practised  not  only  upon  other  governments,  hut  upon  the 
King  of  Spain  as  well.  Philip,  as  he  sat  at  his  writing-desk, 
was  regarding  himself  as  the  monarch  of  England,  long  after 
his  Armada  had  been  hopelessly  dispersed.^ 

In  Paris,  rumours  were  circulated  during  the  first  ten  days 
of  August  that  England  was  vanquished,  and  that  the  Queen 
was  already  on  her  way  to  Rome  as  a  prisoner,  where  she  was 
to  make  expiation,  barefoot,  before  his  Holiness.  Mendoza — 
now  more  magnificent  than  ever — stalked  into  Notre  Dame 
with  his  drawn  sword  in  his  hand,  crying  out  with  a  loud 
voice,  "Victory,  victory!"^  and  on  the  10th  of  August 
ordered  bonfires  to  be  made  before  his  house  ;  but  afterwards 
thought  better  of  that  scheme.^  He  had  been  deceived  by  a 
variety  of  reports  sent  to  him  day  after  day  by  agents  on  the 
coast  ;  and  the  King  of  France — better  informed  by  Stafford, 
but  not  unwilling  thus  to  feed  his  spite  against  the  insolent 
ambassador — affected  to  believe  his  fables.  He  even  confirmed 
them  by  intelligence,  which  he  pretended  to  have  himself 
received  from  other  sources,  of  the  landing  of  the  Spaniards 
in  England  without  opposition,  and  of  the  entire  subjugation 
of  that  country  without  the  striking  of  a  blow.^ 

Hereupon,  on  the  night  of  August  10th,  the  envoy — "like 
a  wise  man,"  as  Stafford  observed^ — sent  off  four  couriers,  one 
after  another,  with  the  great  news  to  S[)ain,  that  his  master's 
heart  might  be  rejoiced,  and  caused  a  pamphlet  on  the  subject 
to  be  printed  and  distributed  over  Paris.®  "  I  will  not  waste 
a  large  sheet  of  paper  to  express  the  joy  which  we  must  all 
feel,"   he   wrote   to   Idiaquez,   "at  this  good  news.     God  be 


1   Philip  II.  to  Parma,  18  Aug.  1588. 
(Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 
'  Stowe,  744-750. 
3  Sir    E.     Stafford    to  "WalBingham, 

-  Aug.  1688.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

VOL.  II.— 2  M 


*  Reyd,  viii.  148. 

'  Staflbrd  to  Walsingham,   MS.   last 
cited. 

"  Ibid.     Reyd,  ubi  sup. 


530 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XIX 


praised  for  all,  who  gives  us  small  chastisements  to  make  us 
better,  and  then,  like  a  merciful  Father,  sends  us  infinite 
rewards." '  And  in  the  same  strain  he  wrote,  day  after  day, 
to  Moura  and  Idiaquez,  and  to  Philip  himself 

Stafford,  on  his  side,  was  anxious  to  be  informed  by  his 
government  of  the  exact  truth,  whatever  it  were,  in  order  that 
these  figments  of  Mendoza  might  be  contradicted.  "  That 
which  Cometh  from  me,"  he  said,  "  will  be  believed,  for  I 
have  not  been  used  to  tell  lies,  and  in  very  truth  I  have  not 
the  face  to  do  it. '  - 

And  the  news  of  the  Calais  squibs,  of  the  fight  ofi"  Grave- 
lines,  and  the  retreat  of  the  Armada  towards  the  north,  could 
not  be  very  long  concealed.  So  soon,  therefore,  as  authentic 
intelligence  reached  the  English  envoy  of  those  events — 
which  was  not  however  for  7iearly  ten  days  after  their  occur- 
rence ^ — Stafford  in  his  turn  wrote  a  pamphlet,  in  answer  to 
that  of  Mendoza,  and  decidedly  the  more  successful  one  of 
the  two.  It  cost  him  but  five  crowns,  he  said,  to  print  four 
hundred  copies  of  it  ;  but  those  in  whose  name  it  was  published 
got  one  hundred  crowns  by  its  sale.  The  English  ambassador 
was  unwilling  to  be  known  as  the  author — although  "desirous 
of  touching  up  the  impudence  of  the  Spaniard  ;" — but  the 
King  had  no  doubt  of  its  origin.  Poor  Henry,  still  smarting 
under  the  insults  of  Mendoza  and  '  Mucio,'  was  delighted  with 
this  blow  to  Philij/s  presumption,  was  loud  in  his  praises  of 
Queen  Elizabeth's  valour,  prudence,  and  marvellous  fortune, 
and  declared  that  what  she  had  just  done  could  be  compared 
to  the  greatest  exploits  of  the  most  illustrious  men  in  history.'' 


'  "  No  quiero  ocupar  V.  M.  con  larga 
carta  el  Regozijo  que  tendra  coa  las 
buenas  nuevas  con  que  queria  de- 
Bpachar.  Dios  sea  alavado  por  todo, 
qui  nos  muestra  chicos  castigos  por 
enmendarnos,  y  da  como  padre  de 
misericordia  inflnitos  mercedes  j 
beneficios."  Mendoza  to  Idiaquez. 
13  Aug.  1588.  (Arch,  de  Sim.  [Paris.] 
MS.)     Same  to  Philip  II.  same  date. 

The  envoy  thought  that  the  "  Al- 
mighty Father  of  mercy  had  conferred 
as  infinite  rewards  and  benefits,"  upon 


Ilis  Spanish  children,  the  sacking  of 
London,  and  the  butchering  of  the 
English  nation — rewards  and  benefits 
similar  to  those  which  they  liad  for- 
merly enjoyed  in  the  Netherlands. 

*  Stafford    to  Walsingham,    —  Aug. 

MS.  before  cited. 

9 
=  Same  to  same,  —  Aug.    1588.      (S. 

P.  OflBce  MS.) 

*  ■'  ICste    Rey  ha   loado.    hablandose 
con  algunos  de  sus  favoridos  grando- 


1588. 


PHILIP  FOR  A  LONG  TIME  IN  DOtJBT. 


531 


"  So  soon  a8  ever  he  saw  the  pamphlet,"  said  Stafford,  "  he 
offered  to  lay  a  wager  it  was  my  doing,  and  laughed  at  it 
heartily." '  And  there  were  malicious  pages  about  the  French 
court,  who  also  found  much  amusement  in  writing  to  the 
ambassador,  begging  his  interest  with  the  Duke  of  Parma  that 
they  might  obtain  from  that  conqueror  some  odd  refuse  towa 
or  so  in  England,  such  as  York,  Canterbury,  London,  or  the 
like — till  the  luckless  Don  Bernardino  was  ashamed  to  show 
his  face.^ 

A  letter  from  Farnese,  however,  of  10th  August,  apprized 
Philip  before  the  end  of  August  of  the  Calais  disaster,  and 
caused  him  great  uneasiness,  without  driving  him  to  despair. 
"  At  the  very  moment,"  wrote  the  King  to  Medina  Sidonia, 
"  when  I  was  expecting  news  of  the  effect  hoped  for  from  my 
Armada,  I  have  learned  the  retreat  from  before  Calais,  to 
which  it  was  compelled  hy  the  iveather ;[\]  and  I  have  received 
a  very  great  shock,  which  keeps  me  in  anxiety  not  to  be 
exaggerated.  Nevertheless  I  hope  in  our  Lord  that  he  will 
have  provided  a  remedy,  and  that  if  it  was  possible  for  you  to 
return  upon  the  enemy,  to  come  back  to  the  appointed  post, 
and  to  watch  an  opportunity  for  the  great  stroke,  you  will 
have  done  as  the  case  required  ;  and  so  I  am  expecting,  with 
solicitude,  to  hear  what  has  happened,  and  please  God  it  may 
be  vhat  which  is  so  suitable  for  his  service."  ^ 


mente  del  valor,  animo,  y  prudencia 
de  la  Reyua  de  Inglaterra,  favorecida 
de  una  maravillosa  fortuna,  diziendo 
que  lo  que  ella  avia  hecho  ultiniauiente 
se  podia  coinparar  coa  las  may  ores 
hazanas  de  los  bombres  mas  ilustres 
del  tierapo  passado,  pues  avia  osado 
son  solas  sus  fuerzas  aguardar  las  que 
eran  tau  pujantes  corao  las  do  Kspana 
Y  combatir  las,  cerraiido  juntamento  el 
paso  a  la  armada  del  duca  de  Parma, 
que  era  no  menos  poderosa,  y  aver 
tardado  quatro  aiios  Y.  M;ig<'.  con 
juntar  semejantes  armadas,  poniendo 
al  mundo  en  admiraeion  de  ser  las  de 
las  quales  se  podia  dezir  aver  trionfado 
la  Reyna  de  Inglaterra."  Mendoza  to 
Philip,  13  Oct.  1588.  (Arch,  de  Sim. 
[Paris.]  MS.) 

Of   course   all  the    exploits   of   the 

VOL.       I.  — 17» 


Englisli  and  Dutch  admirals  and  their 
crews  were,  in  the  opinion  of  Henry 
III.,  the  work  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  It 
was  the  royal  prudence,  valor,  and 
good  fortune,  which  saved  England, 
not  the  merits  of  Drake  and  Howard, 
Nassau  and  De  Moor. 

'  Stafford  to  Walsingham,  MS.  before 
cited. 

2  Stowe,  744-750. 

3  "Al  tiempo  que  se  aguardavan 
nuevas  del  effeto  que  de  las  fuerzas 
dessa  armada  se  esperaba,  se  ha  enten- 
dido  la  derrota  que  desde  sobre  Gales 
la  forfo  a  tomar  el  temporal,  y  recibido 
rauy  gran  sobresalto  que  me  tiene  con 
mas  cuydado  que  se  puede  cncarecer, 
aunque  espero  en  nuestro  Senor  qiio 
avra  proveydo  de  remedio,  y  que  os  tue 
posible   rebolver    sobre   el   enemigo  ^ 


532  THE  UNITKD  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

And  in  the  same  strain,  melancholy  yet  hopeful,  were  other 
fetters  despatched  on  that  day  to  the  Duke  of  Parma.  "  The 
satisfaction  caused  by  your  advices  on  the  8th  August  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Armada  near  Calais,  and  of  your  preparations 
to  embark  your  troops,  was  changed  into  a  sentiment  which 
you  can  imagine,  by  your  letter  of  the  10th.  The  anxiety 
thus  occasioned  it  would  be  impossible  to  exaggerate,  although 
— the  cause  being  such  as  it  is — there  is  no  ground  for  distrust. 
Perhaps  the  Armada,  keeping  together,  has  returned  upon  the 
enemy,  and  given  a  good  account  of  itself,  with  the  hel])  of 
the  Lord.  So  I  still  promise  myself  that  you  will  have  per- 
formed your  part  in  the  enterprise  in  such  wise  as  that  the 
service  intended  to  the  Lord  may  have  been  executed,  and 
repairs  made  to  the  reputation  of  all,  which  has  been  so  much 
compromised."  ^ 

And  the  King's  drooping  spirits  were  revived  by  fresh 
accounts  which  reached  him  in  September,  by  way  of  France. 
He  now  learned  that  the  Armada  had  taken  captive  four 
Dutch  men-of-war  and  many  English  ships  ;  that,  after  the 
Spaniards  had  been  followed  from  Calais  roads  by  the  enemy's 
fleet,  there  had  been  an  action,  which  the  English  had 
attempted  in  vain  to  avoid,  off  Newcastle  ;  that  Medina 
Sidonia  had  charged  upon  them  so  vigorously  as  to  sink  twenty 
of  their  ships,  and  to  capture  twenty-six  others,  good  and 
sound  ;  that  the  others,  to  escape  perdition,  had  fled,  after 
sufiering  great  damage,  and  had  then  gone  to  pieces,  all 
hands  perishing  ;  that  the  Armada  had  taken  a  port  in  Scot- 
land,  where  it  was  very  comfortably  established  ;    that  the 


acudir  al  puesto  senalado,  y  atender 
el  effecto  principal  lo  pariades  como 
pedia  el  caso,  y  assi  aguardo  con  desseo 
aviso  de  lo  sucedido,  que  plega  a  Dios 
sea  lo  que  tanto  conviene  a  su  servicio." 
Philip  II.  to  Medina  Sidonia,  31  Aug. 
1588.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

*  "  Prometo  me  de  vos  que  avreys 
executado  lo  que  oa  toca  de  manera 
que  se  oonsiga  al  servicio  que  se  ha 
pretendido  hazer  a  Dios,  y  el  reparo 
de  la  repuixicion  de  todos  que  esta  tan 
empeiiada."      The     underlined    words 


were  stricken  out  by  Philip,  from  tlu' 
draft  of  the  letter — prepared  as  usual 
by  the  secretary — with  the  note  in  the 
King's  hand:  ''  See  if  it  be  well  to  omit 
the  passage  erased,  because  in  that 
which  God  does,  or  by  which  He  is 
served,  there  is  no  gaining  or  losing 
of  reputation,  and  it  is  better  not  to 
speak  of  it  at  all."  ("  Pues  en  lo  que 
Dios  haze,  y  es  servido,  no  ay  que  per- 
der  ni  ganar  reputacion,  y  es  major  no 
hablar  en  ello.")  Philip  II.  to  Parm% 
Jl  Aug.  1588.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 


r588.  HE  BELIEVES  HIMSELF  VICTORIOUS.  533 

flag-ship  of  Lord-admiral  Howard,  of  Drake,  and  of  that  "  dis- 
tinguished mariner  Hawkins/'  had  all  been  sunk  in  action,  and 
that  no  soul  had  been  saved  except  Drake,  who  had  escaped 
in  a  cock-boat.  "  This  is  good  news,"  added  the  writer,  "  and 
it  is  most  certain."  ^ 

The  King  pondered  seriously  over  these  conflicting  accounts, 
and  remained  very  much  in  the  dark.  Half  the  month  of 
September  went  by,  and  he  had  heard  nothing  official  since 
the  news  of  the  Calais  catastrophe.  It  may  be  easily  under- 
stood that  Medina  Sidonia,  while  flying  round  the  Orkneys 
had  not  much  opportunity  for  despatching  couriers  to  Spain, 
and  as  Farnese  had  not  written  since  the  10th  August,  Philip 
was  quite  at  a  loss  whether  to  consider  himself  triumphant  or 
defeated.  From  the  reports  by  way  of  Calais,  Dunkerk,  and 
Rouen,  he  supposed  that  the  Armada  had  inflicted  much 
damage  on  the  enemy.  He  suggested  accordingly,  on  the 
3rd  September,  to  the  Duke  of  Parma,  that  he  might  now 
make  the  passage  to  England,  while  the  English  fleet,  if  any- 
thing was  left  of  it,  was  repairing  its  damages.  "  'Twill  be 
easy  enough  to  conquer  the  country,"  said  Philip,  "  so  soon  as 
you  set  foot  on  the  soil.  Then  perhaps  our  Armada  can  come 
back  and  station  itself  in  the  Thames  to  support  you."  ^ 

Nothing  could  be  simpler.  Nevertheless  the  King  felt  a 
pang  of  doubt  lest  afiairs,  after  all,  might  not  be  going  on  so 
swimmingly  ;  so  he  dipped  his  pen  in  the  inkstand  again,  and 
observed  with  much  pathos,  "  But  if  this  hope  must  be  given 
up,  you  must  take  the  Isle  of  Walcheren  :  something  must  be 
done  to  console  me."  ^ 

And  on  the  15th  September  he  was  still  no  wiser.  "  This 
business  of  the  Armada  leaves  me  no  repose,"  he  said  ;  "  I  can 
think  of  nothing  else.  I  don't  content  myself  with  what  I 
have  written,  but  write  again  and  again,  although  in  great 
want  of  light.  I  hear  that  the  Armada  has  sunk  and  captured 
many  English  ships,  and  is  refitting  in  a  Scotch  port.     If  this 

'  Avisos  de   Dunquerque,   30   Aug.  I  (Arch,  de  Sim.  [Paris.]  MSS.) 

1588.       Carta    de    Roan   de   Juan   de  |  '  Philip  II.  to  Parma,  3  Sept.  1088. 

Gamarra,    31     Aug.    Ifi88.       "A    sido  I  (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

ibuena    oueva,  y  esto  ea  certissimo."  |  '  Ibid, 


534  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX 

is  in  the  territory  of  Lord  Huntley,  I  hope  he  will  stir  up  the 
Catholics  of  that  country."  ' 

And  so,  in  letter  after  letter,  Philip  clung  to  the  delusion 
that  Alexander  could  yet  cross  to  England,  and  that  the 
Armada  might  sail  up  the  Thames.  The  Duke  was  directed 
to  make  immediate  arrangements  to  that  effect  with  Medina 
Sidonia,  at  the  very  mornent  when  that  tempest-tossed  grandee 
was  painfully  creeping  back  towards  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  with 
what  remained  of  his  invincible  fleet. 

Sanguine  and  pertinacious,  the  King  refused  to  believe  in 
the  downfall  of  his  long-cherished  scheme  ;  and  even  when 
the  light  was  at  last  dawning  upon  him,  he  was  like  a  child 
crying  for  a  fresh  toy,  when  the  one  which  had  long  amused 
him  had  been  broken.  If  the  Armada  were  really  very  much 
damaged,  it  was  easy  enough,  he  thought,  for  the  Duke  of 
Parma  to  make  him  a  new  one,  while  the  old  one  was  repair- 
ing. "In  case  the  Armada  is  too  much  shattered  to  come 
out,"  said  Philip,  "and  winter  compels  it  to  stay  in  that 
port,  you  must  cause  another  Armada  to  he  constructed  at 
Emden  and  the  adjacent  towns,  at  my  expense,  and,  with 
the  two  together,  you  will  certainly  be  able  to  conquer 
England."  - 

And  he  wrote  to  Medina  Sidonia  in  similar  terms.  That 
naval  commander  was  instructed  to  enter  the  Thames  at  once, 
if  strong  enough.  If  not,  he  was  to  winter  in  the  Scotch  port 
which  he  was  supposed  to  have  captured.  Meantime  Farnese 
would  build  a  new  fleet  at  Emden,  and  in  the  spring  the  two 
dukes  would  proceed  to  accomplish  the  great  purpose.^ 

But  at  last  the  arrival  of  Medina  Sidonia  at  Santander* 
dispelled  these  visions,  and  now  the  King  appeared  in  another 
attitude.  A  messenger,  coming  post-haste  from  the  captain- 
general,  arrived  in  the  early  days  of  October  at  the  Escorial. 
Entering  the  palace  he  found  Idiaquez  and  Moura  pacing  up 
and  down  the  corridor,  before  the  door  of  Philip's  cabinet, 

»  Philip  II.  to  Parma,  15  Sept.  1588.  I  15  Sept.  1588.     (Arch,  de  Sim.  MS.) 

(Arch,  do  Sim.  MS.)  |  *  Pliilip  II.  to  Parma,  10  Oct.  158a 

■^  Ibid.  I  (.Vreh.  de  Sim.  MS.) 
9  Phihp     11.     to     Medina     Sidouia, 


1588.  IS  TRANQUIL  WHEN  UNDECEIVED.  535 

and  was  immediately  interrogated  by  those  counsellors,  most 
anxious,  of  course,  to  receive  authentic  intelligence  at  last  as 
to  the  fate  of  the  Armada.^  The  entire  overthrow  of  the 
great  project  was  now,  for  the  first  time,  fully  revealed  in 
Spain  ;  the  fabulous  victories  over  the  English,  and  the  anni- 
hilation of  Howard  and  all  his  ships,  were  dispersed  in  air. 
Broken,  ruined,  forlorn,  the  invincible  Armada — so  far  as  it 
still  existed — had  reached  a  Spanish  port.  G-reat  was  the  con- 
sternation of  Idiaquez  and  Moura,  as  they  listened  to  the  tale, 
and  very  desirous  was  each  of  the  two  secretaries  that  the 
other  should  discharge  the  unwelcome  duty  of  communicating 
the  fatal  intelligence  to  the  King." 

At  last  Moura  consented  to  undertake  the  task,  and  entering 
the  cabinet,  he  found  Philip  seated  at  his  desk.  Of  course 
he  was  writing  letters.^  Being  informed  of  the  arrival  of  a 
messenger  from  the  north,  he  laid  down  his  pen,  and  inquired 
the  news.  The  secretary  replied  that  the  accounts  concerning 
the  Armada  were  by  no  means  so  favourable  as  could  be  wished. 
The  courier  was  then  introduced,  and  made  his  dismal  report. 
The  King  did  not  change  countenance.  "  Great  thanks,"  he 
observed,  "  do  I  render  to  Almighty  God,  by  whose  generous 
hand  I  am  gifted  with  such  power,  that  I  could  easily,  if  I 
chose,  place  another  fleet  upon  the  seas.  Nor  is  it  of  very 
great  importance  that  a  running  stream  should  be  sometimes 
intercepted,  so  long  as  the  fountain  from  which  it  flows  re- 
mains inexhaustible." 

So  saying  he  resumed  his  pen,  and  serenely  proceeded  with 
his  letters.*  Christopher  Moura  stared  with  unaflected  amaze- 
ment at  his  sovereign,  thus  tranquil  while  a  shattered  worli 
was  falling  on  his  head,  and  then  retired  to  confer  with  hia 
colleague. 

"  And  how  did  his  Majesty  receive  the  blow  ?"  asked 
Idiaquez. 

"  His  Majesty  thinks  nothing  of  the  blow,"  answered  Moura, 


■  Strada,  II.  ix.  564. 
"  Ibid. 

'  "  Regem     lileras     scribentem 
perit."     (Ibid.) 


*  Ibid.  "  His  dictis  calamum  re- 
sumit,  et  eadem  qua  ceperat  tranquil- 
litate  vultus  ad  scribendum  redit. 


536  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XIX. 

"  nor  do  I,  consequently,  make  more  of  this  great  calamity 
than  does  his  Majesty." ' 

So  the  King — as  fortune  flew  away  from  him,  wrapped 
himself  in  his  virtue  ;  and  his  counsellors,  imitating  their 
sovereign,  arrayed  themselves  in  the  same  garment.  Thus 
draped,  they  were  all  prepared  to  bide  the  pelting  of  the 
storm  which  was  only  beating  figuratively  on  their  heads, 
while  it  had  been  dashing  the  King's  mighty  galleons  on  the 
rocks,  and  drowning  by  thousands  the  wretched  victims  of  his 
ambition.  Soon  afterwards,  when  the  particulars  of  the 
great  disaster  were  thoroughly  known,  Philip  ordered  a  letter 
to  be  addressed  in  his  name  to  all  the  bishops  of  Spain,  order- 
ing a  solemn  thanksgiving  to  the  Almighty  for  the  safety  of 
that  portion  of  the  invincible  Armada  which  it  had  pleased 
Him  to  preserve.^ 

And  thus,  with  the  sound  of  mourning  throughout  Spain — 
for  there  was  scarce  a  household  of  which  some  beloved 
member  had  not  perished  in  the  great  catastrophe — and  with 
the  peals  of  merry  bells  over  all  England  and  Holland,  and 
with  a  solemn  '  Te  Deum'  resounding  in  every  church,  the 
curtain  fell  upon  the  great  tragedy  of  the  Armada. 

'    "  Rex,   in  quit,   totum   hoc  infortu-   I        *  Strada,  II.  ix.  565,     Herrerft,  III, 
niuin  nihili  facit,  nee  ego  pluris  quam  I    iii.  Ii3. 
ipse."     (Ibid.)  * 


1588.  ALEXANDER   BESIEGES   BERGEN-OP-ZOOM.  537 


CHAPTER    XX. 

4Jexander  besieges  Bergen-op-Zoom — Pallavicini's  Attempt  to  seduce  Parma 
— Alexander's  Fury — He  is  forced  to  raise  tlie  Siege  of  Bergen — Gertruy- 
denberg  betrayed  to  Parma — Indignation  of  the  States — Exploits  of 
Schenk — His  Attack  on  Nymegen — He  is  defeated  and  drowned — Eng- 
lish-Dutch Expedition  to  Spain — Its  meagre  Results — Death  of  Guise 
and  of  the  Queen-Mother — Combinations  after  the  Murder  of  Henry  III. 
— Tandem  fit  Surculus  Arbor. 

The  fever  of  the  past  two  years  was  followed  by  comparative 
languor.  The  deadly  crisis  was  past,  the  freedom  of  Europe 
was  saved,  Holland  and  England  breathed  again  ;  but  tension 
now  gave  place  to  exhaustion.  The  events  in  the  remainder 
of  the  year  1588,  with  those  of  1589 — although  important  in 
themselves — were  the  immediate  results  of  that  history  which 
has  been  so  minutely  detailed  in  these  volumes,  and  can  be 
indicated  in  a  very  few  pages. 

The  Duke  of  Parma,  melancholy,  disappointed,  angry — 
stung  to  the  soul  by  calumnies  as  stupid  as  they  were 
venomous,  and  already  afflicted  with  a  painful  and  lingering 
disease,  which  his  friends  attributed  to  poison  administered 
by  command  of  the  master  whom  he  had  so  faithfully 
served  —  determined,  if  possible,  to  afford  the  consola- 
tion which  that  master  was  so  plaintively  demanding  at  his 
hands. 

So  Alexander  led  the  splendid  army  which  had  been  packed 
in,  and  unpacked  from,  the  flat  boats  of  Newport  and  Dunkerk, 
against  Bergen-op-Zoom,  and  besieged  that  city  in  form.  Once 
of  great  commercial  importance,  although  somewhat  fallen 
away  from  its  original  prosperity,  Bergen  was  well  situate  on 
a  little  stream  which  connected  it  with  the  tide-waters  of  the 
Scheldt,  and  was  the  only  place  in  Brabant,  except  Willem- 
stad,  still  remaining  to  the  States.  Opposite  lay  the  Isle  of 
Tholen   from  which  it  was  easily  to  be  supplied  and  rein- 


538  ^"^^  UNITED    NETHERLANDa  Chap.  XX 

forced.  The  Vosmeer,  a  branch  of  the  Scheldt,  separated  the 
island  from  the  mum,  and  there  was  a  path  along  the  bed  of 
that  estuary,  which,  at  dead  low- water,  was  practicable  for 
wading.  Alexander,  accordingly,  sent  a  party  of  eight  hundred 
pikemen,  under  Montigny,  Marquis  of  Renty,  and  Ottavio 
Mansfeld,  supported  on  the  dyke  by  three  thousand  mus- 
keteers, across  the  dangerous  ford,  at  ebb-tide,  in  order  to 
seize  this  important  island.  It  was  an  adventure  similar  to 
those,  which,  in  the  days  of  the  grand  commander,  and  under 
the  guidance  of  Mondragon,  had  been  on  two  occasions  so 
brilliantly  successful.  But  the  Isle  of  Tholen  was  now  de- 
fended by  Count  Solms  and  a  garrison  of  fierce  amphibious 
Zeelanders — of  those  determined  bands  which  had  just  been 
holding  Farnese  and  his  fleet  in  prison,  and  daring  him  to  the 
issue — and  the  invading  party,  after  fortunately  accomplishing 
their  night-journey  along  the  bottom  of  the  Vosmeer,  were 
unable  to  effect  a  landing,  were  driven  with  considerable 
loss  into  the  waves  again,  and  compelled  to  find  their  way 
back  as  best  they  could,  along  their  dangerous  path,  and  with 
a  rapidly  rising  tide.  It  was  a  blind  and  desperate  venture,  and 
the  Vosmeer  soon  swallowed  four  hundred  of  the  Spaniai'ds. 
The  rest,  half-drowned  or  smothered,  succeeded  in  reaching 
the  shore — the  chiefs  of  the  expedition,  Renty  and  Mansfeld, 
having  been  with  difficulty  rescued  by  their  followers,  when 
nearly  sinking  in  the  tide.^ 

The  Duke  continued  the  siege,  but  the  place  was  well 
defended  by  an  English  and  Dutch  garrison,  to  the  number 
of  five  thousand,  and  commanded  by  Colonel  Morgan,  that 
bold  and  much  experienced  Welshman,  so  well  known  in  the 
Netherland  wars.  Willoughby  and  Maurice  of  Nassau,  and 
Olden- Barneveld  were,  at  different  times,  within  the  walls  ;  for 
the  Duke  had  been  unable  to  invest  the  place  so  closely  as  to 
prevent  all  communications  from  without ;  and,  while  Maurice 
was  present,  there  were  almost  daily  sorties  from  the  town, 
with  many  a  spirited  skirmish,  to  give  pleasure  to  the  martial 

'  Bor.  III.  XXV.  338-341.  Parma  to  Philip  II.,  1  Oct.  1588.  (Arch,  de  Sim 
MS.)     Uerrera,  III.  ii.  114,  *e^. 


1588. 


PALLAVICmrS  ATTEMPT  TO  SEDUCE  PARMA. 


539 


young  Prince.'  The  English  officers,  Vere  and  Baskerville, 
and  two  Netherlaud  colonels,  the  brothers  Bax,  lo  Oct. 
most  distinguished  themselves  on  these  occasions,  i^ss. 
The  siege  was  not  going  on  with  the  good  fortune  which  had 
usually  attended  the  Spanish  leaguer  of  Dutch  cities,  while, 
on  the  29th  September,  a  personal  incident  came  to  increase 
Alexander's  dissatisfaction  and  melancholy. 

On  that  day  the  Duke  was  sitting  in  his  tent,  brooding,  as 
he  was  apt  to  do,  over  the  unjust  accusations  which  had  been 
heaped  upon  him  in  regard  to  the  failure  of  the  Armada,  when 
a  stranger  was  announced.  His  name,  he  said,  was  Giacomo 
Morone,  and  he  was  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from  Sir  Horace 
Pallavicini,  a  Genoese  gentleman  long  established  in  London, 
and  known  to  be  on  confidential  terms  with  the  English 
government.  Alexander  took  the  letter,  and  glancing  at  the 
bottom  of  the  last  page,  saw  that  it  was  not  signed. 

"  How  dare  you  bring  me  a  dispatch  without  a  signature  T' 
he  exclaimed.  The  messenger,  who  was  himself  a  Genoese, 
assured  the  Duke  that  the  letter  was  most  certainly  written 
by  Pallavicini — who  had  himself  placed  it,  sealed,  in  his 
hands — and  that  he  had  supposed  it  signed,  although  he  had 
of  course,  not  seen  the  inside. 

Alexander  began  to  read  the  note,  which  was  not  a  very 
long  one,  and  his  brow  instantly  darkened.  He  read  a  line 
or  two  more,  when,  with  an  exclamation  of  fury,  he  drew  his 
dagger,  and,  seizing  the  astonished  Genoese  by  the  throat, 
was  about  to  strike  him  dead.  Suddenly  mastering  his  rage, 
however,  by  a  strong  effort,  and  remembering  that  the  man 
might  be  a  useful  witness,  he  flung  Morone  from  him. 

"  If  I  had  Pallavicini  here,"  he  said,  ''  I  would  treat  him 
as  I  have  just  refrained  from  using  you.  And  if  I  had  any 
suspicion  that  you  wei"e  aware  of  the  contents  of  this  letter,  I 
would  send  you  this  instant  to  be  hanged."  ^ 

The  unlucky  despatch-bearer  protested  his  innocence  of  al] 


*  Bor,  vhi  sup. 

*  "  Y   como  fue   viendo     la     desver- 
gueiiza   J    vellaqueria     me    altero   de 


manera  que  me  levante  de  donde 
estaba  con  resolucion  de  darle  esto- 
cadas,  j  Dies  me  alumbro  con  ponerme 


540 


THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XX 


complicity  with  Pallaviciui,  and  his  ignorance  of  the  tenor  of 
the  communication  by  which  the  Duke's  wrath  had  been  so 
much  excited.  He  was  then  searched  and  cross-examined 
most  carefully  by  Richardot  and  other  counsellors,  and — 
his  innocence  being  made  apparent — he  was  ultimately  dis- 
charged. 

The  letter  of  Pallavicini  was  simply  an  attempt  to  sound 
Farnese  as  to  his  sentiments  in  regard  to  a  secret  scheme, 
which  could  afterwards  be  arranged  in  form,  and  according  to 
which  he  was  to  assume  the  sovereignty  of  the  Netherlands 
himself,  to  the  exclusion  of  his  King,  to  guarantee  to  England 
the  possession  of  the  cautionary  towns,  until  her  advances  to 
the  States  should  be  refunded,  and  to  receive  the  support  and 
perpetual  alliance  of  the  Queen  in  his  new  and  rebellious 
position.^ 

Here  was  additional  evidence,  if  any  were  wanting,  of  the 
universal  belief  in  his  disloyalty  ;  and  Alexander,  faithful,  if 
man  ever  were  to  his  master — was  cut  to  the  heart,  and 
irritated  almost  to  madness,  by  such  insolent  propositions. 
There  is  neither  proof  nor  probability  that  the  Queen's  govern- 
ment was  implicated  in  this  intrigue  of  Pallavicini,  who  ap- 
pears to  have  been  inspired  by  the  ambition  of  achieving 
a  bit  of  Machiavellian  policy  quite  on  his  own  account. 
Nothing  came  of  the  proposition,  and  the  Duke,  having  trans- 
mitted to  the  King  a  minute  narrative  of  the  affair,  together 
with  indignant  protestations  of  the  fidelity  which  all  the 
world  seemed  determined  to  dispute,  received  most  affectionate 
rej^lies  from  that  monarch,  breathing  nothing  but  unbounded 
confidence  in  his  nephew's  innocence  and  devotion.^ 


delante  que  convenia  que  este  hombre 
86  guardase  a  buen  recado,  porque 
V.  M.  pueda  entender  del  lo  que  para 
cste  nego  reporte  me;  y  le  dije  que  si 
JO  tuviesse  al  Palavicino  se  la  daria 
cual  el  merece,  y  a  vos  si  supiese  que 
SJibeis  este  nego,  os  mandaria  luego 
colgar.  Acabe  de  leer  la  carta,  y  cuanto 
mas  la  "vi  y  considere  la  halle  mas 
vellaca  y  enconsonada."  Parma  to 
PhUip   II.  29  Sept.  1588.      (Arch,  de 


Sim.  MS.)  Compare  Strada,  II.  1.  iiL 
573.  seq. 

'  Parma  to  Philip,  MS.  last  cited. 
Orazio  Pallavicini  to  Giacomo  Morone, 
31  Aug.  1588.  (Arch,  de  Sim.  MSS.) 
Strada,  ubi  sup. 

'  Parma  to  Idiaquez,  1  Oct.  1588. 
Philip  to  Parma,  17  Oct.  1588.  Idia. 
quez  to  Parma,  17  Oct.  1588.  (Arch 
de  Sim.  MSS.) 


1588.  ALEXANDER'S  FURY.  541 

Such  assurances  from  any  other  man  in  the  world  might 
have  disarmed  suspicion,  but  Alexander  knew  his  master  too 
well  to  repose  upon  his  word,  and  remembered  too  bitterly 
the  last  hours  of  Don  John  of  Austria — whose  dying  pillow 
he  had  soothed,  and  whose  death  had  been  hastened,  as  he 
knew,  either  by  actual  poison  or  by  the  hardly  less  fatal  venom 
of  slander — to  regain  tranquillity  as  to  his  own  position. 

The  King  was  desirous  that  Pallavicini  should  be  invited 
over  to  Flanders,  in  order  that  Alexander,  under  pretence  of 
listening  to  his  propositions,  might  draw  from  the  Genoese 
all  the  particulars  of  his  scheme,  and  then,  at  leisure,  inflict 
the  punishment  which  he  had  deserved.^  But  insuperable 
obstacles  presented  themselves,  nor  was  Alexander  desirous 
of  affording  still  further  pretexts  for  his  slanderers. 

Very  soon  after  this  incident — most  important  as  showing 
the  real  situation  of  various  parties,  although  without  any 
immediate  result — Alexander  received  a  visit  in  his  tent 
from  another  stranger.  This  time  the  visitor  was  an  English- 
man, one  Lieutenant  Grimstone,  and  the  object  of  his  inter- 
view with  the  Duke  was  not  political,  but  had  a  direct  refer- 
ence to  the  siege  of  Bergen.  He  was  accompanied  by  a 
countryman  of  his  own.  Redhead  by  name,  a  camp-suttler  by 
profession.  The  two  represented  themselves  as  deserters  from 
the  besieged  city,  and  offered,  for  a  handsome  reward,  to 
conduct  a  force  of  Spaniards,  by  a  secret  path,  into  one  of  the 
gates.  The  Duke  questioned  them  narrowly,  and  being 
satisfied  with  their  intelligence  and  coolness,  caused  them  to 
take  an  oath  on  the  Evangelists,  that  they  were  not  playing 
him  false.  He  then  selected  a  band  of  one  hundred  mus- 
keteers, partly  Spaniards,  partly  Walloons — to  be  followed  at 
20  Oct.    a   distance    by   a    much    more    considerable   force, 

1588.  two  thousand  in  number,  under  Sancho  de  Leyva 
and  the  Marquis  of  Renti — and  appointed  the  following  night 
for  an  enterprise  against  the  city,  under  the  guidance  of 
Grimstone. 

It  was  a  wild  autumnal  night,  moonless,  pitch-dark,  with  a 

'  Idiaquez  to  Parma,  MS.  last  cited, 


542  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS  Chap.  XX. 

storm  of  wind  and  rain.  The  waters  were  out — for  the  dykes 
had  been  cut  in  all  directions  by  the  defenders  of  the  city — ■ 
and,  with  exception  of  some  elevated  points  occupied  by 
Parma's  forces,  the  whole  country  was  overflowed.  Before 
the  party  set  forth  on  their  daring  expedition,  the  two  Eng- 
lishmen were  tightly  bound  with  cords,  and  led,  each,  by  two 
soldiers  instructed  to  put  them  to  instant  death  if  their  con- 
duct should  give  cause  for  suspicion.  But  both  Grimstoue 
and  Bedhead  preserved  a  cheerful  countenance,  and  inspired 
a  strong  confidence  in  their  honest  intention  to  betray  their 
countrymen.  And  thus  the  band  of  bold  adventurers  plunged 
at  once  into  the  darkness,  and  soon  found  themselves  con- 
tending with  the  tempest,  and  wading  breast  high  in  the 
black  waters  of  the  Scheldt. 

After  a  long  and  perilous  struggle,  they  at  length  reached 
the  appointed  gate.  The  external  portcullis  was  raised,  and 
the  fifteen  foremost  of  the  band  rushed  into  the  town.  At 
the  next  moment.  Lord-  Willoughby,  who  had  been  privy  to 
the  whole  scheme,  cut  with  his  own  hand  the  cords  which  held 
the  portcullis,  and  entrapped  the  leaders  of  the  expedition, 
who  were  all  at  once  put  to  the  sword,  while  their  followers 
were  thundering  at  the  gate.  The  lieutenant  and  suttler, 
who  had  thus  overreached  that  great  master  of  dissimulation, 
Alexander  Farnese,  were  at  the  same  time  unbound  by  their 
comrades,  and  rescued  from  the  fate  intended  for  them. 

Notwithstanding  the  probability — when  the  portcullis  fell — ■ 
that  the  whole  party  had  been  deceived  by  an  artifice  of  war, 
the  adventurers,  who  had  come  so  far,  refused  to  abandon  the 
enterprise,  and  continued  an  impatient  battery  upon  the  gate. 
At  last  it  was  swung  wide  open,  and  a  furious  onslaught  was 
made  by  the  garrison  upon  the  Spaniards.  There  was  a 
fierce,  brief  struggle,  and  then  the  assailants  were  utterly 
routed.  Some  were  killed  under  the  walls,  while  the  rest 
were  hunted  into  the  waves.  Nearly  every  one  of  the  expe- 
dition (a  thousand  in  number)  perished.^ 

'  Parma  to  Philip  II.  30  Oct.  1588.  I  275^0.  Bor,  III.  xxv.  340.  Herrera, 
(Arch.de   Sim.    MS.)       Meteren,    xv.    |    III.  ii.  118,  Ae(?.    Strada,  II.  x.  582,  585. 


1588. 


HE  IS  FORCED  TO  RAISE  THE  SIEGE  OF  BERGEN. 


543 


It  had  now  become  obvious  to  the  Duke  that  his  siejre  must 
be  raised.  The  days  were  gone  when  the  walls  of  Dutch 
towns  seemed  to  melt  before  the  first  scornful  glance  of  the 
Spanish  invader,  and  when  a  summons  meant  a  surrender, 
and  a  surrender  a  massacre.  Now,  strong  in  the  feeling  of 
independence,  and  supported  by  the  courage  and  endurance 
of  their  English  allies,  the  Hollanders  had  learned  to  humble 
the  pride  of  Spain  as  it  had  never  been  humbled  before^ 
The  hero  of  a  hundred  battle-fields,  the  inventive  and  bril- 
liant conqueror  of  Antwerp,  seemed  in  the  deplorable  issue 
of  the  English  invasion  to  have  lost  all  his  genius,  all  his 
fortune.  A  cloud  had  fallen  upon  his  fame,  and  he  now  saw 
himself,  at  the  head  of  the  best  army  in  Europe,  compelled 
to  retire,  defeated  and  humiliated,  from  the  walls  of  Bergen. 
Winter  was  coming  on  apace ;  the  country  was  flooded  ;  the 
storms  in  that  bleak  region  and  inclement  season  were  inces- 
sant ;  and  he  was  obliged  to  retreat  before  his  army  should 
be  drowned. 

On  the  night  of  12-13  November  he  set  fire  to  his  camp, 
and  took  his  departure.  By  daybreak  he  was  descried  in  full 
retreat,  and  was  hotly  pursued  by  the  English  and  Dutch  from 
the  city,  who  drove  the  great  Alexander  and  his  legions  before 
them  in  ignominious  flight.  Lord  Willoughby,  in  full  view 
•of  the  retiring  enemy,  indulged  the  allied  forces  with  a  chi- 
valrous spectacle.  Calling  a  halt,  after  it  had  become  obvi- 
ously useless,  with  their  small  force  of  cavalry,  to  follow  any 


Camero,  Guerras  de  Flandes  (Bruseles, 
1625),  p.  231,  232.  Coloma,  Guerras 
de  los  Estados  Baxos,  I.  10,  11.     Sir 

21 

W.   Drury  to   Burghley,  -  Oct.    1588. 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 

"Seemeth  to  my  simple  opinion  a 
great  commendation  unto  tlie  gentle- 
man that  could  so  sweetly  charm  so 
wise  and  learned  a  master  in  his  own 
art  as  the  Duke  of  Parma  is,"  &c. 

The  Jesuit  Strada,  however — who 
narrates  all  the  trickeries  of  Philip  and 
of  Famese  with  so  much  applause — is 
shocked  at  the  duplicity  of  Lieutenant 
Grimstone;    and   Coloma    is    ineffably 


disgusted  at  such  sharp  practice. 

It  has  been  stated  by  Meteren  (xv. 
275"")  and  others,  that  Sir  William 
Stanley  was  in  this  expedition,  and 
that  he  very  narrowly  escaped  being 
taken  with  the  first  fifteen.  This 
would  have  been  probable  enough, 
had  he  been  there,  for  his  valour  was 
equal  to  his  treachery.  But  Parma 
does  not  mention  his  name  in  the  letters 
describing  the  adventure,  and  it  is 
therefore  unlikely  that  he  was  present. 
At  any  rate  he  escaped  capture,  and, 
with  it,  a  traitor's  death.  Strada  says 
expressly,  "  Stanlaeo  ad  id  operia 
nequaquam  adhibito." 


544 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XX. 


longer,  through  a  flooded  country,  an  enemy  who  had  aban- 
doned his  design,  he  solemnly  conferred  the  honour  of  knight- 
hood, in  the  name  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  on  the  officers  who 
had  most  distinguished  themselves  during  the  siege,  Francis 
Vere,  Baskerville,  Powell,  Parker,  Knowles,  and  on  the  two 
Netherland  brothers,  Paul  and  Marcellus  Bax.^ 

The  Duke  of  Parma  then  went  into  winter  quarters  in 
Brabant,  and,  before  the  spring,  that  obedient  Province  had 
been  eaten  as  bare  as  Flanders  had  already  been  by  the 
friendly  Spaniards. 

An  excellent  understanding  between  England  and  Holland 
had  been  the  result  of  their  united  and  splendid  exertions 
against  the  Invincible  Armada,  Late  in  the  year  1588  Sir 
John  Norris  had  been  sent  by  the  Queen  to  offer  her  congra- 
tulations and  earnest  thanks  to  the  States  for  their  valuable 
assistance  in  preserving  her  throne,  and  to  solicit  their 
cooperation  in  some  new  designs  against  the  common  foe.^ 
Unfortunately,  however,  the  epoch  of  good  feeling  was  but 
of  brief  duration.  Bitterness  and  dissension  seemed  the  ine- 
vitable conditions  of  the  English-Dutch  alliance.  It  will  be 
remembered,  that,  on  the  departure  of  Leicester,  several  cities 
had  refused  to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  Count  Maurice 
and  the  States  ;  and  that  civil  war  in  the  scarcely-born  com- 
monwealth had  been  the  result.  Medenblik,  Naarden,  and  the- 
other  contumacious  cities,  had  however  been  reduced  to  obedi- 
ence after  the  reception  of  the  Earl's  resignation,  but  the  impor- 
tant city  of  Gertruydenberg  had  remained  in  a  chronic  state  of 
mutiny.  This  rebellion  had  been  partially  appeased  during  the 
year  1588  by  the  efforts  of  Willoughby,  who  had  strengthened 
the  garrison  by  reinforcements  of  English  troops  under  command 
of  his  brother-in-law,  Sir  John  Wingfield.  Early  in  1589 
however,  the  whole  garrison  became  rebellious,  disarmed 
and  maltreated  the  burghers,  and  demanded  immediate  pay- 
ment of  the  heavy  arrearages  still  due  to  the  troops.     Wil- 


1589. 


>  Bor,  vbi  sup.  Meteren.  Compare 
Colorna,  L  11,  12.  Herrera,  ubi  sup. 
Btrada,  x.  588. 

2  Propositions  of  Sir  John  Norris  to 


Council  of  State.     Bor,  III.  xxv.   361, 

29   Oct 

362.     Sir  Ed.   Norris  to  — ,  1 

8  Nov. 

1588.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 


/589.  GERTRUYDENBERG  BETRAYED  TO  PARMA.  ^45 

lougliby,  who — mucli  disgusted  with  his  career  in  the  Nether- 
lauds — was  about  leaving  for  Engkind,  complaining  that  the 
States  had  not  only  left  him  without  remuneration  for  his 
services,  but  had  not  repaid  his  own  advances,  nor  even  given 
him  a  complimentary  dinner,  tried  in  vain  to  pacify  them. 
A  rumour  became  very  current,  moreover,  that  the  garrison 
had  opened  negotiations  with  Alexander  Farnese,  and  accord- 
ingly Maurice  of  Nassau — of  whose  patrimonial  property  the 
city  of  Gertruydenberg  made  a  considerable  proportion,  to  the 
amount  of  eight  thousand  pounds  sterling  a  year^ — after  sum- 
moning the  garrison,  in  his  own  name  and  that  of  the  States, 
to  surrender,  laid  siege  to  the  place  in  form.  It  would  have 
been  cheaper,  no  doubt,  to  pay  the  demands  of  the  garrison 
in  full,  and  allow  them  to  depart.  But  Maurice  considered 
his  honour  at  stake.  His  letters  of  summons,  in  which  he 
spoke  of  the  rebellious  commandant  and  his  garrison  as  self- 
seeking  foreigners  and  mercenaries,  were  taken  in  very  ill 
part.  Wingfield  resented  the  statement  in  very  insolent 
language,  and  offered  to  prove  its  falsehood  with  his  sword 
against  any  man  and  in  any  place  whatever.  Willoughby 
wrote  to  his  brother-in-law,  from  Flushing,  when  about  to 
embark,  disapproving  of  his  conduct  and  of  his  language  ; 
and  to  Maurice,  deprecating  hostile  measures  against  a  city 
under  the  protection  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  At  any  rate,  he 
claimed  that  Sir  John  Wingfield  and  his  wife,  the  Countess 
of  Kent,  with  their  newly-born  child,  should  be  allowed  to 
depart  from  the  jilace.  But  Wingfield  expressed  great  scorn 
at  any  suggestion  of  retreat,  and  vowed  that  he  would  rather 
surrender  the  city  to  the  Spaniards  than  tolerate  the  presump- 
tion of  Maurice  and  the  States.  The  young  Prince  accordingl 
opened  his  batteries,  but  before  an  entrance  could  be  effected  int» 
the  town,  was  obliged  to  retire  at  the  approach  of  Count  Mansfeld 
with  a  much  superior  force.  Gertruydenberg  was  lo  April 
now  surrendered  to  the  Spaniards  (10  April,  1589)  i^^^- 
in  accordance  with  a  secret  negociation  which  had  been 
proceeding  all  the  spring,  and  had  been  brought  to  a  conclu- 

J  Ortell  to  "WoUey,  9  April,  1589.     (S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
VOL.    II. — 2  N 


546  THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Ciiap.  XX. 

sion  at  last.  The  garrison  received  twelve  months'  pay  in 
full  and  a  gratuity  of  five  months  in  addition,  and  the  city 
was  then  reduced  into  obedience  to  Spain  and  Rome  on  the 
terms  which  had  been  usual  during  the  government  of  Far- 
nese.' 

The  loss  of  this  city  was  most  severe  to  the  republic,  lor 
the  enemy  had  thus  gained  an  entrance  into  the  very  heart 
of  Holland.  It  was  a  more  important  acquisition  to  Alex- 
ander than  even  Bergen-op-Zoom  would  have  been,  and  it  was 
a  bitter  reflection  that  to  the  treachery  of  Netherlanders  and 
of  their  English  allies  this  great  disaster  was  owing.  All  the 
wrath  aroused  a  year  before  by  the  famous  treason  of  York 
and  Stanley,  and  which  had  been  successfully  extinguished, 
now  flamed  forth  afresh.  The  States  published  a  placard 
denouncing  the  men  who  had  thus  betrayed  the  cause  of 
freedom,  and  surrendered  the  city  of  Gertruydenberg  to  the 
Spaniards,  as  perjured  traitors  whom  it  was  made  lawful  to 
hang,  whenever  or  wherever  caught,  without  trial  or  sentence, 
and  offering  fifty  florins  a-head  for  every  private  soldier  anc^ 
one  hundred  florins  for  any  officer  of  the  garrison.  A  list  of 
these  Englishmen  and  Netherlanders,  so  far  as  known,  wais 
appended  to  the  placard,  and  the  catalogue  was  headed  by 
the  name  of  Sir  John  Wingfield.- 

Thus  the  consequences  of  the  fatal  event  were  even  more 
deplorable  than  the  loss  of  the  city  itself.  The  fury  of  Olden- 
Barneveld  at  the  treason  was  excessive,  and  the  great  Advo- 
cate governed  the  policy  of  the  republic,  at  this  period,  almost 
like  a  dictator.^     The  States,  easily  acknowledging  the  sway 


«  Bor,  III.    xxvi.   403-419.     Strada, 
II.  X.  600-609.     Coloma,  I.  20-23. 
*  Bor,  ubi  sup.     Bodley  to  Burghley, 

10 

-  April,  1589.     (B.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  iv. 

144,  MS.) 

«  "  For  all  here  is  directed  by- 
Holland,  and  Holland  is  carried  away 
by  Bameveld,  whose  resolutions  are 
BO  full  of  self-will,  and  so  opposite  to 
her  Majesty's  proceedings,  as  there 
are  of  the  wisest  among  themselves 
that   fear  by  his    dealing  some  great 


alteration.  For  the  hindrance  of 
which,  I  cannot  propose  any  better 
means  than  if  that  course  which  ia 
held  between  him  and  Ortell  might 
be  stopped  in  England.  For  matters 
here  are  so  handled  at  this  present, 
as  in  whatsoever  cause  the  States- 
General,  or  they  of  Holland  and  Zee- 
land,  have  to  deal  with  her  Majesty, 
they  neither  propose  it  before  to  the 
council  of  state,  nor  impart  it  with 
her  Majesty's  lieutenant  or  counsel- 
lors;   but,    by   Barneveld's    direction. 


1589.  INDIGNATION  OF  THE  STATES.  547 

of  the  imperious  orator,  became  bitter  and  wrathful  with  the 
Enghsh,  side  by  side  with  whom  they  had  lately  been  so 
cordially  standing. 

Willoughby,  on  his  part,  now  at  the  English  court,  was 
furious  with  the  States,  and  persuaded  the  leading  counsellors 
of  the  Queen  as  well  as  her  Majesty  herself,  to  adopt  his  view 
of  the  transaction.  Wingfield,  it  was  asserted,  was  quite 
innocent  in  the  matter ;  he  was  entirely  ignorant  of  the 
French  language,  and  therefore  was  unable  to  read  a  word  of 
the  letters  addressed  to  him  by  Maurice  and  the  replies  which 
had  been  signed  by  himself.  Whether  this  strange  excuse 
ought  to  be  accepted  or  not,  it  is  quite  certain  that  he  was  no 
traitor  like  York  and  Stanley,  and  no  friend  to  Spain  ;  for  he 
had  stipulated  for  himself  the  right  to  return  to  England,  and 
had  neither  received  nor  desired  any  reward.  He  hated  Mau- 
rice and  he  hated  the  States,  but  he  asserted  that  he  had 
been  held  in  durance,  that  the  garrison  was  mutinous,  and 
that  he  was  no  more  responsible  for  the  loss  of  the  city  than 
Sir  Francis  Vere  had  been,  who  had  also  been  present,  and 
whose  name  had  been  subsequently  withdrawn,  in  honourable 
fashion  from  the  list  of  traitors,  by  authority  of  the  States. 
His  position — so  far  as  he  was  personally  concerned — seemed 
defensible,  and  the  Queen  was  thoroughly  convinced  of  his 
innocence.  Willoughby  complained  that  the  republic  was 
utterly  in  the  hands  of  Barneveld,  that  no  man  ventured  to 
lift  his  voice  or  his  eyes  in  presence  of  the  terrible  Advocate 
who  ruled  every  Netherlander  with  a  rod  of  iron,  and  that  his 
violent  and  threatening  language  to  Wingfield  and  himself  at 
the  dinner-table  in  Bergen-op-Zoom  on  the  subject  of  the 
mutiny  (when  one  hundred  of  the  Gertruydenberg  garrison 
were  within  sound  of  his  voice)  had  been  the  chief  cause  of 
the  rebellion.^  Inspired  by  these  remonstrances,  the  Queen 
once  more  emptied  the  vials  of  her   wrath  upon  the  United 

solicit    all    by    OrteU,  and    so   receive      ^^^j^^    ^^     Burghley,    ^^-,     158a 


their  despatch.  Whereunto  the  repu- 
tation of  every  action  doth  redound 
unto  him,  and  her  Majesty's  lieutenant 
and     ministers    are     little     regarded." 


2  March 

(Br.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  iv.  55.  MS.) 
'  Bor,  uhi  sup. 


548 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XX. 


Netherlands.  The  criminations  and  recriminations  seemed 
endless,  and  it  was  most  fortunate  that  Spain  had  heen  weak- 
ened, that  Alexander,  a  prey  to  melancholy  and  to  lingering 
disease,  had  gone  to  the  baths  of  Spa  to  recruit  his  shattered 
health,  and  that  his  attention  and  the  schemes  of  Philip  for 
the  year  1589  and  the  following  period  were  to  be  directed 
towards  France.  Otherwise  the  commonwealth  could  hardly 
have  escaped  still  more  severe  disasters  than  those  already 
exj)erienced  in  this  unfortunate  condition  of  its  affairs,  and 
this  almost  hopeless  misunderstanding  with  its  most  important 
and  vigorous  friend.' 

While  these  events  had  been  occurring  in  the  heart  of  the 
republic,  Martin  Schenk,  that  restless  freebooter,  had  been 
pursuing  a  bustling  and  most  lucrative  career  on  its  outskirts. 
All  the  episcopate  of  Cologne — that  debatable  land  of  the 
two  rival  paupers,  Bavarian  Ernest  and  Gebhard  Truchsess — 
trembled  before  him.  Mothers  scared  their  children  into 
quiet  with  the  terrible  name  of  Schenk,  and  farmers  and 
land-younkers  throughout  the  electorate  and  the  land  of 
Berg,  Cleves,  and  Juliers,  paid  their  black -mail,  as  if  it  were 
a  constitutional  impost,  to  escape  the  levying  process  of  the 
redoubtable  partisan. 

But  Martin  was  no  longer  seconded,  as  he  should  have 
been,  by  the  States,  to  whom  he  had  been  ever  faithful  since 
he  forsook  the  banner  of  Spain  for  their  own  ;    and  he  had 


'  Bor,  vbi  sup.  and  443-457. 

"Willougbby  published  a  very  bitter 
pamjiblet  in  reply  to  the  severe  at- 
tacks of  Olden-Barneveld  and  his  parti- 
sans. "The  child  of  Milord  Wil- 
lougbby is  born  at  last,"  said  Joachim 
Ortell;  "the  book  is  printed,  and  is 
as  full  of  lies  as  an  egg  is  of  meat " 
(so  vol  leugens  als  een  ey  vol  suyvels). 

Walsingham — as  might  be  supposed 
— much  regretted  these  misunder- 
standings, although  he  -was  inclined 
to  censure  the  States.  "I  like  very 
well,"  he  said,  "that  the  placcard 
should  rather  be  answered  by  Lord 
Willonghby  than  by  her  Majesty. 
But  to  have  it  not  answered  at  all 
were  the  best Their  ingrati- 
tude   is   great,   yet  seeing    we   cannot 


sever  ourselves  from  them  without  in- 
finite danger,  their  errors  are  to  be 
winked  at  for  a  time.  It  may  be  that 
the  disgrace  inflicted  on  them  tlirough 
the  loss  of  Gertruydcuberg  will  some- 
what humble  them ;  for  seeing  Barne- 
velt,  the  principal  ringleader  amongst 
them,  begins  to  stick  sail,  I  think  the 
rest  will  stoop.  But  when  I  look  into 
their  strange  course  in  publishing 
their  placcard,  after  the  loss  of  the 
town  to  hazard  the  loss  of  her  Ma- 
jesty's favour,  I  must  conclude  that 
with  the  loss  of  the  town  they  have 
lost  their  wits."  Walsingham  to 
Burghley,    ^J^.""!!,    1539.      (Br.    Mua. 

9  Mav  ^ 

Galba,  D.  iv.  171,  MS.) 


,589. 


EXPLOITS   OF  SCHENK. 


549 


even  gone  to  England  and  complained  to  the  Queen  of  the 
short-comings  of  those  who  owed  him  so  much.  His  in- 
genious and  daring  exploit — the  capture  of  Bonn — has  already 
been  narrated,  but  the  States  had  neglected  the  proper  pre- 
cautions to  secure  that  important  city.  It  had  consequently, 
after  a  six  months'  siege,  been  surrendered  to  the  Spaniards 
under  Prince  Chimay,  on  the  19  th  of  September  ;  ^  while,  in 
December  following,  the  city  of  Wachtendonk,  between  the 
Rhine  and  Meuse,  had  fallen  into  Mansfeld's  hands.^  Rhein- 
berg,  the  only  city  of  the  episcopate  which  remained  to  the 
deposed  Truchsess,  was  soon  afterwards  invested  by  the  troops 
of  Parma,  and  Schenk  in  vain  summoned  the  States-General 
to  take  proper  measures  for  its  defence.  But  with  the  enemy 
now  eating  his  way  towards  the  heart  of  Holland,  and  with  so 
many  dangers  threatening  them  on  every  side,  it  was  thought 
imprudent  to  go  so  far  away  to  seek  the  enemy.  So  Gebhard 
rethed  in  despair  into  Germany,  and  Martin  did  what  he 
could  to  protect  Rheinberg,  and  to  fill  his  own  coffers  at  the 
expense  of  the  whole  country  side. 

He  had  built  a  fort,  which  then  and  long  afterwards  bore 
his  name — Schenken  Schans,  or  Schenk's  Sconce — at  that 
important  point  where  the  Rhine,  opening  its  two  arms  to 
enclose  the  "  good  meadow "  island  of  Batavia,  becomes  on 
the  left  the  Waal,  while  on  the  , right  it  retains  its  ancient 
name  ;  and  here,  on  the  outermost  edge  of  the  republic, 
and  looking  straight  from  his  fastness  into  the  fruitful  fields 
of  Munster,  Westphalia,  and  the  electorate,  the  industrious 
•  Martin  devoted  himself  with  advantage  to  his  favourite 
pursuits. 

On  the  7th  of  August,  on  the   heath  of  Lippe,  he    had 
attacked  a  body  of  Spanish  musketeers,  more  than  a  thousand 


>  Slrada,  X.  584-595.  Colomaj  I. 
12-U.     Bor,  in.  XXV.  328. 

'  Strada,  X.  599,  who  states  that 
bomb-shells — which  he  elaborately  de- 
scribes, were  first  u?ed  at  this  siege 
of  Wachtendonk.  They  had  been  in- 
vented, he  says,  a  few  days  before  its 


commencement,  by  an  artizan  ofYenlo, 
for  bis  own  misfortune  and  that  of  his 
city ;  for  he  set  the  town  of  Venlo  on 
fire,  and  burned  down  two-thirds  of 
it,  by  a  premature  explosion  of  hi( 
new  projectiles. 


550  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XX, 

«trong,  who  were  protecting  a  convoy  of  provisions,  treasure, 
7  Auo-.  ^nd  furniture,  sent  by  Farnese  to  Verdugo,  royal  go- 
1589.  vernor  of  Friesland.  Schenk,  without  the  loss  of  a 
single  man,  had  put  the  greater  part  of  these  Spaniards  and 
Walloons  to  the  sword,  and  routed  the  rest.  The  leader  of 
the  expedition,  Colonel  Aristotle  Patton,  who  had  once  played 
him  so  foul  a  trick  in  the  surrender  of  Gelder,  had  soon  taken 
to  flight,  when  he  found  his  ancient  enemy  upon  him,  and, 
dashing  into  the  Lippe,  had  succeeded,  by  the  strength  and 
speed  of  his  horse,  in  gaining  the  opposite  bank,  and  effecting 
Ills  escape.  Had  he  waited  many  minutes  longer  it  is  pro- 
bable that  the  treacherous  Aristotle  would  have  passed  a 
comfortless  half-hour  with  his  former  comrade.  Treasure  to 
the  amount  of  seven  thousand  crowns  in  gold,  five  hundred 
horses,  with  jewels,  plate,  and  other  articles  of  value,  were  the 
fruit  of  this  adventure,  and  Schenk  returned  with  his  followers, 
highly  delighted,  to  Schenkenschans,^  and  sent  the  captured 
Spanish  colours  to  her  Majesty  of  England  as  a  token.^ 

A  few  miles  below  his  fortress  was  Nymegen,  and  towards 
that  ancient  and  wealthy  city  Schenk  had  often  cast  longing 
eyes.  It  still  held  for  the  King,  although  on  the  very  con- 
fines of  Batavia ;  but  while  acknowledging  the  supremacy  of 
Philip,  it  claimed  the  privileges  of  the  empire.  From  earliest 
times  it  had  held  its  head  very  high  among  imperial  towns, 
had  been  one  of  the  three  chief  residences  of  the  Emperor 
Charlemagne,  and  still  paid  the  annual  tribute  of  a  glove  full 
of  pepper  to  the  German  empire.^ 

On  the  evening  of  the  10th  of  August,  1589,  there  was  a 
wedding-feast  in  one  of  the  splendid  mansions  of  the  stately 
city.  The  festivities  were  prolonged  until  deep  in  the  mid- 
summer's night,  and  harp  and  viol  were  still  inspiring  the  feet 
of  the  dancers,  when  on  a  sudden,  in  the  midst  of  the  holiday- 
groups,  appeared  the  grim  visage  of  Martin  Schenk,  the  man 

'  Strada,  X.   630,  631.     Coloma,  11.  .  ^^^^^  ^  ^^^^^^^^^  ^  ^,^g_  ,539^ 


26-27.     Bor,    III.    xxvi.  459.     Bodley 

2 

to    Walsiugham,    —  Aug.    1589.      (Br. 
if  us.  Galba,  D.  v.  p.  60.  US.) 


(Br.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  iv.  p.  55,  MS.) 
'  Guicciardini,  in  voce. 


(589.  HIS  ATTACK  ON  NYMEGEN.  551 

who  never  smiled.  Clad  in  no  wedding-garment,  but  in 
armour  of  proof,  with  morion  on  head,  and  sword  in  hand,  the 
great  freebooter  strode  heavily  through  the  ball-room,  fol- 
lowed by  a  party  of  those  terrible  musketeers  who  never  gave 
or  asked  for  quarter,  while  the  affrighted  revellers  fluttered 
away  before  them. 

Taking  advantage  of  a  dark  night,  he  had  just  dropped 
down  the  river  from  his  castle,  with  five-and-twenty  barges, 
had  landed  with  his  most  trusted  soldiers  in  the  foremost 
vessels,  had  battered  down  the  gate  of  St.  Anthony,  and 
surprised  and  slain  the  guard.  Without  waiting  for  the  rest 
of  his  boats,  he  had  then  stolen  with  his  comrades  througrh 
the  silent  streets,  and  torn  away  the  lattice- work,  and  other 
slight  defences  on  the  rear  of  the  house  which  they  had  now 
entered,  and  through  which  they  intended  to  possess  them- 
selves of  the  market-place.  Martin  had  long  since  selected 
this  mansion  as  a  proper  position  for  his  enterprise,  but  he 
had  not  been  bidden  to  the  wedding,  and  was  somewhat  dis- 
concerted when  he  found  himself  on  the  festive  scene  which 
he  had  so  grimly  interrupted.  Some  of  the  merry-makers 
escaped  from  the  house,  and  proceeded  to  alarm  the  town  ; 
while  Schenk  hastily  fortified  his  position,  and  took  posses- 
sion of  the  square.  But  the  burghers  and  garrison  were 
soon  on  foot,  and  he  was  driven  back  into  the  house.  Three 
times  he  recovered  the  square  by  main  strength  of  his  own 
arm,  seconded  by  the  handful  of  men  whom  he  had  brought 
with  him,  and  three  times  he  was  beaten  back  by  overwhelm- 
ing numbers  into  the  wedding  mansion.  The  arrival  of  the 
greater  part  of  his  followers,  with  whose  assistance  he  could 
easily  have  mastered  the  city  in  the  first  moments  of  surprise, 
was  mysteriously  delayed.  He  could  not  account  for  their 
prolonged  absence,  and  was  meanwhile  supported  only  by 
those  who  had  arrived  with  him  in  the  foremost  barges. 

The  truth — 'Of  which  he  was  ignorant — was,  that  the  re- 
mainder of  the  flotilla,  borne  along  by  the  strong  and  deep 
current  of  the  Waal,  then  in  a  state  of  freshet,  had  shot  past 
the  landing-place,  and  had  ever  since  been  vainly  struggling 


552 


THE  UNITED  NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XX 


agiiinst  wind  and  tide  to  force  their  way  back  to  the  necessary 
point.  Meantime  Schenk  and  his  followers  fought  desperately 
in  the  mai-ket-place,  and  desperately  in  the  house  which  he 
had  seized.  But  a  whole  garrison,  and  a  town  full  of  citizens 
in  arms  proved  too  much  for  him,  and  he  was  now  hotly 
besieged  in  the  mansion,  and  at  last  driven  forth  into  the 
streets. 

By  this  time  day  was  dawning,  the  whole  population, 
soldiers  and  burghers,  men,  women,  and  children,  were 
thronging  about  the  little  band  of  marauders,  and  assailing 
them  with  every  weapon  and  every  missile  to  be  found. 
Schenk  fought  with  his  usual  ferocity,  but  at  last  the  mus- 
keteers, in  spite  of  his  indignant  commands,  began  rapidly  to 
retreat  towards  the  quay.  In  vain  Martin  stormed  and  cursed, 
in  vain  with  his  own  hand  he  struck  more  than  one  of  his 
soldiers  dead.^  He  was  swept  along  with  the  panic-stricken 
band,  and  when,  shouting  and  gnashing  his  teeth  with  frenzy, 
he  reached  the  quay  at  last,  he  saw  at  a  glance  why  his  great 
enterprise  had  failed.  The  few  empty  barges  of  his  own  party 
were  moored  at  the  steps  ;  the  rest  were  half  a  mile  off,  con- 
tending hopelessly  against  the  swollen  and  rapid  Waal. 
Schenk,  desperately  wounded,  was  left  almost  alone  upon  the 
wharf,  for  his  routed  followers  had  plunged  belter  skelter  into 
the  boats,  several  of  which,  overladen  in  the  panic,  sank  at 
once,  leaving  the  soldiers  to  drovvn  or  struggle  with  the  waves. 
The  game  was  lost.  Nothing  was  left  the  freebooter  but 
retreat.  Reluctantly  turning  hisi  back  on  his  enem/es,  now 
in  full  cry  close  behind  him,  Schenk  sprang  into  the  last  re- 
maining boat  just  pushing  from  the  quay.  Already  over, 
laden,  it  foundered  with  his  additional  weight,  and  Martin 
Schenk,  encumbered  with  his  heavy  armour,  sank  at  onc^  to 
the  bottom  of  the  Waal.^ 

Some   of  the   fugitives  succeeded  in  swimming   dowB   the 


'  Schencius    ira  furens   et   frendens 

suoram    nonuullis   sua    manu 

interemptis,"  &c.     Strada,  X.  632. 

■■'  Bor,  III.  xxvi.  459-460.  Wage- 
©aar,  yiii.  307,  308.     Strada^  X,  631- 


633.     Coloma,  II.  27.     Bodley  to  "Wal. 
singham,  -  Aug.  1589.     (S.  P.  Office 


MS.)     Bentivoglio,  II.  v.  336. 
Turn.  Belg.  III.  425. 


Bam«( 


1589. 


HK   TS   DEFKATKI)   AND   DROWNED 


553 


stream,  and  were  picked  uji  by  their  comrades  in  the  barges 
below  the  town,  and  so  made  their  escape.  Many  were 
drowned  with  their  captain.  A  few  days  afterwards,  the 
inhabitants  of  Nymegen  fished  up  the  body  of  the  famous 
partisan.  He  was  easily  recognized  by  his  armour,  and  by 
his  truculent  face,  still  wearing  the  scowl  with  which  he  had 
last  rebuked  his  followers.  His  head  was  taken  off  at  once, 
and  placed  on  one  of  the  turrets  of  the  town,  and  his  body, 
divided  in  four,  was  made  to  adorn  other  portions  of  the 
battlements  ;  so  that  the  burghers  were  enabled  to  feast  their 
eyes  on  the  remnants  of  the  man  at  whose  name  the  whole 
country  had  so  often  trembled. 

This  was  the  end  of  Sir  Martin  Schenk  of  Niddegem, 
knight,  colonel,  and  brigand ;  save  that  ultimately  his  dis- 
severed limbs  were  jjackcd  in  a  chest,  and  kept  in  a  church- 
tower,  until  Maurice  of  Nassau,  in  course  of  time  becoming 
master  of  Nymegen,  honoured  the  valiant  and  on  the  whole 
faithful  freebooter  with  a  Christian  and  military  burial.' 

A  few  months  later  (October,  1589)  another  man  who  had 
been  playing  an  important  part  in  the  Netherlands'  drama 
lost  his  life.  Count  Moeurs  and  Niewenaar,  stadholder  of 
Utrecht,  Gelderland,  and  Overyssel,  while  inspecting  some 
newly-invented  fireworks,  was  suddenly  killed  by  their  acci- 
dental ignition  and  explosion.^  His  death  left  vacant  three 
great  stadholderates,  which  before  long  were  to  be  conferred 
upon  a  youth  whose  power  henceforth  was  rapidly  to  grow 
greater. 

The  misunderstanding  between  Holland  and  England  con- 
tinuing, Olden-Barueveld,  Aerssens,  and  Buys,  refusing  to  see 
that  they  had  done  wrong  in  denouncing  the  Dutch  and 
English  traitors  who  had  sold  Grertruydenberg  to  the  enemy, 
and  the  Queen  and  her  counsellors  persisting  in  their  anger 


•  Bor,  Wagenaar,  Strada,  uhi  sup. 

"The  townsmeu  since  have  fished 
for  Schenk,  and  found  him  in  his 
annour,  and  since  have  cut  him  in 
quarters  and  set  him  on  tlieir  gates ; 
which  extraordinary  inhumanity  doth 
so  exasperate   the  States  as  they  will 


publisli    an    edict    upon    it,    that    no 
quarter  shall  be  kept  with  Nymegen." 

9 

Bodley  to  Walsingham,  —  Aug.  158a 

(S.  P.  Office  MS.) 
'  Bor,  III.  xxvi.  480. 


554  THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XX. 

jit  SO  insolent  a  proceeding,  it  may  easily  be  supposed  that 
there  was  no  great  heartiness  in  the  joint  expedition  against 
Spain,  which  had  been  projected  in  the  autumn  of  1588,  and 
was  accomplished  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1589. 

Nor  was  this  well-known  enterprise  fruitful  of  any  remark- 
able result.  It  had  been  decided  to  carry  the  war  into  Spain 
itself,  and  Don  Antonio,  prior  of  Crato,  bastard  of  Portugal, 
and  pretender  to  its  crown,  had  persuaded  himself  and  the 
English  government  that  his  name  would  be  potent  to  conjure 
with  in  that  kingdom,  hardly  yet  content  with  the  Spanish 
yoke.  Supported  by  a  determined  force  of  English  and  Dutch 
adventurers,  he  boasted  that  he  should  excite  a  revolution  by 
the  magic  of  his  presence,  and  cause  Philip's  throne  to  tremble, 
in  return  for  the  audacious  enterprise  of  that  monarch  against 
England. 

If  a  foray  were  to  be  made  into  Spain,  no  general  and  no 
admiral  could  be  found  in  the  world  so  competent  to  the 
adventure  as  Sir  John  Norris  and  Sir  Francis  Drake.  They 
were  accompanied,  too,  by  Sir  Edward  Norris,  and  another  of 
those  'chickens  of  Mar?/  Henry  Norris  ;  by  the  indomitable 
and  ubiquitous  Welshman,  Roger  Williams,  and  by  the  young 
Earl  of  Essex,  whom  the  Queen  in  vain  commanded  to  remain 
at  home,  and  who,  somewhat  to  the  annoyance  of  the  leaders 
of  the  expedition,  concealed  himself  from  her  Majesty's  pur- 
suit, and  at  last  embarked  in  a  vessel  which  he  had  equipped, 
in  order  not  to  be  cheated  of  his  share  in  the  hazard  and  the 
booty.  "  If  I  speed  well,"  said  the  spendthrift  but  valiant 
youth,  "  I  will  adventure  to  be  rich  ;  if  not,  I  will  never  live 
to  see  the  end  of  my  poverty."^ 

But  no  great  riches  were  to  be  gathered  in  the  expe- 
dition. With  some  fourteen  thousand  men,  and  one  hundred 
and  sixty  vessels — of  which  six  were  the  Queen's  ships  of 
war,  including  the  famous  Revenge  and  the  Dreadnought,  and 
the  rest  armed  merchantmen,  English,  and  forty  Hollanders — ■ 
and  with  a  contingent  of  fifteen   hundred   Dutchmen  under 

■  Essex  to  the  Vice-Chamberlain,  March,  1589,  in  iiorrovv'a  'Life  of 
Drake,'  Z11. 


1689.  ENGLISH-DUTCH  EXPEDITION  TO  SPAIN.  555 

Nicolas  van  Meetkerke  and  Van  Laen,  the  adven-  is  Apra, 
turers  set  sail  from  Plymouth  on  the  18th  of  April,     ^^^^* 
1589. 

They  landed  at  CoruSa — at  which  place  they  certainly 
could  not  expect  to  create  a  Portuguese  revolution,  which  was 
the  first  object  of  the  expedition — destroyed  some  shipping 
in  the  harbour,  captured  and  sacked  the  lower  town,  and  were 
repulsed  in  the  upper  ;  marched  with  six  thousand  men  to 
Burgos,  crossed  the  bridge  at  push  of  pike,  and  routed  ten 
thousand  Spaniards  under  Andrada  and  Altamira — Edward 
Norris  receiving  a  desperate  blow  on  the  head  at  the  passage 
of  the  bridge,  and  being  rescued  from  death  by  his  brother 
John — took  sail  for  the  south  after  this  action,  in  which  they 
had  killed  a  thousand  Spaniards,  and  had  lost  but  two  men  of 
their  own  ;  were  joined  off  Cape  Finisterre  by  Essex  ;  landed 
a  force  at  Peniche,  the  castle  of  which  place  surrendered  to 
them,  and  acknowledged  the  authority  of  Don  Antonio  ;  and 
thence  marched  with  the  main  body  of  the  troops,  under  Sir 
John  Norris,  forty-eight  miles  to  Lisbon,  while  Drake,  with 
the  fleet,  was  to  sail  up  the  Tagus. 

Nothing  like  a  revolution  had  been  effected  in  Portugal. 
No  one  seemed  to  care  for  the  Pretender,  or  even  to  be  aware 
that  he  had  ever  existed,  except  the  governor  of  Peniche 
Castle,  a  few  ragged  and  bare-footed  peasants,  who,  once  upon 
the  road,  shouted  "  Viva  Don  Antonio,"  and  one  old  gentle- 
man by  the  way  side,  who  brought  him  a  plate  of  plums.  His 
hopes  of  a  crown  faded  rapidly,  and  when  the  army  reached 
Lisbon  it  had  dwindled  to  not  much  more  than  four  thousand 
effective  men — the  rest  being  dead  of  dysentery,  or  on  the 
sick-list  from  imprudence  in  eating  and  drinking — while  they 
found  that  they  had  made  an  unfortunate  omission  in  their 
machinery  for  assailing  the  capital,  having  not  a  single  field- 
piece  in  the  whole  army.  Moreover,  as  Drake  was  prevented 
by  bad  weather  and  head-winds  from  sailing  up  the  Tagus,  it 
seemed  a  difficult  matter  to  carry  the  city.  A  few  cannon, 
and  the  co-operation  of  the  fleet,  were  hardly  to  be  dispensed 
with  on  such  an  occasion.      Nevertheless  it  would  perhaps 


rj5G  THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XX 

liave  proved  an  easier  task  than  it  appeared — for  so  great  was 
tlie  panic  within  the  place  that  a  large  number  of  the  in- 
habitants had  fled,  the  Cardinal  Viceroy  Archduke  Albert 
had  but  a  very  insufficient  guard,  and  there  were  many  gentle- 
men of  high  station  who  were  anxious  to  further  the  entrance 
of  the  English,  and  who  were  afterwards  hanged  or  garotted 
for  their  hostile  sentiments  to  the  Spanish  government.' 

Wliile  the  leaders  were  deliberating  what  course  to  take, 
they  were  informed  that  Count  Fuentes  and  Henriquez  de 
Guzman,  with  six  thousand  men,  lay  at  a  distance  of  two 
miles  from  Lisbon,  and  that  they  had  been  proclaiming  by 
sound  of  trumpet  that  the  English  had  been  signally  defeated 
before  Lisbon,  and  that  they  were  in  full  retreat. 

Fired  at  this  bravado,  Norris  sent  a  trumpet  to  Fuentes 
and  Guzman,  with  a  letter  signed  and  sealed,  giving  them  the 
lie  in  plainest  terms,  appointing  the  next  day  for  a  meeting  of 
the  two  forces,  and  assuring  them  that  when  the  next  en- 
counter should  take  place,  it  should  be  seen  whether  a 
Spaniard  or  an  Englishman  would  be  first  to  fly  ;  while  Essex, 
on  his  part,  sent  a  note,  defying  either  or  both  those  boastful 
generals  to  single  combat.  Next  day  the  English  army  took 
the  field,  but  the  Spaniards  retired  before  them  ;  and  nothing 
came  of  this  exchange  of  cartels,  save  a  threat  on  the  part 
of  Fuentes  to  hang  the  trumpeter  who  had  brought  the 
messages.  From  the  execution  of  this  menace  he  refrained, 
however,  on  being  assured  that  the  deed  would  be  avenged 
by  the  death  of  the  Spanish  prisoner  of  highest  rank  then  in 
English  hands,  and  thus  the  trumpeter  escaped. 

Soon  afterwards  the  fleet  set  sail  from  the  Tagus,  landed, 
and  burned  Vigo  on  their  way  homeward,  and  returned  to 
Plymouth  about  the  middle  of  July. 

Of  the  thirteen  thousand  came  home  six  thousand,  the  rest 
having  perished  of  dysentery  and  other  disorders.  They  had 
braved  and  insulted  Spain,  humbled  her  generals,  defied  her 
power,  burned  some  defenceless  villages,  frightened  the  pea- 
santry, set  fire  to  some  shipping,  destroyed  wine,  oil,  and  othel 

1  Bor,  III.  xxvi.  439. 


1689. 


ITS   MEAGRE    RESULTS. 


557 


merchandize,  and  had  divided  among  the  survivors  of  the  ex- 
pedition, after  landing  in  England,  five  shillings  a  head  prize- 
money  ;  but  they  had  not  effected  a  revolution  in  Portugal. 
Don  Antonio  had  been  offered  nothing  by  his  faithful  sub- 
jects but  a  dish  of  plums — so  that  he  retired  into  obscurity 
from  that  time  forward — and  all  this  was  scarcely  a  magni- 
ficent result  for  the  death  of  six  or  seven  thousand  good 
English  and  Dutch  soldiers,  and  the  outlay  of  considerable 
treasure. 

As  a  freebooting  foray — and  it  was  nothing  else — it  could 
hardly  be  thought  successful  ;  although  it  was  a  splendid 
triumph  compared  with  the  result  of  the  long  and  loudly 
heralded  Invincible  Armada.' 

In  France,  great  events  during  the  remainder  of  1588  and 
the  following  year,  and  which  are  well  known  even  to  the 
most  superficial  student  of  history,  had  much  changed  the 
aspect  of  European  affairs.     It  was  fortunate  for  the  two  com- 


'  For  particulars  of  this  expedition, 
see  Camden,  IV.  429-433.  Stowe, 
751-756.  Barrow's  'Life  of  Drake,' 
with  the  letters  of  Drake,  Norris,  and 
others,  335  379.  Bor,  IIL  xxvi.  430- 
443.     Herrera,  IIL  v.  170,  seq. 

Sir  Roger  Williams  to  the  Lord 
Chancellor,  Lord  Treasurer,  and  Secre- 
tary Walsingham,  July,  1589:  (S.  P. 
OflBce  MS.)— 

"  Had  we  gone  to  Lisbon,"  says  the 
Welsh  knight,  "and  not  touched  at 
the  Groyne,  we  had  found  the  town 
unprovided  with  men  of  war;  in  such 
sort,  with  the  favour  of  God,  wo  had 
carried  it  away  without  blows  .... 
We  have  returned  tlie  most  of  our 
ships  into  England  that  should  have 
been  laden  with  rich  merchandise  and 
great  treasure.  With  that  lading,  our 
sovereign  and  your  honours  might 
have  returned  our  shipping  unto  us 
with  a  new  supply.  In  going  into  the 
Groyne,  we  lost  a  number  of  brave 
men  in  dislodging.  At  the  least  2000 
took  their  course — some  I'or  England, 
some  for  France.  There  we  took  our 
sickness,  partly  by  the  hot  winds,  but 
chiefly  by  the  old  clothes  and  bag- 
gage  of  those    which    returned   with 


the  Duke  of  Medina  out  of  England. 
There  we  lost  many  a  day,  in  the 
which  time  the  enemy  arrived,  and 
placed  his  forces  where  he  thought 
most  necessariest,  chiefly-  in  Lisbon. 
Notwithstanding,  when  we  arrived, 
we  gave  the  law  ia  the  field,  that 
none  durst  fight  with  us,  in  twelve 
days,  with  5000  footmen,  and,  God 
knows,  poor  people,  save  2000,  and 
those  all  volunteers.  All  the  horse- 
men we  had  amounted  not  to  45  ;  we 
had  not  any  Portuguese  to  speak  of, 
and  such  as  we  had  did    us  more  hurt 

than  good Some  will  say,  How 

could  you  have  kept  Lisbon  ?  BeUeve 
it  not.  With  six  thousand  we  would 
have   kept  it   against     all    Spain   and 

Portugal Our   journey   was 

most  honourable  and  profitable  unto 
our  sovereign  and  estate.  First,  and 
principally,  the  world  will  speak  how 
5000  Englishmen  dared  the  Spaniards 
to  battle  at  the  gates  of  Lisbon — not 
stealing,  but  after  giving  leave  to  arm 
two  months ;  for  the  world  must  think 
they  knew  where  we  meant  to  direct 
our  course,  when  Don  Antonio  dis- 
lodged fi-om  his  house  jit  London," 
&c.  &c. 


558  THE   UNITED  NETHERLANDS.  Chap.  XX 

monwealths  of  Holland  and  England,  engaged  in  the  great 
struggle  for  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  national  inde- 
pendence, that  the  attention  of  Philip  became  more  and 
more  absorbed — as  time  wore  on — with  the  affairs  of  France. 
It  seemed  necessary  for  him  firmly  to  establish  his  do- 
minion in  that  country  before  attempting  once  more  the 
conquest  of  England,  or  the  recovery  of  the  Netherlands. 
For  France  had  been  brought  more  nearly  to  anarchy  and 
utter  decomposition  than  ever.  Henry  III.,  after  his  fatal 
forgiveness  of  the  deadly  offence  of  Guise,  felt  day  by  day 
more  keenly  that  he  had  transferred  his  sceptre — such  as  it 
was — to  that  dangerous  intriguer.  Bitterly  did  the  King 
regret  having  refused  the  prompt  offer  of  Alphonse  Corse  on 
the  day  of  the  barricades  ;  for  now,  so  long  as  the  new 
generalissimo  should  live,  the  luckless  Henry  felt  himself  a 
superfluity  in  his  own  realm.  The  halcyon  days  were  for  ever 
past,  when,  protected  by  the  swords  of  Joyeuse  and  of  Epernon, 
the  monarch  of  France  could  pass  his  life  playing  at  cup  and 
ball,  or  snipping  images  out  of  i)asteboard,  or  teaching  his 
parrots  to  talk,  or  his  lap-dogs  to  dance.  His  royal  occupa- 
tions were  gone,  and  murder  now  became  a  necessary  pre- 
liminary to  any  future  tranquillity  or  enjoyment.  Discrowned 
as  he  felt  himself  already,  he  knew  that  life  or  liberty  was 
only  held  by  him  now  at  the  will  of  Guise.  The  assassina- 
tion of  the  Duke  in  December  was  the  necessary  result  of  the 
barricades  in  May  ;  and  accordingly  that  assassination  was 
arranged  with  an  artistic  precision  of  which  the  world  had 
hardly  suspected  the  Valois  to  be  capable,  and  which  Philip 
himself  might  have  envied. 

The  story  of  the  murders  of  Blois — the  destruction  of  Guise 
and  his  brother  the  Cardinal,  and  the  subsequent  imprison- 
ment of  the  Archbishop  of  Lyons,  the  Cardinal  Bourbon,  and 
the  Prince  de  Joinville,  now,  through  the  death  of  his  father, 
become  the  young  Duke  of  Guise — all  these  events  are  too 
familiar  in  the  realms  of  history,  song,  romance,  and  painting, 
to  require  more  than  this  slight  allusion  here. 


1589. 


DEATH  OF  GUISE  AND  OF  THE  QUEEN-MOTHER. 


559 


Never  liad  an  assassination  been  more  technically  success- 
ful ;  yet  its  results  were  not  commensurate  with  the  monarch's 
hopes.  The  deed  which  he  had  thought  premature  in  May 
was  already  too  late  in  December.  His  mother  denounced 
his  cruelty  now,  as  she  had,  six  months  before,  execrated  his 
cowardice.  And  the  old  Queen,  seeing  that  her  game  was 
played  out — that  the  cards  had  all  gone  against  her — that  her 
son  was  doomed,  and  her  own  influence  dissolved  in  air,  felt 
that  there  was  nothing  left  for  her  but  to  die.  In  a  week  she 
was  dead,  and  men  spoke  no  more  of  Catharine  de'  Medici, 
and  thought  no  more  of  her  than  if — in  the  words  of  a 
splenetic  contemporary — "  she  had  been  a  dead  she-goat."  ^ 
Paris  howled  with  rage  when  it  learned  the  murders  of  Blois, 
and  the  sixteen  quarters  became  more  furious  than  ever 
against  the  Valois.  Some  wild  talk  there  was  of  democracy 
and  republicanism  after  the  manner  of  Switzerland,  and  of 
dividing  France  into  cantons — and  there  was  an  earnest  desire 
on  the  part  of  every  grandee,  every  general,  every  soldier  of 
fortune,  to  carve  out  a  portion  of  French  territory  with  his 
sword,  and  to  appropriate  it  for  himself  and  his  heirs.  Dis- 
integration was  making  rapid  progress,  and  the  epoch  of  the 
last  Valois  seemed  more  dark  and  barbarous  than  the  times 
of  the  degenerate  Carlovingians  had  been.  The  letter-writer 
of  the  Escorial,  who  had  earnestly  warned  his  faithful  Mucio,- 
week  after  week,  that  dangers  were  impending  over  him, 
and  that  "  some  trick  would  be  played  upon  him,"  should  he 
venture  into  the  royal  presence,  now  acquiesced  in  his  assassi- 
nation, and  placidly  busied  himself  with  fresh  combinations 
and  newer  tools. 

BatHed,  hunted,  scorned  by  all  beside,  the  luckless  Henry 
now  threw  himself  into  the  arms  of  the  Bearnese — the  man 
who  could  and  would  have  protected  him  long  before,  had  the 
King  been  capable  of  understanding  their  relative  positions 


•  'L'Etoile.' 

'  A.  56.  1*8  Arch,  de  Simancas, 
[at  Paris,]  MS.  passim. 

E.  g.,  "  Con  Mucio  a  quien  siempre 
ttcoasejad    que    inire   por   si   y   no   se 


dexe  enganar  y  hazer  alrjuna  lurla, 
pues  anda  a  tanto  peligro."  And,  io 
tlie  King's  own  hand,  "Y  se  acuerda 
de  su  padre."  Phihp  to  Mendoza, 
3  Sept.  1588,  M& 


5G0 


THE   UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XX 


iiuJ  his  own  true  interests.  Could  the  Valois  have  conceived 
the  thought  of  religious  toleration,  his  throne  even  then  might 
have  been  safe.  But  he  preferred  playing  the  game  of  the 
priests  and  bigots,  who  execrated  his  name  and  were  bent 
upon  his  destruction.  At  last,  at  Plessis  Ics  Tours,  the  Bear- 
nese,  in  his  shabby  old  chamois  jacket  and  his  well-dinted 
cuirass  took  the  silken  Henry  in  his  arms,  and  the  two — the 
liero  and  the  fribble — swearing  eternal  friendship,  proceeded 
2  Aug.,  to  besiege  Paris.  A  few  weeks  later,  the  dagger  of 
^^^^-  Jacques  Clement  put  an  end  for  ever  to  the  line  of 
Valois.^  Luckless  Henry  III.  slept  with  his  forefathers,  and 
Henry  of  Bourbon  and  Navarre  proclaimed  himself  King  of 
France.  Catharine  and  her  four  sons  had  all  past  away  at 
last,  and  it  would  be  a  daring  and  a  dexterous  schemer  who 
should  now  tear  the  crown,  for  which  he  had  so  long  and  so 
patiently  waited,  from  the  iron  grasp  of  the  Bearnese.  Philip 
had  a  more  difficult  game  than  ever  to  play  in  France. 
It  would  be  hard  for  him  to  make  valid  the  claims  of  the 
Infanta  and  any  husband  he  might  select  for  her  to  the  crown 
of  her  grandfather  Henry  II,  It  seemed  simple  enough  for 
him,  while  waiting  the  course  of  events,  to  set  up  a  royal 
effigy  before  the  world  in  the  shape  of  an  effete  old  Cardinal 
Bourbon,  to  pour  oil  upon  its  head  and  to  baptize  it  Charles  X. ; 
but  meantime  the  other  Bourbon  was  no  effigy,  and  he  called 
himself  Henry  IV. 

It  was  easy  enough  for  Paris,  and  Madam  League,  and  Philip 
the  Prudent,  to  cry  wo  upon  the  heretic  ;    but  the  cheerful 


*  The  spelling  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, in  all  European  languages,  was 
napricious  and  unsettled ;  yet  the 
little  note  in  which  the  Duchess  Mary 
of  Luxemburg  announced  the  death 
of  Henry  IH.  is  a  curiosity,  even  for 
that  age ; — 

"  Qui  la  ette  tue — sa  ette  par  un 
Jacobin  qui  luy  a  donne  dun  cou  de 
pissetolle  dan  la  tayte.  Ill  i  a  dotre 
nouvelle  beaucoup  avantajeuse  pour 
les  bon  Catolique.  jay  donne  charge 
a  se  deporteur  de  les  vous  dire." 
Duchess  Maria  de  Luxembourg  au 
Commaodeur    Moreo,    9    Aug.    1589. 


(Archivo  de  Simancas,  MS.) 

PhUip's  wonderful  comment  on  thd 
words  "  pissetolle  "  and  "  tayte "  in 
this  communication,  has  been  already 
published,  but  will  bear  repetition : — 

"Perhaps,"  he  wrote  with  his  own 
hand,  "  '  pissetolle '  is  some  kind  of 
knife,  and  '  tayte,'  I  don't  know  if 
it  can  be  anything  else  than  head, 
which  is  not  '  tayte,'  but  '  tete '  or 
'teyte,'  as  you  know." 

"  Quiza  es  alguna  manera  de  cuchillo, 
y  la  tayte  no  se  si  podria  ser  otra 
coza  que  cabeza,  qui  no  es  tayte,  siao 
tete,  o  teyte,  como  sabreys," 


1589.  COMBINATIONS  AFTER  MURDER  OP  HENRY  IIL  56] 

leader  of  the  Huguenots  was  a  philosopher,  who  in  the  days  of 
St.  Bartholomew  had  become  orthodox  to  save  his  life,  and  who 
was  already  "  instructing  himself"  anew  in  order  to  secure  his 
crown.  Philip  was  used  to  deal  with  fanatics,  and  had  often 
been  opposed  by  a  religious  bigotry  as  fierce  as  his  own  ;  but 
he  might  perhaps  be  baffled  by  a  good-humoured  free-thinker, 
who  was  to  teach  him  a  lesson  in  political  theology  of  which 
he  had  never  dreamed. 

The  Leaguers  were  not  long  in  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of 
"  instruction,"  and  they  were  thoroughly  persuaded  that — so 
soon  as  Henry  IV.  should  reconcile  himself  with  Rome — their 
game  was  likely  to  become  desperate. 

Nevertheless  prudent  Philip  sat  in  his  elbow-chair,  writing 
his  apostilles,  imjjroving  himself  and  his  secretaries  in  ortho- 
graphy, but  chiefly  confining  his  attention  to  the  affairs  of 
France.  The  departed  Mucio's  brother  Mayenne  was  installed 
as  chief  stipendiary  of  Spain  and  lieutenant-general  for  the 
League  in  France,  until  Philip  should  determine  within  him- 
self in  what  form  to  assume  the  sovereignty  of  that  kingdom. 
It  might  be  questionable  however  whether  that  corpulent 
Duke,  who  spent  more  time  in  eating  than  Henry  IV.  did  in 
sleeping,  and  was  longer  in  reading  a  letter  than  Henry  in 
winning  a  battle,  were  likely  to  prove  a  very  dangerous  rival 
— even  with  all  Spain  at  his  back — to  the  lively  Bcarnese. 
But  time  would  necessarily  be  consumed  before  the  end  was 
reached,  and  time  and  Philip  were  two.  Henry  of  Navarre 
and  France  was  ready  to  open  his  ears  to  instruction  ;  but  even 
he  had  declared,  several  years  before,  that  "  a  religion  was  not 
to  be  changed  like  a  shirt."  So  while  the  fresh  garment  was 
airing  for  him  at  Rome,  and  while  he  was  leisurely  strippin 
off  the  old,  he  might  perhaps  be  taken  at  a  disadvantage. 
Fanaticism  on  both  sides,  during  this  process  of  instruction, 
might  be  roused.  The  Huguenots  on  their  part  might  de- 
nounce the  treason  of  their  great  chief,  and  the  Papists,  on 
theirs,  howl  at  the  hypocrisy  of  the  pretended  conversion. 
But  Henry  IV.  had  philosophically  prepared  himself  for  the 
denunciations  of  the  Protestants,  while  determined  to  protect 
VOL.  II. — 2  0 


562 


THE  UNITED   NETHERLANDS. 


Chap.  XX 


them  against  the  persecutions  of  the  Romanism  to  which  he 
meant  to  give  his  adhesion.  While  accepting  the  title  of 
renegade,  together  with  an  undisputed  crown,  he  was  not  the 
man  to  rekindle  those  fires  of  religious  bigotry  which  it  was 
his  task  to  quench,  now  that  they  had  lighted  his  way  to  the 
throne.  The  demands  of  his  Catholic  supporters  for  the 
exclusion  from  the  kingdom  of  all  religions  but  their  own, 
were  steadily  refused.* 

And  thus  the  events  of  1588  and  1589  indicated  that  the 
great  game  of  despotism  against  freedom  would  be  played,  in 
the  coming  years,  upon  the  soil  of  France.  Already  Elizabeth 
had  furnished "  the  new  King  with  22,000?.  in  gold — a  largei 
sum,  as  ho  observed,  than  he  had  ever  seen  before  in  his  life,^ 
and  the  States  of  the  Netherlands  had  provided  him  with  as 
much  more.^  Willoughby  too,  and  tough  Roger  Williams, 
and  Baskerville,  and  Umpton,  and  Vere,  with  4000  English 
pikemen  at  their  back,  had  already  made  a  brief  but  spirited 
campaign  in  France  ■/  and  the  Duke  of  Parma,  after  recruiting 
his  health,  so  far  as  it  was  possible,  at  Spa,  was  preparing 
himself  to  measure  swords  with  that  great  captain  of  Hugue- 
nots, who  now  assumed  the  crown  of  his  ancestors,  upon  the 
same  ground.  It  seemed  probable  that  for  the  coming  years 
England  would  be  safe  from  Spanish  invasion,  and  that  Hol- 
land would  have  a  better  opportunity  than  it  had  ever  enjoyed 
before  of  securing  its  liberty  and  perfecting  its  political  organi- 
zation. While  Parma,  Philip,  and  Mayenne  were  fighting  the 
Bearnese  for  the  crown  of  France,  there  might  be  a  fairer  field 
for  the  new  commonwealth  of  the  United  Netherlands. 

And  thus  many  of  the  personages  who  have  figured  in  these 
volumes  have  already  passed  away.  Leicester  had  died  just 
after  the  defeat  of  the  Armada,  and  the  thrifty  Queen,  while 
dropping  a  tear  upon  the  grave  of  '  sweet  Robin,'  had  sold 
his  goods  at  auction  to  defray  his  debts  to  herself ;  and  Moeurs, 


'   De  Thou,   X.   1.   89,  pp.  270,  680. 
Perefixe,   80,  96.     '  L'Etoile,'  258,  291. 
a   Camden,  IV.  436. 
*  Bodley     to     Burghley,     20     Aug. 


1589,     (Br.  Mus.  Galba,  D.  iv.  p.  65 

MS.) 

*  Camden,  ubf  sup. 


1696  TANDEM   FIT  StJRCULUS  ARBOR.  563 

and  Martin  Sclienk,  and  ^  Miicio/  and  Henry  III.,  and  Catha- 
rine de'  Medici,  were  all  dead.  But  Philip  the  Prudent  re- 
mained, and  Elizabeth  of  England,  and  Henry  of  France  and 
Navarre,  and  John  of  Olden- Barne veld  ;  and  there  was  still 
another  personage,  a  very  young  man  still,  but  a  deep-thinking, 
hard-working  student,  fagging  steadily  at  mathematics  and 
deep  in  the  works  of  Stevinus,  who,  before  long,  might  play  a 
conspicuous  part  in  the  world's  great  drama.  But,  previously 
to  1590,  Maurice  of  Nassau  seemed  comparatively  insignificant, 
and  he  could  be  spoken  of  by  courtiers  as  a  cipher,  and  as  an 
unmannerly  boy  just  let  loose  from  school. 


IC  SOIIIHI  UN  HI  C.lONAl  I  IBIiAHY  I  ACIl  IIY 


AA    000  973  307    ;< 


